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LIBRARY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 

PRINCETON,  N.  J. 

BX  955  .P35  1891  v. 30       " 
Pastor,  Ludwig,  1854-1928 
The  history  of  the  popes, 
from  the  close  of  the 

V^^O 

■•■■.^^:  :-v- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES 

VOL,    XXX 


PASTOR'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES 


THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES.  Translated  from 
the  German  of  Ludwig,  Freiherr  von  Pastor.  Edited,  as  to 
Vols.  I.-VI.  by  the  late  Frederick  Ignatius  Antrobus,  and, 
as  to  Vols.  VII. -XXIV.  by  Ralph  Francis  Kerr,  of  the 
London  Oratory,  and  Vols.  XXV.-XXXII.  by  DoM  Ernest 
Graf  of  Buckfast  Abbey.     In  32  Volumes. 

Vols.  I.  and  II.  a.d.  1305-1458 

Vols.  III.  and  IV.  a.d.  1458-1483 

Vols.  V.  and  VI.  a.d.  1484-1513 

Vols.  VII.  and  VIII.  a.d.  1513-1521 

Vols.  IX.  and  X.  a.d.  1522-1534 

Vols.  XI.  and  XII.  a.d.  1534-1549 

Vols.  XIII.  and  XIV.  a.d.  1550-1559 

Vols.  XV.  and  XVI.  a.d.  1559-1565 

Vols.  XVII.  and  XVIII.  a.d.  1566-1572 

Vols.  XIX.  and  XX.  a.d.  1572-1585 

Vols.  XXI.  and  XXII.  a.d.  1585-1591 

Vols.  XXIII.  and  XXIV.  a.d.  1592-1604 

Vols.  XXV.  and  XXVI.  a.d.  1605-1621 

Vols.  XXVII  to  XXIX.  a.d.  1621-1644 

Vols.  XXX.  to  XXXII.  A.D.  1644-1700 

The  original  German  text  of  the  History  of  the  Popes  is  published 
by  Herder  &  Co.,  Freiburg  (Baden). 


.  APP  13  1940   , 


HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES 


FROM  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  iMIDDLE  AGES 


DRAWN     FROM     THE     SECRET     ARCHIVES    OF    THE     VATICAN     AND     OTHER 
ORIGINAL    SOURCES 


FROM     THE    GERMAN     OF    THE     LATE 

LUDWIG,  FRUIHERR  \0N   PASTOR 


TRANSLATED    BY 

DOM   ERNEST   GRAF,    O.S.B. 

MONK    OF    BUCKFAST 


VOLUME    XXX 

INNOCENT   X.    (1644-1655) 


LONDON 
KEGAN    PAUL,     TRENCH,    TRUBNER    &    CO.,    LTD. 

BROADWAY  HOUSE  :    68-74  CARTER  LANE,  E.C. 
1940 


Imprimi  potest 

Sublaci,  ex  Proto-Coenobio  Stae  Scholasticae, 
die  23  Julii  1939. 

L.  Emmanuel  Caronti,  O.S.B.,  Abbas  Generalis. 


PRINTED  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  BY 
STEPHEN  AUSTIN  AND  SONS,  LTD.,  HERTFORD. 


To  His  Eminence 

CARDINAL   MERRY   DEL   VAL 

the  last  Roman  caller 

at  the  deathbed  of  my  beloved  husband, 

in  token  of  reverence, 

Constance  Pastor. 


MOTTO. 

Comment  peut-on  etre  Chretien  sans  etre  catholique  ?  Et 
comment  peut-on  etre  catholique  et  refuser  au  pape  I'entiere 
soumission  qui  lui  est  due  ? 

Queen  Christine  of  Sweden,  Pensees,  id.  De  Bildt,  p.  34. 


CONTENTS   OF   VOLUME   XXX. 


PAGE 

Foreword  to  the  German  Edition .....  xi 

Collections  of  Archives  and  Manuscripts  referred  to  in 

Volumes  XXX.,  XXXI.  and  XXXII.      .          .          .  xiii 

Complete  Titles  of  Books  in  Volumes  XXX.,  XXXI., 

XXXII XV 

Table    of    Contents      .......  xliii 

List  of  Unpublished  Documents  in  Appendi.x .           .           .  xlvii 

Innocent  X.,   1644-1655 — Introduction          ...  i 

The  Conclave  of  1644.  Innocent  X.  and  the  PamfiH .          .  14 

Mazarin  and  Innocent  X. — The  Intrigues  of  the 
Barberini — The  Imprisonment  of  Cardinal  Retz — 
Relations  with  Spain  and  Portugal — The  Rising  at 

Naples          ........  48 

The  Peace  of  Westphalia  and  Religious  Conditions  in 
Germany  and  Holland — The  English  Catholics  under 

Cromwell — Ireland's  Fight  for  Freedom ;  Her  Defeat  94 

Innocent's  Work  Within  the  Church — The  Jubilee  Year.  177 

Jansenism  in  France  and  the  Netherlands      .          .          .  215 

Innocent    X.'s    Relations    with    Venice — The    Pontifical 

States — Death  of  the  Pope   .          .          .          .          .  351 

Innocent  X.  as  a  Patron  of  Art.          ....  381 

Appendix  of  Unpublished  Documents    .           .           .           .  415 

Index  of  Names.          .......  457 


IX 


FOREWORD   TO   THE   GERMAN    EDITION. 

Even  one  glance  at  the  title  page  of  the  present  volume 
suffices  to  show  that  this  time  the  author  strove  to  condense 
the  vast  material  much  more  than  had  been  his  wont. 
When  he  had  kept  his  seventieth  birthday  in  l'.»24,  he 
remarked  that  after  this  each  year,  as  it  came,  would  have 
to  be  viewed  as  a  gift,  as  a  kindly  favour  of  Providence, 
which  one  should  accept  gratefully  but  on  which  one  could 
not  count.  If  many  of  the  latter  volumes  had  embraced  the 
life  of  but  one  Pope,  such  fullness  of  treatment  had  been 
justified  because  there  was  question  of  climaxes  in  the  story 
of  the  later  papacy.  Now,  however,  less  important  matter 
must  be  ruthlessly  eschewed  so  as  to  make  it  possible  to 
complete  the  history  of  the  Popes,  for  up  to  the  last,  the 
great  historian  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  cherished  the  hope  of 
being  able  to  complete  what  had  been  his  life-work.  A  word 
of  encouragement  from  Pius  X.,  whom  he  held  in  highest 
reverence,  gave  him  courage  to  undertake  the  seemingly 
impossible  and  he  did  his  utmost  to  realize  his  noble  ambition. 
Once  again  he  strained  his  incomparable  capacity  for  work 
to  the  utmost  limit  ;  from  the  mountain  of  material  collected 
during  fifty  years  of  tireless  toil,  he  omitted  everything  that 
would  have  led  him  too  far. 

The  widow  of  the  deceased  historian,  Her  E.xcellency 
Baroness  Constance  Pastor,  has  religiously  taken  up  the 
literary  inheritance  and  entrusted  its  pubHcation  to  competent 
persons.  Volume  XIV.  appears  as  it  was  found,  in  two 
sections  (in  the  German  original),  the  only  thing  missing 
being  the  introduction  and  in  Chapter  VI.  of  Book  II.  the 
section  dealing  with  Alexander  VII. 's  patronage  of  learning 
together  with  some  concluding  remarks  on  the  smaller  churches 
of  Rome,  and  the  secular  buildings  erected  by  that  Pope. 
Both  sections  were  completed  by  Fr.   Kneller  (Munich)   on 

xi 


Xll  FOREWORD    TO   THE    GERMAN    EDITION. 

the  basis  of  notes  left  by  the  author.  Most  of  the  missiological 
part  is  based  on  work  by  Professor  SchmidHn  (Miinster). 
In  the  second  half  of  this  volume,  and  in  all  subsequent 
ones,  the  authors  of  the  few  sections  which  are  missing  in 
the  MS.  will  be  given,  so  that  the  deceased  may  not  be  held 
responsible  for  what  is  not  from  his  pen. 

We  are  greatly  indebted  to  Fr.  Kneller  and  Dr.  W.  Wiihr 
(Munich)  for  the  great  care  they  have  bestowed  on  the 
publication  of  the  work. 

The  publishers  will  deem  it  an  honour  and  a  privilege  to 
issue  in  rapid  succession  the  remaining  volumes  (XIV^.  ; 
XV.  and  XVI.)  of  which,  except  for  a  few  gaps,  they  have 
the  author's  complete  MS. 

Freiburg  in  Breisgau.  The  Publishers. 

Autumn,  1929. 


COLLECTIONS   OF  ARCHIVES  AND  MANU- 
SCRIPTS    REFERRED     TO     IN     VOLUMES 
XXX..   XXXI.   AND   XXXII. 


Aix    (Provence) — Mejanes 
Library. 

Arezzo — Bibl.  della  Fraternita. 
di  S.  Maria. 

Ariccia — Chigi  Family- 
Archives. 

Avignon — Bibl.  de  la  Ville. 

Berlin — State    Library. 
Bologna — State   Archives. 

University    Library. 

Bregenz — City    Library. 
Bresci.\ — Bibl.   Queriniana. 

Campello       near       Spoleto — 
Campello  Archives. 

Capua — Archiepiscopal 
Library. 

CoMO — Monti   Archives. 

Cortona — Communal  Librar>\ 

Einsiedeln — Stiftsbibliothek. 
Empoli    Vecchio — Azzolini 
Archives. 

Florence — State  Archives. 

Magliabecchi  Library. 

Marucelliana  Library. 

National    Library. 

Riccardiana  Library. 

Frankfurt        a.        M. — City 

Library. 
Freiburg    i. 

Library. 


Br. — University 


Genoa — Civic  Library. 

University  Library. 

GuBBio — L.  Benveduti  Library 


Hague,     the — Library. 
Hannover — Library. 

Innsbruck — Pastor  Library. 

LoDi — Communal  Library'. 
London — British  Museum. 
Lyons — Library. 

Mantua — Gonzaga  Archives. 

State    Archives. 

Massa — State   Archives. 
Modena — State   Archives. 
Monte  Cassino — Library. 
Montpellier — Library. 
Munich — State     Archives. 
State   Library. 

Naples — National   Library. 

Bibl.    della    Societa    di 

storia  patria. 

Orvieto — Piccolomini 

Archives. 
Ottenstein    (Schloss) — 

Lamberg   Archives. 

Paderborn  —  Theodorianische 

Bibliothek. 
Paris — Archives     of     Foreign 

Affairs. 

National  Library. 

Parma — State    Archives. 
Perugia — Communal  Library. 
PisToiA — Fabroniana   Library. 

Ravenna — Bibl.    Classense. 


Xlll 


XIV 


ARCHIVES    AND    MANUSCRIPTS. 


Rome — 

Archives  : 

Altieri  Archives. 
Archivio  dell'  arcicon- 

fraternita   dell    SS. 

Nome  di  Maria. 
Azzolini  Archives. 
Boncompagni 

Archives. 
Costaguti  Archives. 
Doria-Pamfili 

Archives. 
Archives        of        the 

Dominicans. 
Archives        of        the 

Society  of  Jesus. 
Archives        of        the 

Greek  College. 
Consistorial    Archives 

of  the  Vatican. 
S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso 

Archives. 
Odescalchi  Archives. 
Papal  Secret  Archives. 
Propaganda  Archives. 
Ricci  Archives. 
Archives  of  the  Con- 
gregation of  Rites. 
Archives        of        the 

Roman  Inquisition. 
Archives        of        the 

Roman  Vicariate. 
Rospigliosi  Archives. 
Sacchetti  Archives. 
Sforza-Cesarini 

Archives. 
Archives        of        the 

Spanish  Legation. 
State  Archives. 
Archives        of        the 

Theatines. 
SS.        Vincenzo        ed 

Anastasio  Archives. 


Libraries  : 
Albani. 
Angelica. 
Deir   Anima. 
Barberini. 
Casanatense. 
Chigi. 
Corsini. 
S.     Croce     in     Geru- 

salemme. 
Lancisiana. 
Pignatelli. 

S.  Pietro  in  Vincoli. 
SS.  Quaranta. 
Vallicelliana. 
Vatican. 
Vittorio  Emanuele. 


Salzburg — Consistorial 
Archives. 

Studienbibliothek. 

Siena — State  Archives. 
St.  Gall — Stiftsarchiv. 
Stockholm — State  Archives. 

Library. 

Library  of  the  Academy 

of  Art. 

Trent — Communal  Library. 

Venice — State   Archives. 

Library  of  S.  Mark. 

Verona — Communal    Library. 

VicENZA — Communal  Library. 

Vienna — Liechtenstein  Ar- 
chives. 

Archives  of  the  Austrian 

Legation  at  the  Vatican. 

State  Archives. 

State  Library. 


COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS    QUOTED 
IN    VOLUMES    XXX.,   XXXI.   AND   XXXII. 


Abhandlungen   der   Kgl.    bayr.    Akademie   der   Wissenschaften. 

Philos.-philol.  u.  hist.  Kl.    Munich,  1827  seqq. 
Abhandhmgcn    der    Kgl.    bohmischen    Gesellschaft   der  Wissen- 
schaften Prague,    1841   seqq. 
Acta  historica  res  gestas  Poloniae  illustrantia.    Vols.  3-7  (1674- 

1683).     Cracow. 
Actes  et  memoires  des  negociations  de  la  paix  de  Nimegue.     7 

vols.,  3rd  edit.    La  Haye,  1697. 
Ademollo,  A .,  Giacinto  Gigli  e  i  suoi  Diarii  del  sec.  xvii.    Florence 

1877. 
Ademollo,    A.,    La   quistione   dell'    indipendenza   Portoghese   in 

Roma  1640-1670.    Florence,  1878. 
Ademollo,  A.,  II  matrimonio  di  suor  Maria  Pulcheria,  al  secolo 

Livia  Cesarini.    Memorie  particolari.    Rome,  1883. 
Ademollo,  A .,  I  Teatri  di  Roma  nel  secolo  decimosettimo.    Rome, 

1888. 
Aiazzi,  G.,  Nunziatura  in  Irlanda  di  monsignor  G.  B.  Rinuccini. 

Florence,    1844. 
Allgemeine  Deutsche  Biographic.    Vol.  1-56.    Leipzig,  1875  seqq. 
Alveri,  G.,  Roma  in  ogni  stato.    Rome,  1664. 
Amabile,  L.,  II  s.  Officio  della  Inquisizione  in  Napoli.     2  vols. 

Citta  di  Castello,  1892. 
Amavden  Teodoro,  La  storia  delle  famiglie  Romane.    Con  note  di 

C.  A.  Bertini.    2  vols.    Rome,  1910  and  1914. 
Amayden  Teodoro,  De  pietate  romana  libellus.    Rome,  1625. 
Analecta  iuris  pontificii.    Dissertations  sur  divers  sujets  de  droit 

canonique,  liturgie  et  theologie.   Rome,  1855  seqq. 
Analectes  pour  servir  a  I'histoire  ecclesiastique  de  la  Belgique. 

3rd  ser.  Brussels-Leipzig-Louvain,  1905-1914. 
Anecdotes  sur  I'etat  de  la  religion  dans  la  Chine  (par  Villermaule). 

7  vols.   Paris,  1 733-1 742. 
Angeli,  D.,  Le  chiese  di  Roma.    Rome. 

Angelo,  M.  D',  Luigi  xiv.  e  la  S.  Sede.    (1689-1693.)  Rome,  1914. 
Annalen  des  Hist.  Vereins  fiir  den  Niederrhein.  First  and  following 

numbers.  Cologne,  1853  seqq. 
Annales  de  la  Societe  d'emulation  de  Bruges.   Vol.  i  seqq.  Bruges, 

1839. 
Annales  de  la  Societe  des  .soi-disants  Jcsuites.    Paris,  1 764-1 771. 
Annales  de  St. -Louis  des  Fran^ais.   Vol.  i  seqq.   Rome,  1896  seqq 
Archiv  fiir  katholisches  Kirchenrccht.     Vol.  i  seqq.     Innsbruck, 

1857  seqq. 
Archiv  fiir  osterreichische  Geschichte.    Vol  i  seqq.    Vienna,  1865 
seqq. 

XV 


XVI  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Archivi  italiani,  Gli.    Vol  i  seqq.    Naples,  1914  seqq. 

Archivio  della  R.  Societa  Romana  di  storia  patria.    Vol.  i  seqq. 

Rome,  1878  seqq. 
Archivio  storico  dell'  arte,  pubbl.  per  Gnoli.    Vol  i  seqq.    Rome, 

1888  seqq. 
Archivio  storico  italiano.    5  ser.   Florence,  1842  seqq. 
Archivio  storico  Lombardo.    Vol  i  seqq.    Milan,  1874  seqq. 
Archivio  storico  per  le  provincie  Napolitane.    Vol  i  seqq.    Naples, 

1876  seqq. 
Archivium  Franciscanum  historicum.     Vol  i   seqq.     Quaracchi, 

1908  seqq. 
Archenholtz,   Memoires    concernant    Christine    reine    de    Suede. 

4  Vols.    Amsterdam,  1751. 
Argentre  Carolus  du  Plessis  d'.  Collectio  iudiciorum.    Paris,  1724. 
Arnauld  Antoine,  CEuvres  complettes.    43  Vols.    Paris,  1783. 
Arnauld  Henri,  Les  negociations  a  la  cour  de  Rome  et  en  differentes 

cours  d'ltalie.    5  Vols.    Paris,  1748. 
Artaud  de  Montor,  A.  F.,  Histoire  du  Pape  Pie  VII.     2  Vols. 

Paris,  1836. 
Arte,  L' ,  seguito  dell'  Archivio  storico  dell'  arte.     Vol  i   seqq. 

Rome,  1898  seqq. 
Arte  e  storia.  Vol  i  seqq.   Florence,  1882  seqq. 
Astrdin,  A .,  S.J .,  Historia  de  la  Compania  de  Jesiis  en  la  Asistencia 

de  Espana.    Vols.  1-7.    Madrid,  1902  seqq. 
Ateneo  Veneto.,  Rivista  mensile.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Venice,  18 12  seqq. 
Atti  della  Reale  Accademia  nazionale  dei  Lincei.  Roma.  (Memorie 

1870  seqq.     Classe  di  scienze  morali,  storiche  e  filologiche, 

1885  seqq.   Rendiconti,  1901  seqq.) 
[D'Avrigny),    Memoires    chronologiques    et    dogmatiques    pour 

servir  a  I'histoire  ecclesiastique  depuis,  1600,  jusqu'en  1716. 

4  Vols.  1739. 

Bain,  F.  W.,  Christina,  Queen  of  Sweden.     London,  1890. 

Balan,  P.,  Storia  d'ltalia.    7  Vols.  Modena,  1875-1890. 

Baldinucci,  F.,  La  Vita  di  Giov.  Lorenzo  Bernini,  translated  into 
German  and  edited  by  A.  Riegl.    Vienna,  1912. 

Bangen,  J.  H.,  Die  romische  Kurie,  ihre  gegenwartige  Zusam- 
mensetzung  und  ihr  Geschaftsgang.    Miinster,  1854. 

Barozzi,  N .,  e  Berchei,  G.,  'Le  relazioni  degli  stati  Europe!  lette  al 
senato  degli  ambasciatori  Veneziani  nel  sec.  xvii.  First 
series  :  Spain,  2  Vols.  Venice,  1856-1862  ;  2nd  series  : 
France,  3  Vols.,  between  1857-1863  ;  3rd  series  :  Italy, 
Vol.  I,  Turin,  about  1862  ;  Relazioni  di  Roma,  2  Vols., 
about  1877-9  ;  4th  series  ;  England,  Vol.  i,  about  1863  ; 
Turkey,  i  Vol.,  about  1871-2. 

Bartoli,  Opere.  Vol.  25.  Turin,  1838. 

Batterel,  Louis,  Memoires  domestiques  pour  servir  a  I'histoire, 
publiees  par  A.-M.-P.  Ingold.    4  Vols.    Paris,  1902-5. 

Bdumer,  S.,  Geschichte  des  Breviers.     Freiburg,  1895. 

Baunigartner,  A.,  Geschichte  der  Weltliteratur.  5  Vols.  Die 
franzosische  Literatur.    Freiburg,  191 1. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXX.,    XXXI.    AND    XXXII.         XVll 

Bayle,  Dictionnaire  historique  et  critique.     4  Vols.     Rotterdam, 

1697. 
Beani,  G.,  Clemente  IX.    Notizie  storiche.    Prato,  1893. 
Bellesheim,  A.,  Geschichte  dor  katholischen  Kirche  in  Irland  von 

der  Einfiihrung  des  Christentums  bis  auf  die  Gegenwart. 

2  Vols.    1 509- 1 690.   Mayence,  1890. 
Bellori,  G.  P.,  Le  vite  dei  pittori,  scultori  ed  architetti  moderni. 

Rome,  1672.   (Quoted  from  the  Pisa  edition,  1821.) 
Benedetti,  M .  de,  Palazzi  e  ville  reali  d'ltalia.    First  and  following 

numbers.     Florence,   191 1   seqq. 
Benigni,    U.,   Die  Getreidepolitik  der  Papste.      Translated  into 

German   by    R.    Birner.     Edited   by   G.    Ruhland.     Berlin, 

1898. 
Benkard  Ernst,  Giovanni  Lorenzo  Bernini.     Frankfurt,   1926. 
Bergtter,  H.,  Das  barocke  Rom.    Leipzig,  19 14. 
Berichte  des  Historischen  Vereins  fiir  Bamberg.      Vol.    i   seqq. 

Bamberg,  1834  seq.. 
Berichte  und  Mitteilungen  des  Altertumsvereines  zu  Wien.   Vol.  i 

seqq.   \\enna.,  18^6  seqq. 
Bernhardy,  A.  A.,  Venezia  e  il  Turco  nella  seconda  meta  del  sec. 

xvii.  Florence,  1902. 
Bernino  Domenico,  Memorie  historiche  raccolte  da  D.  B.  di  cio 

che  ha  operato  contro  li  Turchi  il  Sommo  Pontefice  Innocenzo 

undesimo.     Naples,  1695. 
Bernino  Domenico,  Historia  di  tutte  I'heresie.     4  Vols.     Rome, 

1705-9. 
Berteaiix,  E.,  Rome  de  I'avenement  de  Jules  II.  a  nos  jours. 

Paris,  1905. 
Berthier,  J.  J.,   Innocentii  PP.   XI.   epistolae  ad   principes.      2 

Vols.    Rome,  189 1-5. 
Berthier,  J .  J .,  L'eglise  de  la  Minerve  a  Rome.    Rome,  1910. 
Bertolotti,   A.,   Alcuni  artisti  Siciliani  a  Roma  nei  secoli  xvi  e 

xvii.     Palermo,   1879. 
Bertolotti,  A.,  Artisti  Belgi  e  Olandesi  in  Roma  nei  secoli  xvi  e 

xvii.    Florence,  1880. 
Bertolotti,  A.,  Artisti  subalpini  in  Roma  nei  secoli  xv,  xvi  e  xvii. 

Turin,  1877.     (Mantua,  1884.) 
Bertolotti,  A.,  Artisti  Bolognesi  in  Roma,  in  Atti  d.  R.  Deput.  di 

stor.  patria  d.  Romagna,  1886. 
Bertrand,   Jos.,   La  mission   de  Madure  d'apres  des  documents 

inedits.  3  Vols.  Paris,  1 847-1 854. 
Biandet     Henri,     Les     Nonciatures     apostoliques     permanentes 

jusqu'en  1648.     (Annalcs  Academiae  scientiarum  Fennicae, 

serie  B,  Vol.  2,  i.)   Helsinki,  1910. 
Bibliofilo.  Giornale  dell'  arte  antica  e  moderna.  1 1  Vols.  Florence, 

1 880-1 890. 
Biermann,  B.  M.,  Die  Anfange  der  neuern  Dominikanermission 

in  China.    Miinster,  1927. 
Bigge,  La  guerra  di  Candia  negli  anni  1667-9.    Turin,  1901. 
Bildt,   Baron   Ch.   de,   Christine  de  Su^de  et   le  card.   Azzolino. 

Lettres  inedites,  1666-8.    Paris,  1899. 

a\ 


XVlll  COMPLETE   TITLES    OF   BOOKS 

Bildt,    Baron    Ch.    de,    Svenska    minnen    och    marken    i    Rom. 

Stockholm,  1900. 
Bildt,  Baron  Ch.  de,  Un  banchetto  al  Quirinale  nel  seicento.  Rome, 

1901. 
Bildt,    Baron    Ch.    de,    Christine    de    Suede    et    le    conclave    de 

Clement  X.  1669-1670.   Paris,  1906. 
Bildt,  Baron   Ch.  de,   Les  medailles  Romaines  de   Christine  de 

Suede.    Rome,  1908. 
Biographic  nationale,  publiee  par  I'Academie  Royale  de  Belgique. 

Vol.  I  seqq.    Brussels,  1866. 
Biographic  universellc  ou  Dictionnaire  historique.     Paris,   1847 

seqq. 
Bischoffshausen  S.  Frh.  v.,  Papst  Alexander  VIIL  und  der  Wiener 

Hof  (1689-1691).    Stuttgart,  1900. 
Bittner,    L.,    Chronologischcs    Verzeichnis    der    osterreichischen 

Staatsvertrage.     2  Vols.  (1526-1947).    Vienna,  1903-9. 
Blok,  P.  J .,  Geschichte  der  Niederlande.    5  Vols.    Gotha,  1912. 
Blume,  Fr.,  Iter  Italicum.    4  Vols.    Halle,  1824  seq. 
Boligno,  L.,  La  Sicilia  c  i  suoi  cardinali.    Palermo,  1884. 
Bohn,  M.  v.,  Lorenzo  Bernini  :    Seine  Zeit,  sein  Leben,  sein  Werk. 

Bielefeld,   1910. 
Bojani,  F.  de,  Innocent  XL    Sa  correspondance  avec  ses  Nonces. 

3  Vols.    Rome,  1910-1912. 
Bollettino  d'arte.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Rome,  1907  seq. 
Bollettino  Senese  di  storia  patria.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Siena,  1894  seqq. 
Bonamici  (  =  Bonamicius  Philippus) ,  Vita  Innocentii  XL    Rome, 

1776.     (German  edition,  Frankfurt-Leipzig,  1791.) 
Bonanni,  Ph.,  Numismata  Pontificum  Romanorum  quae  a  tempore 

Martini  V.  ad  annum  1699  vel  autoritate  publica  vcl  privato 

genio  in  lucem  prodiere.   2  Vols.   Rome,  1699. 
Bonanni,  Ph.,  Numismata  templi  Vaticani  historiam  illustrantia. 

2nd  edition.    Rome,  1700. 
Bonn,    M.   J.,   Die  englische   Kolonisation   in    Irland.      2   Vols. 

Stuttgart,  1906. 
Borboni,  Giov.  Andr.,  Dellc  statue.    Rome,  1661. 
Bossi    Gaet.,    La    Pasquinata  :      "  Quod    non    fecerunt    barbari, 

fecerunt  Barberini."     Ricerche  storiche.     Rome,  1898. 
Bossiiet,  Correspondance,  see  Urbain. 
Bossuet,  J.  B.,  CEuvres.    Nouvelle  edition.     43  Vols.     Versailles, 

1815-1819. 
Bourlon,  /.,  Lesassemblees  du  Clerge  et  le  Jansenisme.  Paris,  1909. 
Bremond,  Histoire  de  sentiment  religieux  en  France.    Vols.  1-5. 

Paris,  1916-1920. 
Briggs,  AI.  S.,  Barockarchitektur.    Berlin,  1914. 
Brinckmann,  A.  E.,  Platz  und  Monument.    Berlin,  1908. 
Brinckmann,  A.  E.,  Barockskulptur.    2  Vols.    2nd  edit.    Berlin, 

1921. 
Brinckmann,  A.  E.,  Stadtbaukunst.    2nd  edit.    Berlin,  1922. 
Brinckmann,    A.    E.,    Barock-Bozzetti    italienischer    Bildhauer. 

Frankfurt,  1923. 
Brom,  G.,  Archalivia  in  Italic.    3  Vols,  's  Gravenhage,  1908-1914. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXX.,    XXXI.    AND    XXXII.      XIX 

Brosch,  M.,  Geschichte  des  Kirchenstaates.    Vol.  i.    Gotha,  1880. 
Brosch,  M.,  Oliver  Cromwell  und  die  puritanische  Revolution. 

Frankfort  sur  M..  1886. 
Brosch,  M.,  Geschichte  Englands.     Vol.  7.     Gotha,   1891. 
Brucker,  J .  {S.J .),  La  Compagnie  de  Jesus.    Paris,  1919- 
Bullarium  Congregationis  de  I'ropaganda  Fide.     7  Vols.     Rome, 

1839  seq. 
I^uUarium  Romanum.     BuUarum,  Diplomatum  et  Privilegiorum 

Sanctorum    Romanorum    Pontificum.       Taurinensis    editio, 

locupletior    facta    collectione    novissima    plurium    Brevium, 

Epistolarum,  Decretorum  Actorumque  S.   Sedis.      24  Vols. 

Augustae  Taurinorum,  1857  seqq. 
Bulletin  de  la  Commission  Royale  d'histoire  de  I'Academie  de 

Belgitjue.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Brussels,  1834. 
Bulletin  de  litterature  ecclesiastique.      Vol.    i   seqq.      Toulouse, 

1877  seqq. 
BuUetijn  der  IMaatschappij   van  Geschied-cn  Oudheidkunde  te 

Gent.  Vol.  i  seqq.  Ghent,  1914  seqq. 
Bullettino  della  Commissione  Archeologica   Comunale.     Vol.    i 

seqq.    Rome,  1872  seqq. 
Burckhardt,  J .,  Cicerone.    Anleitung  zum  Genuss  der  Kunstwerke 

Italiens.   8th  edit.    1901. 
Btissi,  Istoria  di  Viterbo.  Rome,  1742. 

Cabrol-Leclerq,  Dictionnaire  d'archeologie  chretienne  et  de  liturgie. 

Vol.  I  seqq.    Paris,  1903  seqq. 
(Cadry),   Histoire   du   livre   des   Reflexions  morales.     Vols.  2-4. 

Amsterdam,  1730-4. 
Calisse,  Carlo,  Storia  de  Civitavecchia.    Florence,  1898. 
Campana  de  Cavelli,  Les  derniers  Stuarts  et  le  chateau  de  St.- 

Germain  en  Laye.   2  Vols.  Paris,  187 1. 
Campello  Giov.  Batt.,  Diario  del  conte  G.  B.  Campello.   Pontificato 

di  Innocenzo  XII.,  edito  dal  Conte  Paolo  Campello  in  Studi 

e  documenti  di  storia  edidirittoVIII-XII.,  XIV.  (1887-1893). 
Campori,   G.,   CIII.    Lettere  incdite   di   Sommi   Pontefici  scritte 

avanti  e  dopo  la  loro  esaltazione.    Modena,  1878. 
Cancellieri,  Fr.,  Storia  dei  solenni  possessi  dei  Sommi  Pontefici 

detti  anticamente  proccssi  o  proccssioni  dopo  la  loro  corona- 

zione  dalla  basilica  Vaticana  alia  Lateranense.    Rome,  1802. 
Cancellieri,   Fr.,   II  IMercato,   il  lago  dell'   Acqua  Vergine  ed   il 

Palazzo   PanfiUiano   nel  Circo   Agonale   detto   volgarmente 

Piazza  Navona  dcscritti.    Rome,  1811. 
Cancellieri,  Fr.,  Lettera  di  F.  C.  al  ch.  sig.  dott.  Koreff  sopra  il 

tarantismo,  I'aria  di  Roma  e  dclla  sua  campagna  ed  i  palazzi 

pontefici  dentro  e  fuori  di  Roma,  con  le  notizie   di  Castcl 

Gandolfo  e  de'paesi  circonvicini.    Rome,  1817. 
Canecazzi,  G.,  Papa  Clemente  IX.  poeta.    Modena,  1900. 
Capece  Galeota,  N .,  Cenni  storici  dei  Nunzii  Apostolici  di  Xapoli. 

Naples,  1877. 
Cappelli,  E.,  L'ambasceria  del  Duca  di  Crequy  allacorte  pontificia. 

Rocca  S.  Casciano,  1897. 


XX  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Carabelli,  G.,  Dei  Farnese  e  del  ducato  di  Castro  e  di  Ronciglione, 

Florence,  1865. 
Cardella,   L.,   Memorie   storiche   de'    cardinal!   della   s.    Romana 

Chiesa.    10  Vols.   Rome,  1782-1797. 
Carini,    Isid.,    La    Biblioteca    Vaticana,    proprieta    della    Sede 

Apostolica.   Rome,  1893. 
Carte  Strozziane,  Le.  Inventario.     ist  Series.    2  Vols.    Florence, 

1884. 
Catholic  Encyclopedia,  The.    Vol.  i  seqq.    New  York,  1907  seqq. 
Cecchelli,  C,  II  Vaticano.    Rome,  1928. 
Celli,  A.,  Storia  della  malaria  nell'Agro  Romano.   Opera  postuma, 

con  illustr.  del  Dr.  P.  Ambrogetti.     Citta  di  Castello,  1925. 
Cerri,  U.,  Estat  present  de  I'figlise  Romaine  danstoutes  les  parties 

du  monde.    Amsterdam,  17 16. 
Chanielauze,     Le    card,    de    Retz    et    sa    mission    diplomatique. 

Paris,     1878. 
Chavavay,  Et.,  Inventaire  des  autographes  et  documents  historiques 

reunis  par  M.  Benjamin  Fillon,  decrits  par  fit.  Ch.    3  Vols. 

Paris,  1879-1881. 
Chattard,  G.  P.,  Nuova  descrizione  del  Vaticano.    2  Vols.    Rome, 

1762. 
Che'ruel,  see  Mazarin. 
Chinazzi,   Sede  vacante  per  la  morte  di  LIrbano  VIII.    Rome, 

1904. 
Chledowski,  C.  v.,  Rom.    2  Vols.    Munich,  1912. 
Ciaconins,  Alph.,  Vitae  et  res  gestae  Pontificum  Romanorum  et 

S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium  .  .  .  ab  August.  Oldoino  S.J.  recognitae. 

3rd  and  4th  Vols.    Rome,  1677. 
Ciampi,    J.,    L'Epistolario    inedito    di    Fabio    Chigi,    poi    Papa 

Alessandro  VII.,  in  Atti  dei  Lincei,   Sc.  Mor.     3rd  ser.,    i 

(1877)- 
Ciampi,  J.,  Innocenzo  X.  Pamfili  e  la  sua  corte.    Rome,  1878. 
Ciampi,   S.,   Bibliografia  critica  delle  corrispondenze  dellTtalia 

colla  Russia,  coUa  Polonia,  etc.   3  Vols.   Florence,  1 834-1 842. 
Cicogna,  E.  A.,  Delle  iscrizioni  Veneziane  raccolte  ed  illustrate. 

Venice,  1824-1833. 
Cicognara,  Storia  della  scultura  italiana.     Venice,   181 3. 
Civezza,  see  MarcelUno 
Civilta  Cattolica.   Vol.  i  seqq.   Rome,  1850. 

Claretta,  G.,  La  regina  Cristina  di  Suezia  in  Italia.    Turin,  1892. 
dementi,  F.,  II  carnevale  Romano  nelle  cronache  contemporanee. 

Rome,  1899. 
Cochin,  C,  Henri  Arnauld,  eveque  d'Angers,  1597-1692.     Paris, 

1921. 
Colantuoni,  R.,  La  chiesa  di  S.  Maria  del  Popolo.    Rome,  1899. 
Colasanti,  G.,  Le  Fontane  d'ltalia.   Milan,  1926. 
Collectanea  S.  Congregationis  de  Propaganda  Fide,  seu  decreta, 

instructiones,  rescripta  pro  apostolicis  missionibus.     Vol.   i 

of  years  1622-1866.    Rome,  1907. 
Collectio  Lacensis,  Acta  et  decreta  s.  Conciliorum  recentiorum 

(1682-1870).    7  Vols.   Freiburg,  1 870-1 890. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXX.,    XXXI.    AND    XXXII.  XXI 

Colombo,  G.,  Notizie  biografiche  e  lettere  di  Papa  Innocenzo  XI. 

Turin,  1878. 
Colonna,  P.,  Fr.  Massimo.    Rome,  191 1. 

Conclavi  de'  Pontefici  Romani.   New  Edition.   Cologne,  1691. 
Congregationis  sac.  rituum.     Eminentiss.  et  reverend,  d.  card. 

Ferrario.    Romana.    Beatificationis    et    canonizationis    ven. 

servi  Dei  Innocentii  Papae  XL,  positio  super  dubio  an  sit 

signanda    commissio    introductionis    causae    in    casu,    etc. 

Rome,  1713.     (Citato  :    Proc.  Summ.) 
Conring,  H.,  Commentar.  historic,  de  electione   Urbani  VII I.  et 

Innocentii  X.    Helmstedt,  1651. 
Conti,  G.,  Firenze  dai  Medici  ai  Lorena   1670-1727.    Florence, 

1909. 
Coppi,  A.,  Discorso  sulle  finanze  dello  Stato  Pontificio  dal  secolo 

XVI.  al  principio  del  XIX.    Rome,  1855. 
Cordara,  I.,  Historiae  Soc.  lesu  Pars.  1-2.  Rome,  1750. 
Coste,  Pierre,  Saint  Vincent  de  Paul.  Correspondance,  Entretiens, 

Documents.    14  Vols.    Paris,  1920  seqq. 
Courrier  de   I'art.   Chronique   hebdomadaire.       10   Vols.      Paris, 

1881-1890. 
Cousin,  v.,  Jacqueline  Pascal,  in  Etudes  sur  Ics  femnics  illustres 

et  la  societe  du  xvii.  siecle.   Paris,  1849. 
Coville,  H.,   Ftudes  sur  Mazarin  et  ses  demeles  avec  le  Pape 

Innocent  X.    Paris,  1914. 
Cover,  Histoire  de  J.  Sobieski.   Paris,  1761. 
Cretineau-Joly,  J.,  Histoire  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus.     6  Vols. 

3rd  ed.   Paris,  1851. 
Cupis,    C.    de,    Le    vicende    dell'agricoltura    e    della    pastorizia 

nell'Agro  Romano  e  I'Annona  di  Roma.    Rome,  191 1. 

Dam,  P.  A.  N.  B.,  Histoire  de  la  Republique  de  Venise.    8  Vols. 

3rd  ed.   Paris,  1826. 
Degert,  A.,  Histoire  des  Seminaires  fran9ais  jusqu'a  la  Revolution. 

2  Vols.   Paris,  191 2. 
Dejean,   E.,    Un   prelat   independant   au    xvii*   sifecle  :     Nicolas 

Pavilion,  eveque  d'Alet  1637-1677.   Paris,  1909. 
Demaria,   G.,   La  querra   di   Castro   e   la   spedizione   de'presidi 

1639-1649,  in  Miscellanea  de  storia  italiana  XXXV.    Turin, 

1898. 
Dengel,  Ph.   I.,  Geschichte  des  palazzo   di   S.    Marco,  genannt 

Palazzo  di  Venezia.     (Taken  from  the  work  :    Der  Palazzo 

di  Venezia  in  Rom.)    Leipzig,  1909. 
Denis,  P.,  Nouvelles  de  Rome.  i.  Paris,  1913. 
Denzinger,      Henr.,      et      Bannwart,     Clem.,     S.J.,     Enchiridion 

symbolorum  definitionum  et  declarationum  de  rebus  fidei  et 

morum.     i6th  ed.     Freiburg,  1928. 
Desmarais,  Regnier,  Hi.stoire  des  desmeles  de  la  cour  de  France 

avec  la  cour  de  Rome  au  sujet  de  I'affaire  des  Corses.    1707. 
Deutsche  Litcraturzeitung.    Vol.  i  seqq.     Berlin,  1880  seqq. 
Deutsche  Rundschau,  edited  by  Rodenberg.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Berlin, 

1874  seqq. 


XXll  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Diarium  Europaeum.      45  Vols.    (1657-1681).      Frankfort  s.  M., 

1659  seqq. 
Dictionnaire  apologetique   de   la   foi  Catholique.      Vol.    i    seqq. 

Paris,  191 1  seqq. 
Dictionnaire  de  theologie  catholique,  edited  by  Vacant-Mangenot. 

Vol.  I  seqq.    Paris,  1903  seqq. 
Doeberl,  M.,  Entwicklungsgeschichte  Bayerns.     Vol.   i,  2nd  ed. 

Munich,  1916. 
Dollinger,  J.  J.  J.,  Kirche  und  Kirchen,  Papsttum  und  Kirchen- 

staat.    Historisch-politische  Betrachtungen.    Munich,  1861. 
Dollinger,   J.   J.   J.,   Beitrage   zur  politischen,   kirchlichen   und 

Kulturgeschichte    der    sechs    letzten    Jahrhunderte.      Vols. 

2  and  3.   Ratisbon  and  Vienna,  1 863-1 882. 
Dollinger,  J.  J.  J.,  Akademische  Vortrage.    Nordlingen,  1888. 
Dollinger,   J.    J.   J.,    Geschichte   de   Moralstreitigkeiten   in   der 

romisch-katholischen  Kirche  seit  dem  16.  Jahrh,  ed.  together 

with  Reusch.    Nordlingen,  1889. 
Doniarus,  K.  v.,  Pietro  Bracci.    Strassburg,  1915. 
Drefss,  Memoires  de  Louis  XIV.  2  Vols.  Paris,  1859. 
Droysen,  J.  G.,  Geschichte  der  preussischen  Politik.      14  Vols. 

1855-1886. 
Drugulin,  W.  E.,  Allgemeiner  Portrat-Katalog,  i860. 
Dubriiel,  M.,  Innocent  XI.  et  I'extension  de  la  Regale,  in  Revue  des 

quest,  hist.    Vol.  81  (1907). 
Dubruel,  M.,   La  Congregation  particulaire  de  la  Regale  sous 

Innocent   XI.    et    les    papiers    d'Agostino    Favoriti   et   de 

Lorenzo  Casoni  aux  Archives  Vaticans,  in  Revue  des  quest. 

hist.    Vol.  87  (1909). 
Dubruel,    M.,    L'excommunication    de    Louis    XIV.,    in  fitudes. 

Vol.  137  (1913)- 
Dubruel,  M.,  La  querelle  de  la  Regale  sous  Louis  XIV.  (1673-6) 

in   Revue  des  quest,   hist.     3rd  ser.     Vol.  i.    Paris,  1922. 
Dubruel,  M.,  En  plein  conflit,  in  Bullet,  de  la  Societe  Archeol.  de 

France.   March,  1925,  July,  1926. 
Dudik,  B.,  Forschungen  in  Schweden  fiir  Mahrens  Geschichte. 

Briinn,   1852. 
Dudon,   P.,  Le  quietiste  espagnol  Michel  Molinos   (1628-1696). 

Paris,  1 92 1. 
Duhr,  B.  S.  J .,  Jesuitenfabeln.  3rd  ed.  Freiburg,  1892. 
Duhr.  B.  S.  J.,  Geschichte  der  Jesuiten  in  den  Landern  deutscher 

Zunge.   3  Vols.  Ratisbon,  192 1. 
Dumas,  H.,  Histoire  des  cinq  propositions  de  Jansenius.    3  Vols. 

Trevoux,  1703. 
Dumont,  Jean,  Voyages  en  Rome,   en    Italic,   en   Allemagne,   a 

Malte  et  en  Turquie.    4  Vols.    The  Hague,  1699. 
Du  Mont  de  Carels-Croon ,  Corps  universe!  diplomatique.    Vol.  7. 

Amsterdam,  1728  seqq. 
{Dupac  de  Bellegarde),  Histoire  abregee  de  I'eglise  metropolitaine 

d'Utrecht,     principalement    depuis     la    revolution     arrivee 

dans  les  VII.  Provinces-Unies  des  Pays-Bas  sous  Philippe  II. 

jusqu'a  present.    Utrecht,  1765. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXX.,    XXXI.    AND    XXXII.       XXlll 

Dupin,    Louis   Ellies,    Histoire    ecclesiastique    du    dix-septieme 

siecle.  4  Vols.   Paris,  17 13  se^^. 
Dvorak,  Geschichte  der  italienischen  Kunst.    Munich,  1928. 

Egger,  H.,  Romische  Veduten.    Vienna  and  Leipzig  (191 1). 
Egger,  J .,  Geschichte  Tirols.    3  Vols.    Innsbruck,  1872-1880. 
Ehrle,  Fr.,  Dalle  carte  e  dai  disegni  de  Virgilio  Spada,  in  ISIemorie 

della  Pontif.  Accademia  Rom.  di  Archeol.    Rome,  1927. 
Ehses,  St.,  und  Meister,  A.,  Nuntiaturberichte  aus  Deutschland, 

1 385 (1584) -1 590.        Gorres-Gesellschaft    ed.       Ser.     i,    Die 

Kolner  Nuntiatur.    Parts  I  and  II.    Paderborn,  1895-9. 
Eisler,    Alex.,    Das    Veto    der    katholischen    Staaten    bei    der 

Papstwahl.    Vienna,  1907. 
Encyclopajdia  Britannica.  By  a  Society  of  Gentlemen  in  Scotland. 

3  Vols.     Edinburgh,  1771. 
Erdmannsddrffer ,  Deutsche  Geschichte.    Vol.  i.    Stuttgart,  1892. 
Erythraeiis,   lanns  Nicius,   Epistolae  ad  Tyrrhenum.      Coloniae 

Ubiorum,  1645. 
Escher,  Konrad,  Barock  und  Klassizismus.  Studien  zur  Geschichte 

der  Architektur  Roms.    Leipzig  (19 10). 
[Esie,  R.  d'),  Mcmoires  de  m.  le  cardinal  Reynaud  d'Este  depuis 

I'an  1657  jusques  au  dernier  de  septembre  1673,  jour  et  an  de 

sa  mort.    2  Vols.    Cologne,  1677. 
Estrees,  Fr.  A..  Mcmoires  du  marechal  d'Estrees  sur  la  regence  de 

Marie  de  Medicis  (1610-16)  et  sur  celle  d'Anne  d'Autriche, 

published  by  P.  Bonnefon.    Paris,  1910. 
fitudes  (Periodical),  6th  ser.    Paris,  1856  seqq. 
£tudes  Franciscaines.    Revue  mensuelle.  Vol.  i  seqq.  Paris,  1899 

seqq. 
Euringer,  S.,  Die  Obelisken  Roms.  Augsburg,  1925. 
Evelyn,  J.,  Diary  and  Correspondence  of  J.  E.    4  Vols.    London, 
"  1 850-1 857. 

Faillon,  Vie  de  M.  Olier,  fondateur  du  seminaire  de  Saint-Sulpice. 

3  Vols.   Paris,  1873. 
Falda,  G.  B.,  Le  Fontane  di  Roma  nella  piazze  e  luoghi  publici 

della  citta.    Rome  (1675?). 
Farges,  Louis,  Recueildes  Instructions  donnees  aux  ambassadeurs 

et   ministres   de   France   depuis   les   traites   de   Westphalie 

jusqu'a  la   revolution   frangaise.     Vols.    4   and   5.     Poland. 

Paris,  1888. 
Fea,    C.    D.,    Nullita    delle    amministrazioni    capitolari   abusive. 

Rome,  1815. 
Fea,  C.  D.,  Storia  deU'Acque  in  Roma  e  deicondotti.  Rome,  1832. 
Fenelon,  Giuvres,  ed.  Gosselin  and  Caron.     35  Vols.     Versailles, 

1820-1830. 
Felix,  Ravenna.   Vol.  i  seqq.   Ravenna,  191 1  seqq. 
Feret,  P.  La  Facultc  de  thcologic  de  Paris  et  scs  docteurs  les  plus 

celebres.    fipoque  moderne.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Paris,  1900. 
Ferrari,  Giulio.,  La  tomba  ncll'arte  italiana  dal  periodo  preromano 

aH'odierno,  Milan. 


XXIV  COMPLETE   TITLES    OF   BOOKS 

Ferrari,  Giulio,  Lo  stucco  nell'arte  italiana.  Milan  (s.a.) 

Fester,  Die  Augsburger  AUianz.    Munich,  1893. 

Fiedler,    Jos.,    Die    Relationen    der    Botschafter   Venedigs    iiber 

Deutschland  und  Oesterreich  im  17.  Jahrh.   Vols.  2  (Pontes 

rerum  Austriacarum  2nd  part.    Vol.  27).    Vienna,  1867. 
Flassan,   Gaetan   de   Raxis,   Histoire  generale   de   la   diplomatic 

fran^aise.   6  Vols,  2nd  ed.   Paris,  181 1. 
Fleury,  Claude,  Historia  ecclesiastica.    91  Vols.    Augsburg,  1768. 
Floquet,  P.  A.,  Bossuet,  precepteur  du  Dauphin.    Paris,  1864. 
Foley,  H.  (S.J.),  Records  of  the  English  Province  of  the  Society 

of  Jesus.    7  Vols.    London,  1877  seqq. 
Fontaine  Jacques  de  la  SS.  D.  N.  Clementis  Papae  XL  Constitutio 

"  Unigenitus  "  theologice  propugnata.  1-4,  Rome,  1717-1724. 
Pontes  rerum  Austriacarum.      2nd  part  :     Diplomata  et  Acta, 

edited  by  the  historic  Commission  of  the  Imperial  Academy 

of  Sciences.    Vienna,  1849  seqq. 
Forcella,   V.,  Iscrizioni  delle  chiese  e  d'altri  edifici  di  Roma  dal 

secolo  xi.  fino  ai  giorni  nostri.    14  Vols.    Rome,  1869-1885. 
Fraknoi,  W .,  Relationes  cardinalis  Buonvisi  anno  1686.     (Monu- 

menta   Vaticana  Hungarica,    2nd   ser..    Vol.    2.     Budapest, 

1886. 
Fraknoi,  W.,  Papst  Innozenz  XI.  (Benedikt  Odescalchi)  und  die 

Befreiung  Ungarns  von  der  Tiirkenherrschaft.     Hungarian 

version  by  Peter  Jekel.    Freiburg,  1902. 
Franziskanische  Studien.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Miinster,  1914. 
Fraschetti,  St.,  II  Bernini.    Milan,  1900. 
Frey,  D.,  Beitrage  zur  romischen  Barockarchitektur,  im  Jahrbuch 

fiir  Kunstgeschichte,  1924. 
Frey,  D.,  Michelangelo-Studien.    Vienna,  1920. 
Friedensburg,    W.,   Regesten  zur  deutschen  Geschichte  aus  der 

Zeit  des  Pontifikats  Innozenz  X.  (1644-1655).    Reprint  from 

Quellen   und  Forschungen  aus    italienischen  Archiven,  Bd. 

4-7.     Rome,  1904. 
Fueter,  E.,  Geschichte  der  neueren  Historiographie.  Munich,  191 1. 


Gaedeke,  Am.,  Die  Politik  Osterreichs  in  der  spanischen  Erbfolge- 

frage.   2  Vols.   Leipzig,  1877. 
Galeotii,  L.,  Delia  sovranita  e  governo  temporale  dei  Papi.   3  Vols. 

Paris,  1846. 
Gams,    P.    B.,    Die    Kirchengeschichte    von    Spanien.      3    Vols. 

Ratisbon,  1862. 
Gams,  P.  B.,  Series  episcoporum  ecclesiae  catholicae  quotquot 

innotuerunt  a  beato  Petro  apostolo.     Ratisbon,    1873. 
Garampi,  G.,  Saggi  di  osservazioni  sul  valore  delle  antiche  monete 

pontificie.    Con  appendice  di  documenti.  s.  1.  e.  s.  a.    (Rome, 

1766.) 
Gardiner,  S.  R.,  History  of  the  Great  Civil  War,  1642-9.    4  Vols. 

London,  1893. 
Gardiner,  S.  R.,  History  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate, 

1649-1656.    4  Vols.    London,  1894-8. 


QUOTED   IN    VOLS.    XXX.,    XXXI.    AND    XXXII.         XXV 

Gartner,  C,  Corpus  iuris  ecclesiastic!  catholicorum  novioris  quod 

per  Germaniam  obtinet.    2  Vols.  Salzburg,  1797-9. 
Garzoni,  Pietro,  Istoria  della  Repubblica  di  Venezia  in  tempo  della 

sacra  lega  contra  Maometto  IV.  e  tre  suoi  successori.   Venice, 

1705-1716. 
Gastaldi,  Hieron.,  Tractatus  de  avertenda  et  profliganda  peste 

politico-legalis.    Bononiae,  1684. 
Gazier,  A.,  Histoire  generale  du  mouvement  janseniste  depuis  ses 

origines  juscju'a  nos  jours.    2  Vols.    Paris,  1924. 
Geijer,  E.  G.,  Geschichte  Schwedens.    German  trans.  :    Vols  1-3. 

Vols.  4-6  by  F.  F.  Carlson  ;  Vol.  7  by  L.  Stavenow.  Hamburg- 

Gotha,  1 832-1908. 
Gerberon,  G.,  Histoire  generale  du  Jansenisme.  3  Vols.  Amsterdam, 

1700. 
Gerin,    Ch.,    Recherches   historiques   sur   I'assemblee    du    clerge 

de  France  de  1682.  Paris,  1869. 
Girin,   Ch.,   L'ambassade   de   Lavardin   et   la   sequestration   du 

nonce  Ranuzzi  (1687-9)  in  Revue  des  quest,  hist.     Vol.  16 

(1874). 
Gerin,  Ch.,  Le  Pape  Innocent  XI.  et  la  revolution  anglaise  de  1688. 

Vol.  20  (1876). 
Gerin,  Ch.,  Le  Pape  Innocent  XI.  et  la  revocation  de  I'fidit  de 

Nantes.     Vol.  24  (1878). 
Gerin,  Ch.,  L'expedition  des  Fran^ais  a  Candie  en  1669.    Vol.  25 

(1879). 

Gerin,  Ch.,  La  mission  de  M.  de  Lionne  a  Rome  en  1655.  Vol.  26 
(1879). 

Girin,  Ch.,  Le  Pape  Innocent  XI.  et  I'election  de  Cologne  en  1688. 
Vol.  33  (1883). 

Girin,  Ch.,  Le  Pape  Innocent  XI.  et  le  siege  de  Viennc  en  1683 
d'apres  des  documents  inedits.    Vol.  39  (1886). 

Gerin,  Ch.,  Louis  XIV.  et  le  Saint-Siege.    2  Vols.    Paris,  1894. 

Giornale  Ligustico  de  archeologia,  storia  e  letteratura.  Vols. 
1-25.    Genoa,  1875-1898. 

Giornale  storico  della  letteratura  italiana,  diretto  e  redatto  da 
A .  Graf,  F.  Novati,  R.  Renier.  Vol.  i  scqq.  Rome-Turin- 
Florence,  1883  seqq. 

Giussani,  II  Conclave  di  Innocenzo  XL    Como,  1901. 

Giustificazione  della  Bolla  della  Santita  di  N.  S.  Papa 
Innocenzo  XI.  sopra  I'abolitione  de'  pretesi  quarticri  e 
dell'editto  con  il  quale  la  chie.sa  di  S.  Luigi  e  stata  sottoposta 
aU'intcrdetto.  (Fdition  of  the  date  of  Innocent  X.  in  the 
possession  of  the  Swedish  envoy.  Baron  de  Bildt.) 

Gori,  F.,  Archivio  storico,  artistico,  archeologico  e  letterario 
della  citta  e  provincia  di  Roma.  Vols.  1-4.  Rome  and 
Spoleto,  1 875-1 883. 

(Gosselin,  J.  E.  A.),  Histoire  litteraire  de  Fenelon.  Lyons-Paris, 
1843. 

Golhem,  M.  L.,  Geschichte  der  Gartenkunst.    Vol.  i.    Jena,  191 4. 

[Gramont,  A.),  Memoires  du  mareschal  de  Gramont,  Due  et  Pair 
de  France.    Paris,  1716. 


XXVI  COMPLETE   TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Graesse, /.  G.,  Tresor  de  livres  rares  et  precieux.   7  Vols.  Dresden, 

1859-1869. 
Grauert,  W.  H.,  Christina,  Konigin  von  Schweden,  und  ihr  Hof. 

2  Vols.   Bonn,  1837-1842. 
Gregorovius,  F.,  Die  Grabmaler  der  romischen  Papste.     Leipzig, 

1857- 
Grisar,  H.,  Geschichte  Roms  und  der  Papste  im  Mittelalter.  Mit 

besonderer  Beriicksichtigiing  von  Kultur  und  Kunst  nach 

den  Quellen  dargestellt.    Vol.  i.    Freiburg,  1901. 
Grottanelli,  L.,  La  regina  Cristina  di  Svezia  in  Roma.    Florence, 

1890. 
Gruber,  loh.  Dan.,  Commercii  epistolici  Leibnitiani  P.  12.  Hanover 

and  Gottingen,   1745. 
Griinhagen,  C,  Geschichte  Schlesiens      2  Vols.     Gotha,   1884-6. 
Gualdo,   Priorato  Galeazzo,   Historia  della  sacra  real  Maesta  di 

Cristina  Alessandra  regina  di  Suetia.     Venice,  1656. 
Guarnacci,  M.,  Vitae  et  res  gestae  Pontificum  Romanorum  et 

S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium  a  Clemente  X.  usque  ad  Clementem 

XIL    2  Vols.    Rome  1751. 
Gugielmotti,  Alb.,  Storia  delle  fortificazioni  nella  spiaggia  Romana. 

Rome,  1880. 
Gugielmotti,  Alb.,  La  squadra  permanente  della  marina  Romana. 

Storia  dal  1573-1644.    Rome,  1882. 
Gulielmotti,  Alb.,  La  squadra  ausilaria  della  marina  Romana  a 

Candia  ed  alia  Morea.    Storia  dal  1644  al  1699.    Rome,  1883. 
Guhrauer,  G.  E.,  Leibniz's  deutsche  Schriften  (s.l.),  1838. 
Guidi,  Aless.,  I  paesi  dei  Colli  Albani.    Roma,  1880. 
Guidi,  M.,  Le  Fontane  barocche  di  Roma.   Zurich,  191 7. 
Gurlitt,  Cornelius,  Geschichte  des  Barockstiles  in  Italien.  Stuttgart, 

1887. 


Hamel  de  Breuil,  Comte  Jean  du,  Sobieski  et  sa  politique  de  1674 

a  1683.    In  Revue  d'hist.  diplom.  VII.-VIII.  (1893-4). 
Hammer-Purg  stall,    J.    Frh.    v.,     Geschichte    des    osmanischen 

Reiches.    4  Vols.,  2nd  ed.    Pest,  1834-6. 
Hanisch,  Erdm.,  Die  Geschichte  Polens.     Bonn-Leipzig,   1923. 
Hanotaiix,  G.,  Recueil  des  Instructions  donnees  aux  ambassadeurs 

et   ministres    de    France    depuis   les   traites    de   Westphalie 

jusqu'a  la  Revolution  fran9aise.     Vols.   6  and   17.      Rome, 

Paris,  1888,  1911. 
Hardouin,    I.,    Conciliorum    collectio    regia    maxima.     12    Vols. 

Paris,  1 71 5. 
Harnack,  Ad.,  Lehrburch  der  Dogmengeschichte.    3  Vols.,  4th  ed. 

Tiibingen,  1909-1910. 
Hase,    K.    A.,    Kirchengeschichte   auf   Grundlage    akademischer 

Vorlesungen.    3  Vols.    Leipzig,  1 885-1 892. 
Heeckeren,  E.  de,  Correspondance  de  Benoit  XIV.  Vol.  i  (1742-9). 

Paris,  1912. 
Heimbucher,  M.,  Die  Orden  und  Kongregationen  der  katholischen 

Kirche.  3  Vols.,  2nd  ed.  Paderborn,  1907-1908. 


QUOTED   IN    VOLS.    XXX.,    XXXI.    AND    XXXII.      XXVil 

Hempel,  E.,  Carlo  Rainaldi.      Ein  Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  des 

romischen  Barocks.  (Diss.).    Munich,  1919. 
Hempel,  E.,  Francesco  Borromini.     Vienna,   1924. 
Hergenr other,  J.,   Katholische  Kirche  und  christlicher  Staat  in 

ihrer  geschichtlichcn  Entwicklung  und  in  Beziehung  auf  die 

Fragen  der  Gegenwart.    Historisch-theologische  Essays  und 

zugleich  ein  Anti-Ianus  vindicatus.    2nd  section.     Freiburg, 

1872. 
Hergenr  other,  J.,  Handbuch  der  allgemeinen  Kirchengeschichte. 

Restated  by  /.  P.  Kirsch.   4  Vols.,  6th  ed.    Freiburg,  1924-5. 
Hermant,   G.,   Memoires    sur    I'histoire    ecclesiastique    du   xvii^ 

si^cle  (1630-1663).    Edited  by  Gazier.    6  Vols.    Paris,  1905- 

1910. 
Hermelink,  H.,  Reformation  und  Gegenreformation.     Tubingen, 

1911. 
Herzog,  see  Real-Enzyklopadie. 
Hilgers,  J.,  S.J.,  Der  Index  der  verbotenen  Biicher.     Freiburg, 

1904. 
Hiltebrandt,  Ph.,  Preusscn  und  die  romischc  Kuric.    Vol.  i  (1625- 

1740).    Berlin,  1910. 
Hiltebrandt,    Ph.,    Die    Anfange    des    direkten    diplomatischen 

Verkehrs  zwischen  dem  Papstlichen  und  dem  Preussischen 

Hofe.    (Quellen  u.  Forsch.  aus  ital.  Archiven  XV.,  2.)    Rome, 

1913- 
Hiltebrandt,  Ph.,  Die  kirchlichen  Reunionsverhandlungen  in  der 

zweiten  Halfte  des  17.  Jahrhunderts.   (Bibl.  des  preuss.  Hist. 

Instituts  in  Rom.  14).    Rome,  1922. 
Hinschitis,  P.,  System  des  katholischen  Kirchenrechts.     6  Vols. 

Berlin,  1869  seqq. 
Hippeaii,    C,    Avenement   des    Bourbons   au    trone    d'Espagne. 

2  Vols.    Paris,  1875. 
Histoire  des  conclaves  depuis  Clement  V.  jusqu'a  present.  Cologne, 

1703- 
Histoire    des    intrigues    galantes    de    la    Reine    Christine,    etc. 

Amsterdam,  1697. 
Historisch-politischc   Blatter  fiir   das   katholische   Deutschland. 

Vol.  I  seqq.    Munich,  1838  seqq. 
Iljdrne,  H.,  Sigismunds  svenska  resor.  Upsala,  1884. 
itoffmann,  Theob.,  Entstehungsgeschichte  des  St.  Peter  in  Jiom. 

Zittau,  1928. 
Huber,  A.,  Geschichte  Oesterreichs.    Vol.  5.    Gotha,  1893. 
Hubert,  E.,  Les  Pays-Bas  Espagnols  et  la  Republique  des  Provinces 

Unies.    La  question  religieuse  et  les  relations  diplomatiques, 

in  Memoires  dc  I'Academie   Royale   de   Belgique.    2nd  ser. 

Vol.  2.    Brussels,  1907. 
Hughes,  Thorn.,  Histon^'  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  North  America, 

colonial  and  federal.     Text,  2  Vols.     London,  1907,  1917  ; 

Documents,  2  Vols.,  same,  1907,  1910. 
Hiilsen,  Chr.,  Forum  und  Palatin.   Munich  (1926). 
Huonder,     A.,     Der    chinesische     Ritenstreit.      Aix-la-Chapelle, 

1921. 


XXVUl  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Hiirben,  J.,  Handbuch  der  Schweizergeschichte.    2  Vols.    Stans, 

IQ01-1909. 
Hurler,  H.,  Nomenclator  literarius  theologiae  catholicae.    5  Vols., 

3rd  ed.   Innsbruck,  1903  seqq. 

Jahrbuch,    Historisches,    der    Gorres-Gesellschaft.      Vols.    1-46. 

Mlinster  and  Munich,  1880-1928. 
Jahrbuch  der  preussischen  Kunstsammlungen.   Berlin,  1880  seqq. 
Jahrbiicher,  Preussische.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Berlin,  1858  seqq. 
Jahrbiicher  fiir  Schweizerische  Geschichte.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Zurich, 

1876  seqq. 
Jann,  A.  O.,  Die  katholischen  Missionen  in  Indian,  China  und 

Japan.     Ihre  Organisation  und  das  portugiesische  Patronat 

vom  15.  bis  ins  18.    Jahrh.    Paderborn,  1915. 

Ilg,  Geist  des  hi.  Franziskus  Seraphikus,  dargestellt  in  Lebens- 

bildern  aus  der  Geschichte  des  Kapuzinerordens.      2  Vols. 

Augsburg,  1876-9. 
Imniich,    Max,    Zur    Vorgeschichte    des    Orleansschen    Krieges. 

Heidelberg,  1898. 
Imniich,   Max.,    Papst   Innozenz    XL,    1676-1689.     Beitrag   zur 

Geschichte    seiner    Politik    und    zur    Charakteristik    seiner 

Personlichkeit.  Berlin,  1900. 
Immich,  Max.,  Geschichte  des  europaischen  Staatensy stems  von 

1660-1789.   Munich-Berlin,  1905. 
Inventario  dei  monumenti  di  Roma.    Vol.  i.    Rome,  1908-1912. 
iorga,  N.,  Geschichte  des  osmanischen  Reiches  nach  den  Quellen 

dargestellt.   Vol.  3.    Gotha,  1910. 
Israel,  F.,  Adam  Adami  und  seine  "  Arcana  pacis  Westfalicae  ". 

Berlin,    1910. 
lus  Pontificium  =  luris  Pontificii  de  Propaganda  Fide.    Pars  i. 

Vols.  1-7.     Rome,  1886  seqq.     (If  not  otherwise  stated,  the 

quotation  is  from  Part  I.) 
Iiisti,  K.,  Velasquez  und  seine  Zeit.  2  Vols.,  3rd  ed.  Munich,  1922. 

Kdrolyi,  Arpdd,  Buda  es  Pest  visszavivasa  1686  ban  a  ketszazados 

emlekiinnepely  alkalmara  Budapest  fovarosa  megbizasabal 

irta  Dr.  A.  K.  Budapest,  1886. 
Karttunen,  Liisi,  Les  Nonciatures  Apostoliques  permanentes  de 

1650  a  1800,  in  Annales  Acad.,  scient.,  Fennicae.     Ser.  B, 

Vol.  5,  No.  3.     Geneva  (Helsinski),  1912. 
Katholik,    Der.    Zeitschrift    fiir    katholische    Wissenschaft    und 

kirchliches  Leben.  Ann.  i  seqq.  Strassburg  and  Mayence. 
Katholische  Missionen,  Vol.  i  seqq.  Aix-la-Chapelle,  1873  seqq. 
Katona,   Steph.,   Historia   critica   Regum  Hungariae.      41    Vols. 

Pest,  1779. 
Keyssler,    J.    G.,    Neueste    Reise    durch    Deutschland,    Bohmen, 

Ungarn,    die    Schweiz,    Italien    und    Lothringen.       3    Vols. 

Hanover,  1740. 
Kirchenlexikon,     Freiburger,     oder    Enzyklopadie    der    kathol. 

Theologie  und  ihrer  Hilfswissenschaften.     Edited  by  H.  J, 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXX.,    XXXI.    AND    XXXII.        XXIX 

Wetzer   and    B.    Welte.       12    Vols.      Freiburg,    1847-1856. 

2nd  ed.  begun  by  Card.  Hergenrother,  continued  by  Fr.  Kaulen. 

12  Vols.    Freiburg,  i882-i<joi. 
Klopp,  Onno,  Dcr  Fall  dcs  Hau.ses  Stuart  und  die  Sukzession  des 

Hauses  Hannover  in  Grossbritannien  und  Irland.     14  Vols. 

Vienna,  1875-1888. 
Klopp,  Onno,  Das  Jahr  1683  und  der  folgende  grosse  Tiirkenkrieg 

bis  zum  Frieden  von  Carlowitz.    Graz,  1882. 
Klopp,  Onno,  Corrispondenzaepistolare  tra  Leopoldo  I  Imperatore 

ed  il  P.  Marco  d'Aviano  cappuccino.    Graz,  1888. 
Kluczycki,  Fr.,  Acta  regis  loannis  III.  ad  res  anno  1683,  imprimis 

in  expeditione  Viennensi  illustrandas.     Cracow,   1883. 
Knuttel,  Il  .,  De  toestand  der  Katholieken  onder  der  Republiek. 

Vol.  I.    The  Hague,  1892. 
Kocher,  A.,  Geschichte  von  Hannover  und  Braunschweig  1648- 

1714.  2  Vols,  (up  to  1674).  Leipzig,  1884-5. 
Kohler,    Kurt,    Die    orientalische    Politik    Ludwigs    XIV.,    ihr 

Verhaltnis  zu  dem  Tiirkenkrieg  von  1683.     (Diss.).    Leipzig, 

1907. 
Kolde,   Th.,   Beitrage  zur  bayrischen   Kirchengeschichte.      Vols. 

1-18.     Erlangen,  1894  se^^. 
Kratz,  W.,  Landgraf  Ernst  von  Hessen-Rheinfels  und  die  deutschen 

Jesuiten.    Freiburg,  1914. 
Kunstchronik  und  Kunstmarkt.    Leipzig,  1866-1926. 


Laborde,  J .  J.,  Athenes  aux  XV^.,  XVI".,  XVIIe.  siecles.    2  vols. 

Paris,  1855. 
Laemmer,       H.,       Analecta       Romana.       Kirchengeschichtliche 

Forschungen    in    romischen     Bibliotheken    und     Archiven. 

Fine  Denkschrift.     Schatfhausen,  1861. 
Laemmer,  H.,  Monumenta  Vaticana,  historiam  eccles.  saec.  XVI. 

illustrantia.    Freiburg,  1861. 
Laemmer,    H.,    Zur    Kirchengeschichte    des    16.    und    17.    Jahrh. 

Freiburg,  1863. 
Laemmer,   H.,   Meletematum  Romanorum  mantissa.      Ratisbon, 

Lanccllotti,    Fil.    di,    Secondo    Centenario    della    liberazione    di 

Vienna  dall'assedio  dei  Turchi  (1683-1883).     Rome,   1883. 
Lanccllotti,    Fil.   di.    Pel   secondo   Centenario   della   cacciata  dei 

Turchi  da  Buda.    Rome,  1S86. 
Lanciani,  R.  A.,  Ancient  Rome  in  the  light  of  recent  Discoveries. 

London-Cambridge,  1888. 
Landau,   Markus,   Rom,  Wien,  Neapel  wahrcnd  dcs  spanischcn 

Erbfolgekrieges.     Leipzig,   1885. 
Lang,  Ch.,  Catalogue  of  the  curious  and  valuable  Library  of  Ch. 

P.  L.    London,  1842. 
Laiier,  Ph.,  Le  Palais  du  Latran.   Paris,  191 1. 
Launay,   A.,    Histoire   g6nerale   de   la   Societe   des   fitrang^res. 

Paris,  1894. 
Lavisse.  E.,  Histoire  de  France.    Vol.  i  seqq.    Paris,  1901  seqq. 


XXX  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

(Le  Camus,  £t.)  Lettres  du  cardinal  Le  Camus,  eveque  et  prince  de 

Grenoble  (1632-1707).    Published  by  P.  Ingold.    Paris,  1892. 
Legrand,  E.,  Bibliographic  hellenique  ou  Description  raisonnee 

des  ouvrages  publics  en  grec  par  les  Grecs  au  XVII*^.  siecle. 

4  Vols.   Paris,  1894-6. 
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James  II.   5  Vols.   London,  1848-1861.   (In  German,  Leipzig, 

1860-1,  Brunswick,  1868.) 
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Manni,  D.  M.  Istoria  degli  Anni  Santi.  Florence,  1750. 
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Vol.  2,  I  St  Part.   Prato,  1883. 
Marchesan,  A.,  Lettere  inedite  di  O.  Rinaldi.    Treviso,  1896. 
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Martin,  V.,  Le  Gallicanisme  et  la  Reforme  catholique.  Essai 
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Martinelli,  F.,  Roma  ricercata  nel  suo  sito  e  nella  scuola  di  tutti 
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Maura,  Gamazo  G.,  Carlos  II.  y  su  corte.    2  Vols.   Madrid,  1911- 

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Mourret,  F.,  Histoire  gen^rale  de  I'Eglise.     L'Ancien  Regime. 

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Moiiy,  Ch.  de,  L'ambassade  du  Due  de  Crequi.    2  Vols.    Paris, 

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Mozzi,   Luigi,   Storia   delle   revolutioni   della   chiesa   d'Utrecht. 

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hunderts.    Munich,  1851. 
Munoz,  Ant.,  Roma  barocca.   Milan-Rome,  1919. 
Muiioz,  Ant.,  Sei  e  settecento  Italiano  :    Francesco  Borromini. 

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Mussi,  Alcune  memorie  di  conclavi  del  secolo  XVII.   Assisi,  191 5. 

Narducci,  H.,  Catalogus  codicuni  manuscriptorum  in  Bibliotheca 

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derniers  sieclcs.   2  Vols.  Paris,  1923. 
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Tiirken  im  Jahre  1683.    2  Vols.   Vienna,  1883-4. 
Nibby,  A.,  Le  mura  di  Roma.   Rome,  1820. 
Niceron,  J .  P.,  Nachrichten  von  den  Begebenheiten  und  Schriften 

beriihmter  Gelehrten.    Part  23.    Halle,  1 749-1 771. 
Nippold,  F.,  Die  romisch-katholische  Kirche  im  Konigreich  der 

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Jubilaen  der  katholischen  Kirche.    Ratisbon,  1875. 
Nouvelle  Revue  historique  de  droit  fran^ais  et  etranger.    Vol.  i 

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a2 


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Phillips,  G.  J.,  Kirchenrecht.    Vols.  1-7.     Ratisbon,  1845-1872. 

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Piolct,  J  -B.,  Les  Missions  catholicjues  fran9aises.    6  Vols.    Paris, 

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Pray,  Georg,  Geschichte  der  Streitigkeiten  iiber  die  chinesischen 

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seqq. 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  XXX. 
Innocent  X.     1644-1655. 


INTRODUCTION. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE 

CONCLAVE 

OF     1644. — INNOCENT 
PAMFILI. 

A.D. 

1644 

TheC 

onclavc  : 

its  IMembers    . 

X.     AND     THE 


The  Thirteen  Papabili     ..... 

Candidature  of  Cardinal  Sacchetti     . 

He  is  excluded  by  the  Spanish  leader,  Albornoz 

Cardinal  Pamfili  is  elected  as  ... 

Innocent  X.  . 

His  ancestral  home  at  Gubbio 

His  Family  and  early  Studies 

His  Personal  Appearance  and 

Characteristics.       ...... 

The  influence  of  Olimpia  Maidalchini-Pamfili 

Panciroli  made  Secretary  of  State  and 

Camillo,  Son  of  Olimpia,  becomes  Cardinal-Nephew 
1647  He  resigns  the  Purple  to  marry 

Camillo  Astalli  succeeds  him  and  becomes 
1650  Camillo  Pamfili,  Cardinal-Nephew     . 

The  Fall  of  Olimpia  followed  by  that  of  Panciroli 
1652  Fabio  Chigi  is  appointed  Secretary  of  State 

His  excellent  reputation  and  impartiality . 

The  restoration  of  Olimpia  to  the  favour  of  the  Pope 

Her  intrigues  against  Chigi 

Her  revolting  avarice  and  ingratitude 

CHAPTER  II. 

MAZARIN    AND    INNOCENT   X. THE   INTRIGUES    OF   THE 

BARBERINI — THE  IMPRISONMENT  OF  CARDINAL  RETZ 

RELATIONS  WITH  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL THE  RISING  AT 

NAPLES. 

Relations  between  the  Pope  and  Mazarin 
1644  The  latter 's  measures  of  revenge 

His  alliance  with  the  Barberini,  who 
1646  Make  secret  flight  from  Rome  in  spite  of  . 

The  Popes  Bull 

Tension  between  Spaniards  and  Frenchmen  in  Rome 

Violent  affray  in  the  Piazza  Gesu 

xliii 


PAGE 

15 
16 

17 
20 
22 
23 
24 
25 
28 

31 
32 

35 
36 
37 
39 
40 

41 
42 
43 
44 
45 
46 


48 
49 
51 
55 
57 
58 
59 


xliv 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS, 


A.D. 

1646  The  French  attack  the  States  of  the  Church 
The  Pope,  intimidated,  pardons  the  Barberini 

1647  Mazarin's  change  of  Policy  and  its  results 
Further  difficulties  with  France 
Papal-Spanish  relations  .... 
Attitude  of  Innocent  X.  towards  Portugal 
Anti-Spanish  revolt  near  Naples,  which  town 
Declares  itself  independent  of  Spain 

The  Papal  Policy  in  Naples 
Spanish  rule  re-established 

1648  Second  Marriage  of  Philip  IV.  of  Spain 
Difficulties  between  Spain  and  the  Holy  See 


PAGE 

60 
61 
62 
67 

72 

74 
79 
81 

83 
85 
88 

91 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  AND  RELIGIOUS  CONDrTIONS 

IN  GERMANY  AND   HOLLAND THE  ENGLISH   CATHOLICS 

UNDER   CROMWELL IRELAND'S   FIGHT    FOR   FREEDOM  ; 

HER    DEFEAT. 


1644 
1645 


1646 
1648 

1649 
1653 


1650 
1643 


1649 


Chigi's  task  as  Nuncio  in  Cologne 

Peace  proposals  of  France  and  Sweden  at  Miinster 

The  Emperor's  terms       .... 

Demands  of  the  Protestant  Princes 

Divisions  among  the  Catholics 

Increasing  concessions  to  the  Protestants. 

Inopportune  Pamphlet,  signed  E.  de  Eusebiis 

Adds  fresh  difficulties  to  Chigi's  Task 

The  Emperor's  command  to  yield     . 

The  Peace  of  Westphalia 

Papal  Protests  against  the  Church's  Losses 

Chigi  withdraws  to  Aix-la-Chapelle  . 

The  Papal  Brief      ..... 

Yields  no  practical  result 

The  Diet  of  Ratisbon       .... 

Religious  conditions  in  Bohemia  and 
Hungary         ...... 

Conversions  to  the  Church 

Catholicism  in  the  Netherlands 

In  England    ...... 

The  Career  of  Cromwell  .... 

His  simulated  toleration  of  the  Faith 
Charles  I.  and  the  Irish  Catholics 
The  Pope's  influence  in  Ireland 
Rinuccini  appointed  Nuncio  in  that  country 
His  negotiations  with  Glamorgan  fail 
The  position  in  Ireland  grows  worse 
Cromwell's  campaign       .... 

The  Massacre  of  Drogheda 

The  final  subjugation  of  the  whole  country 


94 

96 

99 

100 

lOI 

10^ 
108 
III 
118 
122 

125 
127 
130 
132 
133 
134 
135 
137 
141 

143 
144 
149 

153 
156 
157 
159 
163 
167 
169 
171 


TABLE     OF    CONTENTS. 


XIV 


CHAPTER  IV. 

innocent's  work  within  the  church- 
year. 


-THE  JUBILEE 


The  Work  of  Innocent  X.  within  the  Church 
Reforms  of  the  Orders     . 
1650  The  Year  of  Jubilee 

Innocent  X.'s  Creations  of  Cardinals 

His  furtherance  of  Missions 

Those  in  the  East  and  in  Africa 

In  China  and  Japan 

The  Question  of  the  Chinese  Rites 

Missions  in  South  America 

The  career  of  Palafox,  Bishop  of  los  Angelos 

His  Controversy  with  the  Jesuits 

Canadian  Missions  .... 


PAGE 

177 
178 
180 

185 
190 

195 
199 
201 
206 
207 
208 
213 


CHAPTER  V. 

JANSENISM      IN     FRANCE  ;       AND     THE     NETHERLANDS 

Its  tool — the  Press  ..... 

The  heresy  becomes  fashionable  in  Paris  through 
The  influence  af  Port  Royal     .... 
And  spreads  to  the  Provinces  and  abroad 
Refutations  by  Vincent  de  Paul  and  Olier 
Further  heretical  publications  and    . 
Continued  rejection  of  Urban  VIII. 's  Bull 
The  Sorbonne  and  Jansenism  .... 

1650  The  intervention  of  Vincent  de  Paul 

He  seeks  the  collaboration  of  the  Bishops 

1 65 1  They  dispatch  their  letter  to  Rome  . 
Jansenist  retaliation  by  another  letter 
Envoys  are  sent  to  Rome  .... 
A  Congregation  appointed  to  deal  with  Jansenism 
Its  proceedings  and          ..... 

1653  Its  findings    ....... 

Evasions  and  intrigues  of  the  Jansenists  but 
1653  The  Constitutions  are  finallv  accepted 

Bishop  Henri  Arnauld  renews  the  attack  and     . 

Finds  support  from  certain  Bishops. 

Measures  taken  against  them  by 

Cardinal  Mazarin  and      ..... 

Innocent  X.  . 

1645  The  course  of  the  heresy  in  Flanders 
Hindrances  to  the  publication  of  the  Bull 

1646  Which  is  ultimately  published  by   P)ichis  autlioritv 

then  ....... 

Torn  down     ....... 

Protracted  obstinacy  of  the  Flemish  Jansenists 


217 
219 

221 

223 
226 
232 
236 

237 
252 

254 
257 
259 
261 
265 
266 
277 
279 
285 
289 
290 
293 
297 
299 
300 

305 

307 
308 

309 


xlvi 


TABLE     OF    CONTENTS. 


1647  Archduke  Leopold  William  becomes  Governor 

His  goodwill  at  first         .... 

His  increasing  slackness 
1 65 1  The  Bull  published  in  all  Flemish  Dioceses 

The  intrigues  of  Archbishop  Boonen  of  Malines 

He  is  cited  to  appear  in  Rome  but 

Refuses  to  go  and  . 

Being  censured 

Recants  .... 

The  evil  he  has  done  remains  . 
1653  Differing  receptions  accorded  to  the  Bull 

The  attitude  of  Louvain  University . 

The  position  of  the  Jesuits  in  Flanders 


CHAPTER  VI. 


INNOCENT        X.  S        RELATIONS        WITH        VENICE THE 

PONTIFICAL    STATES DEATH    OF    THE    POPE. 

Innocent  X.  and  Venice  .... 

The  incident  of  the  Inscription 
More  cordial  relations  established 

1645  Military  aid  sent  by  the  Pope,  followed  by 
A  subsidy       ....... 

Negotiations  lead  to         ....  . 

1646  The  campaign  in  Dalmatia       .... 
Venetian  infringements  of  ecclesiastical  immunities 
The  situation  in  the  States  of  the  Church . 
Famine  and  flood  cause  scarcity 

1649  The  assassination  of  the  Bishop  of  Castro 

Total  demolition  of  that  city   .... 
The  decline  of  the  noble  families  of  Rome 
The  health  of  the  septuagenarian  Pope 
His  sudden  collapse  and.  .... 

1655  Death  on  January  7th     ..... 


CHAPTER  VII. 


INNOCENT    X.    AS    A    PATRON    OF    ART. 

The  parsimony  of  the  Pope  in  relation  to  art 
Work  in  St.  Peter's 
Restoration  of  the  Lateran  Basilica . 
Other  buildings       .... 
1652-5  The  Prison  Reforms  of  Innocent  X. 
Parks  and  Villas  restored 
The  reconstruction  of  Piazza  Navona  and 
Bernini's  Fountain  therein 
The  Church  of  S.  Agnese  designed  by  Rainaldi 


LIST  OF  UNPUBLISHED  DOCUMENTS  AND 

EXTRACTS   FROM   ARCHIVES   IN 

APPENDIX. 


PAGE 

1  The  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State  to  the  Spanish  Nuncio. 

December  17th,  1650,  Rome.  .  .  -415 

2  The  Holy  See  and  the  Peace  of  Westphalia . 

3  Paolo  Casati,  S.  J.,  on  the  conversion  of  Christine,  Queen 

of  Sweden.    November  19th,  1655.  .  .  420 

4  Memorandum  of  P.  Sforza  Pallavinico  for  Alexander  VIT. 

on    the    benefices   bestowed    on   the    nephews. 

May  9th,  1656      ......  424 

3     Instructions  for  the  Swiss  Nuncio,  Baldeschi.    1665     .  425 

6  The  "  Vita  di  Alessandro  VII."  by  Sforza  Pallavicino  430 

7  Bargellini  to  Rospigliosi.    September  25th,  1668,  Paris  436 

8  To  Bargellini.     October  nth,   1668,   Rome.        .  .  437 

9  Session  of  the  Inquisition,  of  December  23rd,  1668  .  439 

Rospigliosi  to  Bargellini.    January  20th,  1669,  Rome.  442 

To  the  Spanish  Nuncio.  August  31st,  1669,  Rome.  .  444 

To  the  Spanish  Nuncio.     August   13th,    1672,   Rome.  445 

Cardinal  Altieri  to  Cardinal  Nerli.      July  nth,   1673, 

Rome.  .......  446 

14  Clement  X.  to  Louis  XIV.       .....  448 

15  Biographies  of  Pope  Innocent  XI.     ....  449 

16  Instructions  to  A.  Pignatelli  (Innocent  XII.),  Nuncio 

in  Germany,  1688 .  .  .  .  .  .451 


xlvii 


INNOCENT  X.     1644-1655. 
INTRODUCTION. 

ThI';  powerful  progress  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  era  of 
tlie  Catholic  reform  and  restoration,  which  constitutes  one 
of  the  most  wonderful  spectacles  in  the  whole  history  of  the 
Church,  comes  to  a  standstill  in  the  second  half  of  the  17th 
century,  when  a  period  of  decline  follows.  Thus  the  reign  of 
I'rban  VHI.  marks  a  turning  point  in  the  same  way  as,  a 
century  earlier,  that  of  Paul  III.  had  ushered  in  such  a  crisis. 
The  cause  of  this  decline  is  not  to  be  looked  for  in  the  leaders 
of  the  religious  movement,  the  Popes  ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is 
due  to  such  altered  conditions  as  would  have  prevented  even 
a  Pius  \  .  or  a  Sixtus  V.  from  accomplishing  what  they  did  in 
tlieir  time.  By  the  middle  of  the  17th  century  the  state 
of  the  world  had  undergone  a  profound  change.  Germany 
which — were  it  only  because  of  its  Emperor — the  nations  had 
looked  upon  as  the  hub  of  the  world,  no  longer  counted  as  a 
great  Power.  Though  under  Ferdinand  II.  it  looked  repeatedly 
as  if  the  imperial  power  were  about  to  reassert  itself,  the 
Peace  of  Westphalia  put  an  end  to  all  such  hopes.  The  Em})ire 
had  resolved  itself  into  a  couple  of  hundreds  of  States  and 
miniature  States  which  obeyed  the  Emperor  when  it  suited 
them,  whilst  their  isolation  and  impotence  left  them  help- 
lessly at  the  mercy  of  their  all-powerful  western  neighbour. 
Germany  was  notably  paralysed  by  its  religious  divisions. 
Lutlier  was  mistaken  when  he  imagined  that  his  death  would 
be  the  death  of  the  paj)acy  :  a  large  })art  of  (Germany  remained 
Catholic.  However,  Luther's  opponents  were  likewise  dis- 
api)ointe(l  in  their  hope  that  Germany  would  return  to  the 
ancient  faith.  The  Peace  of  Westphalia  recognized  the  religious 
cleavage  as  insurmountable  and  definitive,  and  both  parties 
dropped  the  principle  that  full  political   privileges  could  only 

\  OL.    .\\x.  I  ^ 


2  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

be  enjoyed  by  those  who  dung  to  the  true  rehgion.  Contrasts 
have  now  become  petrified  ;  German  Cathohcs  and  German 
Protestants  now  have  their  own  separate  territories  and  face 
each  other  hke  two  hostile  peoples  ;  thus  when  it  chanced 
that  foreign  co-religionists  were  oppressed,  it  might  happen 
that  a  Protestant  government  would  practise  reprisals  on 
their  own  Catholic  subjects  and  vice  versa.  Moreover,  in  the 
sociological  sphere,  the  humiliating  realization  of  the  country's 
depopulation  and  impoverishment  after  the  war  weighed 
heavily  on  the  nation  and  stifled  all  enterprise.  If  a  German 
wrote  poetry,  it  was  in  a  French  metre  ;  if  a  prince  raised 
some  luxury  building,  at  the  expense  of  his  impoverished 
subjects,  France  gave  the  impulse  and  supplied  the  model. 
When  the  new  learning  essayed  its  first  steps,  Germany  was 
splendidly  represented  by  her  Copernicus  and  her  Keppler. 
After  1650  she  may  indeed  boast  yet  another  great  scholar 
and  historian  in  the  person  of  Leibnitz,  the  co-discoverer  of 
the  infinitesimal  calculus,  but  in  the  proper  sphere  of  the 
natural  sciences  Otto  von  Guerike  was  for  a  long  period  the 
only  inventor  whose  name  history  has  recorded.  The  dis- 
spirited  Germans  had  lost  all  self-reliance,  all  consciousness 
of  the  former  greatness  of  their  country.  In  such  a  mood 
how  could  they  have  asserted  themselves  abroad  ?  A  large 
section  of  the  nation  was,  as  it  were,  under  a  kind  of  religious 
necessity  to  look  on  the  Catholic  Middle  Ages,  that  is  the 
great  centuries  of  German  hegemony,  as  an  era  of  darkness 
and  barbarism,  and  if  the  mere  name  of  the  Emperor  was 
still  surrounded  by  a  kind  of  luminous  halo,  it  called  forth 
no  more  than  vague,  melancholy  memories  and  a  longing 
that  its  bearer  might  awake  from  slumber. 

Like  Germany,  Spain  too  had  fallen  from  her  pinnacle. 
Under  Charles  V.  and  Philip  II.  that  country  had  enjoyed 
its  century  of  hegemony  in  Europe,  but  with  the  17th 
century  there  began  a  period  of  decline  into  ever-increasing 
political  impotence.  It  is  remarkable  that  it  was  just  then 
that  with  Lope  and  Calderon,  Spanish  poetry  attained  its 
highest  efflorescence,  as  did  painting  with  Velasquez  and 
Murillo.    But  in  Spain  literature  and  art  were  chiefly  rooted 


INTRODUCTION.  3 

in  the  deep  and  intimate  Catholic  faith  of  a  people  which  had 
decisively  rejected  the  religious  innovations  as  soon  as  these 
sought  to  strike  root,  and  thus  preserved  the  inestimable 
blessing  of  religious  unity  ;  no  literature  or  art  is  so  deeply 
stamped  with  the  imprint  of  Catholic  religious  feeling  as  the 
Spanish. 

On  the  whole  France  also  had  preserved  religious  unity. 
During  the  Huguenot  wars  that  country  was,  as  it  were,  the 
tongue  of  the  balance.  Had  France  at  that  time  swerved 
towards  Protestantism,  the  consequences  would  have  been 
incalculable  ;  in  that  eventuality  the  Reformation  would  in 
all  probability  have  swept  over  the  whole  of  Europe.  This 
was  not  to  happen.  The  French  people  itself  had  no  love  for 
the  new  religion  ;  it  wanted  to  be  and  to  remain  Catholic  and 
it  compelled  its  reluctant  King  to  become  a  Catholic.  The 
horror  of  the  Huguenot  wars  onlj'  served  to  fan  the  Catholic 
spirit  and  when  the  dice  had  been  cast  in  favour  of  the  old 
religion,  there  passed  over  the  land  a  Catholic  spirit  like  a 
warm  breath  of  spring.  Priests,  splendidly  endowed,  energetic 
and  full  of  religious  enthusiasm,  arose  ;  the  secular  clergy 
became  once  more  conscious  of  its  lofty  vocation  ;  the 
religious  Orders  were  rejuv^enated  ;  new  religious  institu- 
tions for  educational  and  charitable  purposes  arose  on  all 
sides  and  the  laity,  too,  gathered  its  strength  in  the  service 
of  the  Church.  The  achievements  of  the  humanistic  age,  in 
alliance  with  Catholic  mentality,  issued  in  an  efflorescence  of 
French  literature  which  in  Bossuet,  Fenelon,  Bourdaloue, 
Massillon,  gave  expression  to  Catholic  thought.  The  poets  of 
the  period  of  Louis  XHL  and  XIV.,  Corneille,  Racine,  Moliere, 
Lafontaine,  are  classics  even  at  this  day  ;  Poussin,  Claude 
Lorrain,  Le  Sueur  are  the  finest  flowers  of  French  painting, 
Descartes  with  his  new  philosophical  views,  together  with 
V^iete,  Fermat,  and  Pascal,  is  a  pioneer  in  the  sphere  of 
mathematics  which  he  enriched  with  a  new  branch,  that  of 
analytical  geometry.  In  the  theological  field  a  new  science 
arose  with  Petau,  that  of  the  history  of  dogma,  which  was 
carried  still  further  by  Morin  and  Thomassin.  Critical 
patristic  studies  owe  to  Fronton  du  Due,  Sirmond  and  Labbe 


4  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

a  development  which,  towards  the  close  of  the  century,  and 
thanks  to  the  French  Benedictines,  laid  the  foundations  of 
the  modern  historical  method.  Bossuet  first  sought  to  carry 
light  and  order  into  the  medley  which  men  call  the  history 
of  the  world.  Distinguished  minds  of  foreign  lands,  such  as 
Huygens  and  Cassini,  if  they  would  be  put  on  the  candlestick, 
must  needs  repair  to  Paris  where  the  Academy  of  Science  and 
that  of  Inscriptions,  the  Observatory  and  the  rich  collections, 
opened  their  doors  to  them.  More  obvious  than  these  achieve- 
ments in  the  intellectual  order  was  the  way  in  which  Colbert 
raised  France's  trade  and  industry'  ;  Louvois  created  the 
modern  army  organization  and  by  feeding  troops  from 
magazines,  made  possible  the  mobilization  of  large  masses  ; 
Vauban  laid  down  the  foundations  of  the  modern  art  of 
fortification,  whilst  under  generals  such  as  Conde,  Turenne 
and  Catinat,  France  marched  from  victory  to  victory  in  the 
opening  years  of  Louis  XIV. 's  reign. 

However,  the  authors  of  these  brilliant  achievements,  who 
thereby  made  of  France  the  first  country  in  the  world,  were 
only  the  stars  that  prepare  the  rising  of  the  sun  itself,  at  whose 
appearance,  as  willing  planets,  they  ranged  themselves  in 
a  luminous  setting  around  one  man,  the  real  luminary  among 
these  lesser  lights — the  youthful  Louis  XIV.  A  born  ruler,  full 
of  great  plans  and  designs,  bent  on  extending  the  realm  and 
humiliating  Germany  and  Spain,  a  prince  who  really  worked 
and  governed  as  his  own  minister  and  only  allowed  the  decrees 
of  his  ministers  to  be  issued  in  his  own  name,  handsome 
and  energetic,  a  king  in  his  appearance  and  in  his  every 
gesture,  the  twenty-three  year  old  ruler  quickly  became  the 
pride  and  the  idol  of  the  French  who  basked  in  his  glory 
and  who,  because  they  stooped  before  him  as  the  expression 
and  embodiment  of  France,  felt  themselves  exalted  above  all 
other  nations. 

It  was  unquestionably  an  advantage  for  the  Catholic  cause 
that  the  most  powerful  King  of  Europe,  the  richest  country 
in  the  world  and  the  most  brilliant  literature  of  the  period, 
should  be  on  the  side  of  Catholicism.  This  is  proved  by  the 
numerous  conversions  among  the  upper  classes  in  Germany 


INTRODUCTION.  5 

and  in  tlic  ranks  of  intellectual  men.  None  the  less  the  rule 
of  the  rot  soldi  proved  a  calamity  for  the  Church.  Louis  XIV. 
was  the  most  determined  representative  of  State  absolutism 
and  the  very  brilliance  with  which  he  embodied  the  new 
conception  of  the  State  led  to  its  triumph,  for  the  other 
princes,  even  the  Catholic  ones,  proved  onlj'  too  ready  pupils 
of  the  great  Louis.  If  Louis  did  not  say  in  so  many  words, 
"  L'Etat,  c'est  moi  !  "  he  certainly  said  it  equivalently  and 
took  it  for  his  line  of  conduct.  According  to  him  all  right  is 
vested  in  the  State  and  all  authority  proceeds  from  the 
Sovereign,  nay,  he  even  owns  all  that  the  country  owns, 
not  excluding  the  property  of  the  Church.^  The  aim  of  his 
policy  is  the  honour  of  the  nation  whilst  the  glory  of  the 
nation  is  the  greatness  of  the  King.^  Accordingly  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  and  its  welfare  are  of  much  less  conse- 
quence. The  Sovereign  may  pour  out  its  blood  in  endless 
wars,  provided  his  greatness  is  assured  ;  it  may  be  im- 
poverished by  crushing  ta.xation,  so  long  as  the  ruler  lives 
in  splendour  in  castles  that  surpass  all  the  wonders  of  the 
world.  In  effect  Louis  XIV.  was  the  only  man  who  counted 
in  France  ;  the  wars  of  the  Fronde  had  broken  the  power 
of  the  nobles  and  the  fall  of  La  Rochelle  that  ot  the  Huguenots  ; 
the  States  General  had  not  been  convened  since  1614,  and 
Parliament  only  dared  move  after  the  death  of  Louis  XIV. 
Hence  there  remained  only  one  power  that  could  act  as  a 
brake,  the  Church,  "  whose  greatest  enemy,"  in  view  of  his 
principles,  Louis  was  bound  to  become,  one,  too,  whose 
action  was  fraught  with  greater  danger  than  open  violence.^ 
Absolutism  was  everywhere  bent  on  domination,  even  in 

*  Les  rois  sont  seigneurs  ahsohis  ct  ont  naturcllcmcnt  la 
disposition  plcine  ct  libre  de  tons  Ics  bicns,  tant  des  seculiers  que 
dcs  ecclesiastiques,  pour  en  user  come  sages  ccouomes,  c'est  a 
(lire  selon  les  bcsoins  de  leur  fitat.  Louis  XI \'.  in  Dkiciss,  I,  209  ; 
li.  Lavisse,  Histoire  de  France,  VII,  i,  Paris,   1905,  391. 

2  Ch.  Koch,  Das  imitmschrdnktc  Kunigtiim  Ludivigs  XIV. 
(Progr.),  Berlin,  1888  ;  P.  Ssymank  in  Hist.  Vierteljahrschr.,  II. 
(1899),  39-71  ;    Lavisse,  lac.  cit.,  iiq  scqq. 

'  O.  Klopp,  l-'all  dcs  Haiises  Stuart,  I,  346  ;    X.,  200. 


b  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  religious  and  spiritual  sphere.  Such  aims  were  all  the 
more  natural  in  France  as  Galilean  teaching  was  gaining 
ground.  Spain  too  had  its  Caesaro-papalism,  but  this  was 
derived  from  papal  concessions  and  Philip  II.  carried  it  into 
effect  because  he  imagined  that,  in  the  event  of  the  downfall 
of  the  Roman  Curia,  he  would  be  called  upon  to  assume  the 
care  of  the  Catholic  Church. ^  French  Gallicanism  was  a 
quite  different  thing.  In  so  far  as  it  looked  for  theoretical 
foundations  at  all,  it  based  itself  not  on  papal  privileges,  its 
claim  was  that  it  preserved  the  original  conditions  of  the 
primitive  Church.  In  the  Galilean  view  the  Roman  See 
had  by  degrees  subjected  all  the  nations  to  itself,  France 
alone  had  preserved  the  conditions  which  generally  obtained 
throughout  Christendom  in  the  6th  century  ^ ;  hence  the 
genuine  Catholic  Church  was  found  exclusively  on  the  soil  of 
ancient  Gaul.  Such  views  explain  Louis  XIV. 's  conduct 
towards  the  Pope.  He  acknowledged  the  Pope's  precedence 
in  the  purely  spiritual  sphere,  but  this  "  purely  spiritual  " 
sphere  was  by  him  set  within  very  narrow  boundaries,  and 
all  that  went  beyond  them  he  felt  justified  in  resisting  as 
Roman  pretensions.  Hence  the  attitude  towards  Alexander  VII. 
and  Innocent  XL,  as  if  the  Pope  were  a  foreign  enemy  whom 
one  could  not  confine  too  sternly  within  his  own  boundaries. 
In  the  other  great  European  courts,  and  even  in  the  little 
ones,  this  striving  for  the  complete  autonomy  of  the  State 
found  a  willing  echo,  especially  when,  after  the  Peace  of 
Utrecht,  the  Spanish  war  of  succession,  the  great  civil  war 
between  the  Catholics,  the  Protestant  Powers,  England, 
Holland,  Prussia,  began  to  rise.  Politics  became  completely 
secularized,  regard  for  right  and  justice  sank  into  the  back- 
ground and  the  Pope's  influence  was  almost  completely 
eliminated.  No  papal  delegate  was  present  at  the  Peace  of 
the  Pyrenees  and  that  of  Monzdn.  Such  a  representative 
appears  for  the  last  time  at  the  congresses  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
and  Nymegen,  but  thereafter  the  men  in  power  thought  that 

^  Cf.  P.  Leturia  in  Estudios  eclesiasticos,  January,  1929,  106- 
114. 

*  Phillips,   Kirchenrecht,   III.,   Ratisbon,    1848,   ^yj  seqcj. 


INTRODUCTION.  7 

tlicy  might  dispense  with  the  Pope's  mediation.*  Rome  ceased 
to  be  the  centre  of  gravity  of  European  politics  ;  in  tlie 
great  crises  of  modern  history  she  either  plays  no  role  at  all 
or  only  a  very  limited  one.  Henceforth  the  importance  of  the 
nunciature  rejiorts  lies  solely  in  the  fact  that  they  proceed 
from  men  well  able  to  judge  the  c\cnts  they  record. 

Thus  by  KioO  the  European  situation  had  undergone  a 
great  change,  one  very  unfavourable  to  the  Church  and  the 
papacy  :  in  the  North  there  was  Sweden,  the  deadly  enemy 
of  Catholicism  ;  Germany  and  Spain,  with  their  conservative 
principles  pushed  into  the  background  ;  in  the  centre  of 
western  Europe,  France  still  Catholic  but  already,  under 
Richelieu,  dangerously  near  a  schism  and,  moreover,  the 
second  home  and  the  true  focus  of  one  of  the  most  dangerous 
heresies,  Jansenism,  one  all  the  more  to  be  feared,  as  it 
not  only  a\'oided  open  rupture  with  the  Church  but,  on  the 
contrary,  by  various  subterfuges,  preserved  the  appearance 
of  submission  whilst  it  claimed  to  be  the  genuine  orthodox 
Church,  as  against  the  '  Molinists  '. 

Grievous  peril  thus  brooded  over  the  Church.  However, 
Providence  is  never  asleep.  Youthful  Louis  XIV.  may  indeed 
have  cherished  the  dream  of  acquiring  Spain  by  marriage, 
winning  the  imperial  crown  of  Germany  and,  by  establishing 
real  imperial  rule,  of  paving  the  way  for  world  power.  What  be- 
came of  such  dreams  ?  Louis  was  to  learn  by  bitter  experience 
that  the  sword  is  not  the  only  weapon.  His  arrogance  arrayed 
all  Europe  against  him  and  he  owed  it  solely  to  the  lack  of 
miity  among  his  opponents  if  the  last  of  his  campaigns  ended 
not  unsuccessfully.  To  this  must  be  added  the  impoverish- 
ment of  the  land,  the  embittermcnt  of  the  people  against  the 
roi  soleil  it  had  at  one  time  idolized,  misfortune  upon  mis- 
fortune in  his  own  family,  no  heir  to  make  it  worth  while  to 
toil  during  a  whole  lifetime,  nor  any  successors  to  the  men  of 
genius  who  had  shed  such  lustre  upon  the  beginning  of  his 
reign. 

•  At  the  Peace  of  Utrecht  Passionei  was  onlv  papal  agent  and 
at  the  Congress  of  Canihrai  the  participation  of  a  papal  envoy 
was  imposed  f)y  force  by  Dubois. 


0  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

Nor  did  Louis  succeed  in  enforcing  his  will  on  the  Pope. 
Gallicanism  was  a  half-truth  and  self-contradictory.  If  in 
the  early  Christian  centuries  the  influence  of  the  Roman  See 
was  less  to  the  fore,  it  was  nevertheless  there  ;  if  Rome 
gave  a  free  hand  to  an  Athanasius  or  a  Cyril  of  Alexandria 
in  the  distant  East,  it  was  because  there  was  no  need  to 
interfere,  whilst  all  the  time  she  was  fully  conscious  that 
she  had  the  right  to  intervene.  Louis  XIV.  himself  had  to 
experience  the  inconsequence  of  Gallicanism  :  again  and 
again  he  had  need  of  the  Pope,  both  in  dogmatic  disputes 
and  otherwise,  and  when  faced  with  insoluble  complications 
he  had  to  request  the  Pope  to  speak  the  decisive  word.^ 
For  all  that  anti-Roman  tendencies  and  encroachments  on 
the  Church's  sphere  grew  constantly.  Things  came  to  such 
a  pass  that  in  the  18th  century  it  was  no  rare  thing  for 
Bishop's  letters  to  be  burnt,  or  the  Last  Sacraments  to  be 
administered  by  order  of  the  police,  until  at  last,  by  the 
civil  constitution  of  the  clergy,  a  new  ecclesiastical  order  was 
dictated  by  the  authority  of  the  State  alone  and  without 
reference  to  either  Bishops  or  Pope.    However,  this  extreme 

1  "  Cette  domination  du  roi,  cependant,  n'etait  pas,  ne  pouvait 
etre  complete.  Le  gallicanisme,  place  a  mi-chemin  entre  le 
schisme  et  I'infaillibilite  papale,  etait  uu  systeme  plein  d'in- 
consequences,  qui  devait  inevitablement  un  jour  se  briser  contra 
la  logique  d'airain  de  Rome.  Meme  a  son  apogee,  il  ne  savait 
pas  se  passer  de  Rome.  A  chaque  instant  le  pouvoir  royal 
avait  besoin  de  ce  pape,  qu'il  combattait  si  volontiers  et  avec 
taut  d'obstination.  II  fallait  souvent  solliciter  a  Rome,  quand 
on  aurait  vouhi  commander.  On  le  voyait  chaque  fois  qu'il 
s'agissait  d'unc  question  d'hcrcsie  ou  de  doctrine,  ou  simple- 
ment  d'un  chapeau  de  cardinal.  De  la  une  sourde  irritation  dans 
I'esprit  du  roi,  qui  sentait  qu'il  y  avait  a  I'interieur  meme  de  cet 
fitat,  qu'il  identifiait  avec  soi-meme,  une  autre  puissance  im- 
posant  des  limites  a  la  sienne.  De  la  aussi  cette  inconsequence 
dans  les  relations  avec  le  pape,  melange  de  menaces  et  de  solli- 
citations,  de  violence  et  de  deference,  de  corruption  scandaleuse 
et  de  persecution  mesquine."  (Hanotaux,  Recueil,  I,  cix. 
Ch.  de.  Bildt,  Christine  dc  Suede  et  le  Conclave  de  Clement  X. 
(1669-1670),  60.) 


INTRODUCTION.  9 

measure  of  Caesaro-papalism  provided  the  occasion  for  the 
papacy's  supreme  triumph.  When  Napoleon  resolved  to  put 
order  into  the  rehgious  chaos,  he  saw  him.self  impelled  to 
invoke  the  Pope,  thereby  supplying  the  opportunity  for  a 
display  of  pontifical  power  of  unprecedented  magnitude  in  the 
whole  history  of  the  Church. 

Even  in  his  political  contests  with  the  Popes,  Louis  XIV. 
experienced  unforeseen  disappointments.  True,  he  forced 
Alexander  VII.  to  yield  in  the  dispute  over  the  Corsican 
guards,  so  as  to  preserve  the  States  of  the  Church  from  an 
invasion  of  the  King's  soldiery,  but  no  one  can  admire  the 
brutal  conduct  of  an  arrogant  youth  towards  a  father  and  an 
aged  man.  However,  this  did  not  put  an  end  to  all  conflicts. 
After  a  short  period  of  peace  under  Clement  IX.  they  were 
renewed  under  his  successor,  eighty-years-old  Clement  X., 
and  they  became  extremely  acute  under  Innocent  XI. 
On  the  other  hand  this  was  the  moment  for  the  beginning 
of  an  extremely  interesting  spectacle.  On  one  side  Europe's 
mightiest  King,  in  all  the  force  of  his  manhood,  relying  on  a 
trained  army  and  all  the  arts  of  policy  and  diplomacy,  glorified 
by  poets  as  the  one  who  saw  more  clearly  than  the  Pope  and 
who   sustained    the   whole    structure   of   religion,^    and    this 


'  Thus  Racine  in  1689  in  the  prologue  to  Esther  has  this  address 
to    God  : 

De  ta  gloire  auiiiK'',  hii  scul  de  tant  de  rois 

S'arme  pour  ta  querelle,  ct  combat  pour  tes  (h'oits  .  .  . 

Tout  semble  abandonner  tes  sacres  etendards. 

Et  I'enfcr,  couvrant  tout  de  ses  vapeurs  funebrcs, 

Sur  les  yeux  les  plus  saints  a  jete  ses  tcnebres. 

Lui  seul,  invariable  et  fonde  sur  la  foi, 

Ne  cherche,  ne  regarde  et  n'ecoute  que  toi  ; 

Et  bravant  du  demon  I'impuissant  artifice 

De  la  religion  soutient  tout  Tedifice. 

Grand  Dieu,  ju<,'e  ta  cause.  .  .  . 

The  fabuli.st  Lafontaine  also  wrote  of  Innocent  XI.  (Letter  of 
August  18,  1689,  to  Prince  De  Conti,  (Euvres  complies,  ed.  C.  H. 
Walckenacr,    II,  Paris,   1838,  743)  : 


10  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

embodiment  of  all  the  worldly  greatness  of  the  period  faced 
by  an  unarmed  old  man,  a  Pope  in  whom,  on  the  whole, 
there  was  nothing  of  the  skilled  statesman  or  the  wily  diplo- 
matist. Simple  and  straightforward,  but  consequent,  the  Pope 
defended  what  he  knew  to  be  the  cause  of  right  and  justice, 
ready,  if  need  be,  to  die  a  martyr  to  his  cause. ^  "  To  this  we 
are  called,"  he  wrote  to  Louis,  "  and  we  do  not  value  our 
life  more  than  ourselves  ;  not  alone  with  constancy,  but  even 
with  joy,  we  must  bear  tribulations  for  justice'  sake  and 
glory  in  them  and  in  the  cross  of  Jesus  Christ."  -  He  would 
sooner  be  flayed  alive,  like  the  Apostle  St.  Bartholomew,  than 
consent  to  anything  that  could  redound  to  the  injury  of  the 
Holy  See.^    Such  speech,   no  doubt,   would  meet  with  but 

Celui-ci  veritablement 

N'est  envers  nous  ni  saint  ni  pere. 

Nos  soins,  de  I'erreur  triomphants, 

Ne  font  qu'augmenter  sa  colere 

Centre  I'aine  de  ses  enfants. 
1  "  His  policy  presents  no  surprising  features,  on  the  contrary, 
amid  the  incredible  intrigues  of  the  17th  century  and  the  con- 
stantly changing  relations  between  the  various  States,  it  is 
remarkable  by  reason  of  its  simplicity  and  constancy.  It  is 
characterized  by  the  sense  of  justice  that  inspired  its  guide,  by 
the  firmness  with  which  he  met  encroachments  on  the  pontifical 
power  and  suppressed  abuses,  and  above  all  by  the  high  aim  that 
he  had  set  himself  .  .  ."  (M.  Immich,  Zur  Vorgeschichte  des 
Orleanischen  Krieges,  Heidelberg,  1898,  XVI.,  seq.). 

"  Neque  tamen  ullum  inde  incommodum  aut  periculum, 
nullam,  quantumvis  saevam  atque  horribilem  tempestatem 
pertimescimus.  Ad  hoc  enim  vocati  sumus,  neque  facimus 
animam  Nostram  pretiosiorem  quam  Nos,  probe  intelligentes 
non  forti  solum,  sed  etiam  laeto  animo  subeundas  tribulationes 
propter  justitiam,  in  quibus  et  in  cruce  Domini  Nos  unice 
gloriari     oportet.       Brief    of    Dec.     29,     1679,     in     Berthier, 

I.   330- 

*  che  pill  tosto  si  sarebbe  lasciato  scorticare,  come  s.  Bartolo- 
meo,  che  fare  o  consentire  a  cosa  pregiudiciale  alia  S.  Sede 
Apostolica  et  alle  ragioni  della  medesima.  Process  of  Beatifica- 
tion,   Informatio,    Testimony    of    Maracchi, 


INTRODUCTION.  II 

little  understanding  on  the  part  of  the  diplomatists,  it  might 
even  call  forth  their  sneers.  But  the  incredible  happened  : 
it  was  not  the  unworldly  ascetic  who  was  beaten  in  the 
dispute  ;  moral  victory  would  have  been  his  in  any  case.  On 
other  questions  also  Louis  XI  V.'s  endeavours  failed  owing  to  the 
opposition  of  the  Pope,  as  the  King's  efforts  for  the  Electoral 
See  of  Cologne  ;  in  the  dispute  over  the  freedom  of  the  quarter 
lie  also  gave  in  after  the  death  of  Innocent  XI.  ;  he  restored 
the  confiscated  papal  possessions  in  France,  viz.  Avignon 
and  \'enaissin  ;  the  convocation  of  a  General  Council  was 
now  without  point,  and  under  Innocent  XII.  Louis  had  to 
give  up  the  four  Gallican  articles  of  1()82  ;  the  quarrel  over 
the  regale  met  with  a  solution  with  which  Rome  could,  on  the 
whole,  be  satisfied. 

But  we  have  not  yet  as  much  as  hinted  at  Innocent  XL's 
greatest  triumphs.  From  beginning  to  end  his  government 
was  inspired  and  dominated  by  the  lofty  thought  of  uniting 
Christendom  for  a  grand  struggle  against  the  traditional 
enemy  in  the  East — at  first  sight,  and  judged  by  appearances, 
a  hopeless  undertaking  in  view  of  the  utterly  secular  policy 
of  the  States  at  the  time,  an  enterprise  that  must  have  looked 
like  a  dream  of  long  ago,  which  only  an  unpractical  idealism 
could  think  of  evoking  !  However,  though  Innocent  XL  did 
not  realize  all  he  would  have  wished  to  accomplish,  he  could 
nevertheless  register  many  successes.  The  salvation  of 
Europe  and  the  anti-Turkish  league  arc  for  the  most  part 
his  work  ;  he  was  the  real  soul  of  the  opposition  against  the 
rising  tide  of  Islam.  Great  events  rapidly  succeeded  each 
other  during  his  pontificate  ;  the  deliverance  of  Vienna,  the 
conquest  of  Ofen,  the  Grand  Alliance.  The  new  Austro- 
Ilungarian  Imperial  State  was  a  result  of  the  wars  of  the  time, 
and  a  stop  was  put  for  ever  to  the  conquest  of  the  Osmanlis.^ 
Even  in  purely  secular  matters  and  in  affairs  of  State  the 
greater  political  wisdom  was  on  the  side  of  the  unpolitical 
Pope.  If  France  had  not  robbed  his  plans  of  complete  success, 
there  would  have  remained  no  Eastern  question  and  Europe 

'   Immicii,   Zttr    Vorgeschichic,   X\II. 


12  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

would  have  been  spared  incalculable  complications. ^  The 
reign  of  Innocent  XI.  is  the  epilogue  of  the  age  of  the 
great  reforming  Popes  of  the  16th  and  17th  centuries. 
Whereas  under  Urban  VIII.  and  Alexander  VII.  and  even 
after  them,  Rome,  notwithstanding  its  continual  decline  in 
the  political  sphere,  still  remained  the  centre  of  the  civilized 
world,  chiefly  by  reason  of  its  great  creations  in  the  artistic 
field,  up  to  the  BYench  Revolution  the  Apostolic  See  knew 
indeed  excellent  priests  but  no  longer  any  great  men.  The 
most  remarkable  Pope  of  the  period  was  Benedict  XIV.,  a 
scholar  whose  works  are  not  yet  out  of  date,  a  man  of  high 
and  liberal  spirit,  whose  ready  repartee  could  be  pungent  ;  he 
knew  how  to  yield  but  likewise  how  to  go  cautiously  forward. 
For  the  rest  the  18th  century  is  one  of  the  saddest  in  the 
history  of  the  Church,  and  outwardly  one  of  steady  decline. 
To  the  three  hostile  forces  of  the  17th  century,  viz. 
Jansenism,  Gallicanism,  Caesaro-papalism,  a  fourth  came 
to  be  added,  viz.  an  infidel  philosophy,  deism,  naturalism, 
rationalism,  which  only  worked  themselves  out  completely 
in  the  19th  and  20th  centuries.  Its  aim  was  to  attack 
and  to  undermine  Christianity  in  its  foundations.  Added 
to  this  was  the  fact  that  the  other  hostile  powers  became 
even  more  aggressive  than  in  the  past.  The  French  Parlia- 
ment, which  under  Louis  XIV.  had  sunk  into  political 
insignificance,  acquired  new  strength  during  the  Regency  and 
permitted  itself,  as  the  guardian  of  Gallicanism,  encroachments 
on  the  ecclesiastical  sphere  such  as  the  roi  soleil  would  not  have 
dared  to  perpetrate.  Jansenism  seemingly  vanished  after 
Clement  IX.,  but  under  Clement  X.,  through  Quesnel,  it 
became  a  fresh  and  even  greater  danger  ;  under  Louis  XIV. 
it  had  been  opposed  by  the  Government,  but  now  it  was  the 
object  of  the  solicitous  protection  of  Parliament.  By  then 
State  absolutism  had  become  an  established  thing  ;    it  might 

1  "  II  faut  le  dire,  a  I'honneur  de  la  diplomatie  pontificale,  que 
c'est  a  Rome  qu'on  a  premierement  compris  rimportance  de 
la  question  de  rOrient.  Que  de  maux  auraient  ete  epargnes  a 
TEurope  si  la  voix  des  papes  avait  ete  mieux  ecoutee  !  "  Bildt, 
loc.   cit.,   4. 


INTRODUCTION.  I3 

he  said  that  the  princes  vied  with  one  another  in  makinj^  the 
Pope  feel  liis  p<jhtical  in"ii)otence  ;  tluis  Clement  XL,  in  the 
course  of  his  long  and  peaceful  pontificate,  found  himself, 
during  the  Spanish  war  of  succession,  between  France  and 
Austria  as  betw'een  the  hanmier  and  the  anvil  ;  Benedict  XIII. 
had  to  become  reconciled  to  the  Monarchia  Siciila  so  long 
opposed,  whilst  Clement  XII.  was  forced  to  make  fresh 
concessions.  It  looked  as  if  the  papacy's  very  power  to  live 
was  to  be  tested  and  the  fact  that  it  stood  the  test  is  one  of 
the  most  memorable  facts  of  all  history.  The  great  pioneers 
of  royal  absolutism,  Richelieu,  Mazarin,  Louis  XIV.,  however 
clear  and  far-sighted  they  may  have  seemed,  failed  to  perceive 
that  by  exaggerating  the  royal  prerogatives  they  conjured 
up  the  revolution,  and  that  by  setting  at  nought  the  most 
legitimate  authority  of  all,  that  of  the  Church,  they  were 
undermining  all  authority,  theirs  included.  Royal  absolutism 
dug  its  own  grave  ;  when  it  fell,  its  fall  included  that  of 
Gallicani.sm  and  Jansenism.  For  a  time  it  looked  as  if  the 
deluge  was  about  to  sweep  away  the  papacy  too.  However, 
the  nadir  of  its  depression  in  the  18th  century  also  marks 
the  starting  point  of  a  fresh  and  unexpected  rise,  even  though 
not  in  the  political  sphere.  In  the  19th  century  the 
papacy  remained  as  a  world  power  with  which  every  State  had 
to  reckon,  and  though  it  may  no  longer  intervene  in  world 
})olitics,  the  nations  have  nevertheless  been  taught  that  it 
would  be  greatly  to  their  advantage  if  there  still  existed  a 
peaceful  power,  enthroned  above  the  strife  of  parties,  with  its 
su])eriority  and  impartiality  recognized  by  all. 

When  Pius  VI.  died  in  captivit}',  men  wrote  the  epitaph  of 
the  papacy,  for  they  fancied  that  it  would  rise  no  more.  If 
ever  prophecy  was  stultilied,  it  was  this  one. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Conclave  of  1644.     Innocent  X.  and  the  Pamfili. 

When  Urban  VIII.  died  on  July  29th,  1644,  the  Cardinals' 
first  care  was  to  remove  the  mercenaries,  French  for  the  most 
part,  who  had  been  enrolled  for  the  recently  concluded  war 
of  Castro.  This  seemed  all  the  more  urgent  as  the  Grand- 
Duke  of  Tuscany  and  the  Viceroy  of  Naples  had  drawn  up 
their  troops  along  the  borders  of  the  States  of  the  Church 
and  were  threatening  to  take  action  unless  the  foreign  soldiery 
was  disbanded  and  Taddeo  Barberini  deprived  of  his  command. 
The  Emperor's  representative,  Savelli,  worked  in  the  same 
sense.  In  the  end  it  was  decided  that  the  foreign  troops 
should  be  evacuated  towards  Bologna  whilst  Taddeo  Barberini 
should  remain  General  of  the  Church,  but  his  authority  was 
to  be  limited  by  two  Cardinals  who  were  to  be  placed  by  his 
side.^  These  measures  had  a  calming  effect  on  the  people, 
for  in  Rome  the  situation  had  taken  on  so  warlike  a  character 
that  all  the  palaces  had  been  put  in  a  state  of  defence. ^ 
On  August  9th  the  Cardinals  went  into  conclave.^    Contrary 

^  Report  of  Cardinal  Harrach  to  Ferdinand  III.,  dat.  Rome, 
August  6,  1644,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

2  See  the  report  in  Petrucelli,  III.,  91  ;  I.  Nicii  Erythraei, 
epist.  LXVIII.  ad  Tyrrhenuni  ;    Coville,  3  seq.,  13  seq. 

^  Cf.  on  the  conclave  of  Innocent  X.,  H.  Conring,  Comment, 
hist,  de  electione  Urbani  VIII.  et  Innocentii  X.,  Helmstadt,  165 1  ; 
Conclavi,  II.,  356-499  ;  Petrucelli,  III,  95  seqq.  ;  Wahrmund, 
Ausschliessungsrecht,  128  seq.  in  Sitzungsberichten  der  Wiener 
Akademie,  Hist.  Kl.  122  and  170  ;  Eisler,  48  seq.,  88  seq.  ; 
a  diary  of  Cardinal  E.  A.  Harrach  on  the  conclave  of  1644  in 
Harrach  Archives,  Vienna.  Cf.  F.  Mencik,  Volba  Papezc  In- 
nocence X.,  Praze,  1894,  where  the  election  capitulation  {cf. 
Quellen  u.  Forsch.,  XII.,  299)  is  given  on  p.  42.  Its  date  (Sept.  10, 
1644)  can  be  ascertained  from  the  copy  in  Boncompagni  Archives, 

14 


THE    CONCLAVK.  I5 

to  what  had  been  planned  at  tirst,'  it  was  not  held  at  the 
Quirinal  nor  at  the  Collei^fe  of  tlie  Jesuits,  but  notwithstanding 
the  objections  of  the  physician  Collicola,  who  warned  against 
the  "  miasmas  and  the  risk  of  infection  ",  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  two  Francesco  Barbcrini  and  in  accordance  with 
established  custom,  it  was  held  at  the  Vatican. ^  The  electoral 
hall  remained  open  all  day,  thus  enabling  the  envoys  of  the 
I'^mperor  and  those  of  the  Kings  of  Spain  and  France  to 
confer  with  the  Cardinals.-'  In  view  of  the  great  heat  the  cells 
had  been  made  more  spacious  than  usual.'* 

The  Sacred  College  consisted  of  62  members  ^  ;  six  were 
absent,  viz.  the  Spaniards  Borgia  and  Sandoval,  the  French 
Mazarin  and  La  Rochefoucauld  and  the  Italians  Spinola  and 
Orsini.  Most  of  the  56  Cardinals  who  took  part  in  the 
election  were  Italians.  There  were  among  them  only  the 
three  Spaniards  Albornoz,  Cueva,  and  Lugo,  the  two  French- 
men Alphonse  Louis  Richelieu  and  Achille  d'Estampes  de 
\'alen^ay  and  the  German  Harrach.  Sixteen  Cardinals  were 
Romans,  viz.  Lante,  Crescenzi,  Pamfili,  Rocci,  Cesi,  Verospi, 
Montalto,  Panciroli,  Mattei,  Altieri,  Teodoli,  Rapaccioli, 
Antonio  Barberini,  Colonna,  Gabrielli,  Rondinini  ;  seven 
were  Florentines,  viz.  Capponi,  Francesco  Barberini,  Sacchetti, 
Machiavelli,  Falconieri,  Medici  and  the  elder  Antonio 
Barberini.  There  were  also  five  Genoese,  viz.  Spinola, 
Costaguti,  Durazzo,  Donghi  and  Grimaldi.  To  these  must 
be  added  three  Milanese — Roma,  Trivulzio  and  Monti  ;    two 

Rome,  C.  20.  A  few  relevant  letters  in  Marchesan,  Lettere 
inedile  di  O.  Rinaldo,  Treviso,  1896,  and  Chinazzi,  Sede  vacante 
per  la  morte  di  Urbano  VIII.,  Rome,  1904.  Register  of  spese 
occorse  per  il  conclave  1644  in  Arch.  Doria-Pamfili,  Rome,  1-5. 

*  See  Conclave  di  Innocemo  A'.,  Vat.  8781,  Vat.  Lib. 

*  Cf.  Celli,  Storia  della  malaria  nell'Agro  Romano,  Citta  di 
Castello,    1925. 

'  Avviso  of  August  13,   1O44,  l^apal  Seer.  Arch.  ;     Avvisi,  96. 

*  Avviso  of  August  6,   1644,  loc.  cit. 

"  Not  61  as  given  by  Ciaconius  (IV.,  642-3).  Cf.  the  authentic 
data  in  the  Pianta  del  conclave  d'Innocenzo  X.,  ed.  Calisto  Fer- 
ranti,  Rome,  Piazza  Xavona,  Vat.  Lib. 


l6  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Venetians,  viz.  Cornaro  and  Bragadino  ;  two  Neapolitans, 
viz.  Brancaccio  and  Filomarino.  Siena  was  represented  by 
Cennini  and  Bichi,  and  Ferrara  by  Bentivoglio  and  Rossetti. 

The  only  survivor  of  Gregory  XV. 's  Cardinals  was  Cueva. 
Seven  owed  their  elevation  to  Paul  V.,  viz.  Lante,  Crescenzi, 
Cennini,  Bentivoglio,  Roma,  Capponi  and  Medici  ;  all  the 
others  were  created  by  Urban  VIII. 

Previous  to  the  opening  of  the  conclave  the  following 
were  spoken  of  as  papahili  :  Lante,  Crescenzi,  Bentivoglio, 
Capponi,  Sacchetti,  Mattei,  Pamfili,  Rocci,  Maculano, 
Altieri,^  and  besides  them  also  Spinola,  Monti  and  Roma. 
Concerning  the  latter  everybody  took  it  for  granted  that  if 
he  were  elected  he  would  make  an  end  of  nepotism,  for  he 
gave  nothing  to  his  relatives  but  bestowed  all  he  had  on 
the  Church  and  on  the  poor.  In  view  of  his  eighty  years 
Cennini  could  not  be  seriously  considered  ;  Pamfili  had  a 
reputation  for  ability  but  he  was  definitely  rejected  by  France 
and  even  in  the  Sacred  College  he  had  many  opponents. 
Giulio  Sacchetti  had  the  best  prospects  ;  he  was  a  priest  of 
blameless  life,  liberal  and  highly  cultured,  the  only  thing 
against  him  being  the  circumstance  that  he  was  not  yet 
sixty  years  old.  Sacchetti  was  likewise  on  excellent  terms 
with  Mazarin,  a  circumstance  which  everybody  thought 
sufficient    by    itself   to    range    the    Spaniards    against    him.^ 

1  Avviso  of  Aug.  6,  1644,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  Altieri  fa  gran  rumore 
e  se  non  fosse  giovine  et  sano,  potrebbe  facilmente  colpire  (Fr. 
Mantovani,  report  of  August  6,   1644,  Modena  State  Archives). 

2  See  O.  Rinaldi's  letters  of  July  30  and  August  6,  1644,  in 
A.  Marchesan,  Lettere  inedite  di  O.  Rinaldi,  Treviso,  1896, 
23  seq.,  28  seq.  For  Sacchetti  see  Moroni,  LX.,  100  ;  Palla- 
viciNO,  Alessandro  VII.,  I.,  55.  Alaleone  calls  him  vir  sunimae 
virtntis  et  incomparabilis  doctrinae  et  vitae  integritatis  (*  Diariimi, 
Vat.  Libr.).  G.  B.  Tarabucci  wrote  of  Sacchetti  in  1643  :  *"  Ha 
in  grado  eminente  tutte  le  qualita  desiderabili  in  un  cardinale 
papabile  :  eta  provetta,  bonta  di  vita,  dottrina,  cortesia,  piace- 
volezza,  prontezza,  grande  sincerita  di  spirito,  in  somma  degno 
del  pontiiicato  "  (Siato  della  corte  di  Roma  nel  1643,  Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua).  Franc.  Mantovani,  envoy  of  Este,  says  of 
Sacchetti  :     "  Gode   un  aura  grande  e  forse  si  parla  troppo  di 


STATE    OF    PARTIES.  I7 

On  the  other  hand  Sacchetti's  most  intimate  friends  were 
the  Barbcrini.  How  close  these  relations  were,  as  well  as 
the  Cardinals'  artistic  sense,  appears  even  at  this  day  in  his 
\'illa  of  Castel  Fusano,  near  Ostia,  situated  in  a  magnificent 
pine  forest  planted  by  himself  and  now  the  property  of  the 
Chigi.  Pietro  da  Cortona,  Andrea  Sacchi,  Baldassare  and 
Francesco  Lauri  had  adorned  it  with  paintings.*  In  the 
gallery  on  the  second  floor,  where  maps  painted  on  the  walls 
recall  the  extensive  travels  of  his  highly  cultured  brother 
Marcello,  at  one  time  depositary  of  the  Apostolic  Camera 
under  Urban  VIII.,  one  may  see  in  the  corners  by  the  side 
of  Sacchetti's  arms,  those  of  Cardinals  Francesco  and  Antonio 
Barberini  and  those  of  Urban  VIII.  over  the  main  entrance, 
so  that  one  has  the  impression  of  being  in  a  property  of  the 
Barberini.  The  gravity  of  Sacchetti's  character  appears  from 
Oderico  Rinaldi's  remark  to  the  effect  that  he  did  not  move 
a  fmger  to  secure  his  election.-  The  data  of  the  diplomatic 
reports  on  the  strength  of  the  various  parties  differ  greatly  ; 
it  was  thought  that  France  could  rely  on  4-6  votes  and  Spain 
on  8-24  !  One  and  the  same  Cardinal  was  often  reckoned 
as  belonging  to  opposite  parties.^    On  the  whole  the  following 

lui."  Of  Pamfili  the  same  writes  :  "  Lodano  i  suoi  meriti  e 
I'habilita,  ma  h  si  oppongano  la  rozzezza  della  natura  e  1'  [gap] 
(lella  cognata.  Li  Francesi  poi  rescludono  apertamente  .  .  .  e 
nel  s.  collegio  ha  piii  di  died  cardinali  che  li  sono  contrarii  " 
(♦report  of  August  6,  1644,  State  Archives,  Modena). 

*  Campori,  Lettere  artist.,  Modena,  1866,  505  ;  Pascoli, 
\'ite  di  pittori,  II.,  Rome,  1730;  Posse,  Einige  Gemdlde  des 
A.  Sacchi,  in  Mitteilungen  der  sdchsischen  Kunstsammlmigev, 
III.  (19 1 2).  According  to  the  *  Documents  of  the  Sacchetti 
Archives,  Pietro  da  Cortona  received  100  scudi  on  Sept.  7,  1626  ; 
Andrea  Sacchi  60  scudi  on  April  3,  1628  ;  Andrea  Camassei 
25  scudi  on  Nov.  24  and  Pietro  Berrettini  da  Cortona  266i  scudi 
in  1630  for  their  paintings  in  casale  di  Ostia.  CJ.  the  rare  work 
\'illa  Sacchetta  Ostiensis  cosmographicis  tabulis  et  notis  per 
loannem  'iomcmti  Marnavitiuni  illiistrata.  Rusticams  legibiis 
offictnaruni(jiic    inscrtptionibtis    annotata,    Rome,     1630. 

*  Marchf.sa.n,  Lettere  inedite  di  O.  Rinaldi,  28. 
'  CoviLLE,  9-10. 


l8  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

parties  may  be  said  to  have  constituted  themselves,  viz.  the 
old  Cardinals,  Urban  VIII. 's  Cardinals,  those  who  entertained 
French  or  Spanish  sympathies. 

The  Spanish-Imperial  party  was  headed  by  Cardinal 
Albornoz  who  was  also  the  depositary  of  "  the  secret  of  the 
Catholic  King ".  In  addition  to  the  Spanish  nationals, 
Cardinals  Medici,  Este,  Trivulzio,  Colonna  and  Harrach  also 
belonged  to  this  party,  whilst  that  of  the  old  Cardinals,  led 
by  Cardinal  Mattei,  was  also  closely  allied  with  it.  The 
party  of  Urban  VIII.'s  nephews  was  led  by  Cardinal  Francesco 
Barberini,  but  he  could  only  rely  with  certainty  upon  barely 
one  half  of  the  forty-four  Cardinals  who  owed  the  purple  to 
the  late  Pope.^  All  the  same  he  was  strong  enough  to  prevent 
at  any  time  the  elevation  of  any  one  candidate  unacceptable 
to  himself.  The  French  party  was  headed  by  the  youthful 
Antonio  Barberini,  Cardinal  Protector  of  France,  and  by 
Richelieu,  Mazarin's  confidant. 

The  two  nephews  of  Urban  VIII.  fully  realized  how  much 
they  had  exploited  to  their  advantage  the  exceptionally  long 
pontificate  of  their  uncle  ;  they  were  afraid  of  being  called 
to  account,  hence  they  were  anxious  to  secure  the  election 
of  a  Pope  of  whose  favour  they  could  feel  assured.  At  bottom 
they  did  not  care  whether  the  Pontiff  leaned  towards  France 
or  Spain,  so  long  as  he  guaranteed  their  security.  In  order 
to  preserve  the  greatest  freedom  of  action,  the  nephews 
wrapped  their  plans  in  deepest  mystery. ^  They  were  by  no 
means  in  complete  agreement  as  to  their  candidate  ;  Fran- 
cesco's first  choice  was  Giulio  Sacchetti  and  after  him  Giam- 
battista  Pamfili,  but  Antonio  Barberini,  and  with  him  all 
the  French,  definitely  declined  the  latter  whereas  they  were 

1  *"  Per  certissimo  si  dice  che  I'Eminenza  Sua  non  ha  seguito 
sicuro  se  non  di  26  voti,  et  se  durera  nolle  sue  stitichezze,  correra 
rischio  di  provare  una  ribellione  totale  e  che  si  faccia  il  Pontefice 
senza  di  lui,  perche  insofferibile  la  sua  irresolutezza."  Report 
of  Fr.  Mantovani  dated  Aug.  20,   1644.     Modena  State  Arch. 

2  At  the  opening  of  the  conclave,  Mantovani  *reports  on  Aug. 
10,  1644  ;  "  Barberini  haveva  dichiarato  la  sua  intentione  con 
le  creature,  di  chi  se  dolevano  assaissimo."    State  Arch.,  Modena. 


FRENCH    POLICY.  IQ 

very  keen  on  Sacchetti.^  At  the  imperial  court,  where  there 
was  much  dissatisfaction  with  Urban  VIII.'s  attitude  during 
the  Thirty  Years'  War,^  Httle  attention  had  been  paid  to  the 
papal  election.  In  vain  Savelli  asked  for  fuller  instructions, 
neither  he  nor  the  Protector  of  the  German  nation.  Cardinal 
Colonna,  succeeded  in  obtaining  them.  All  that  Savelli 
secured  was  the  dispatch  of  a  special  Spanish  plenipotentiary, 
Count  Sirvela,  who  reached  Rome  shortly  before  the  opening 
of  the  conclave.^ 

On  the  other  hand  the  leader  of  France's  policy,  Cardinal 
Mazarin,  displayed  all  the  more  zeal.  As  early  as  February  1st, 
1644,  he  had  instructed  the  French  envoy  in  Rome  to  work, 
in  the  first  instance,  for  Bentivoglio  and  in  the  second  for 
Sacchetti,  but  to  oppose  with  all  his  might,  secretly,  but  if 
necessary  openly,  the  election  of  Pamfili.*  The  instructions 
were  repeated  after  the  death  of  Urban  VIII.,  on  August  11th. 
However,  the  execution  of  this  programme  was  hampered  by 
the  circumstance  that  the  French  ambassador,  the  Marquis 
Saint-Chamond,  was  both  new  to  his  post  and  sickly,  whilst 
Cardinal  Valen^ay  could  not  be  depended  upon.  Only  of 
Richelieu,  Bichi  and  Grimaldi  could  Mazarin  be  quite  sure  ; 
but  the  wily  politician  did  not  despair  ;  he  sent  monej'  to 
Rome  and  ordered  Admiral  De  Breze  to  be  prepared  to  appear 
before  Civitavecchia.  He  also  sent  to  Rome  a  report  of  the 
victory  near  Freiburg  (August  3rd  and  5th). ^ 

1  See  Conclavi,  II.,  357  seq.  ;  *Report  of  Marchese  Cesare 
Guerrieri  on  his  obbedienza  embassy  in  1645,  Gonzaga  Archives. 
Mantua ;  Wahrmund,  Ausschliessungsrecht,  130  seq.  Cardinal 
Antonio  Barberini  had  grievously  offended  Pamfili  (Simeoni, 
Francesco  I.  d'Este  e  la  politica  italiana  del  Mazarino,  Bologna, 
1022.  55). 

"^  See  *  Consider azioni  e  prognosiici  per  la  sede  vacante  di 
Urhano   VIII.  in  Cod.   1172,  of  Bibl.  Riccardiana,  Florence. 

*  W.MiKMUND,  129. 

^  Mazarin's  hostility  towards  I'amfdi  was  not  exclusively  due 
to  the  insinuations  of  Cardinal  Antonio  Barberini,  but  was  also 
based  on  the  fact  that  Pamfili  was  closely  allied  to  Cardinal 
I'anciroli  whom  the  French  Cardinal  considered  as  a  personal 
inemy.     Simeoni,  55.  '  Coville,  5  seq.,  12. 


20  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

An  enormous  sensation  was  created  when,  at  the  very 
beginning  of  the  conclave,  the  leader  of  the  Spaniards, 
Albornoz,  openly  pronounced  the  exclusion  of  Sacchetti. 
The  old  Cardinals,  and  not  a  few  of  those  of  Urban  VIII., 
such  as  Cesi  and  Mattel,  took  the  side  of  the  Spaniards. 
Barberini  nevertheless  upheld  Sacchetti  and  sought  to  induce 
Albornoz,  though  in  vain,  to  withdraw  the  exclusion.  When 
asked  on  what  grounds  Sacchetti  was  to  be  excluded,  Albornoz 
declared  that  his  sovereign  was  not  bound  to  give  explana- 
tions on  the  subject,  that  it  must  suffice  that  he  did  not 
trust  him  :  all  the  Cardinals  must  reckon  with  this.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  not  a  few  theologians  were  of  opinion  that  they 
were  bound  to  take  that  fact  into  account  ;  thus  the  con- 
fessor of  the  conclave,  the  Jesuit  Valentino  Magnoni,  thought 
that  it  was  not  possible  to  resist  the  will  of  so  powerful  a 
King  without  imperilling  the  Church,  hence  they  must  choose 
the  lesser  evil.  This  view  was  opposed  b}^  some  of  the 
Cardinals.  For  the  time  being  Barberini  upheld  Sacchetti's 
candidature,  but  Count  Sirvela  informed  the  Spanish  Cardinals 
that  if  they  supported  Sacchetti,  they  ran  the  risk  of  forfeiting 
the  favour  of  the  King  of  Spain  and  with  it  their  benefices 
and  pensions.^ 

Nothing  was  more  unwelcome  to  Cardinal  Sacchetti  from 
the  first  than  the  ardour  of  the  French  in  supporting  him. 
A  report  circulated  in  the  conclave  that  money  had  come 
from  Paris  in  furtherance  of  his  election,  nay,  it  was  even 
affirmed  that  Mazarin  had  written  a  letter  to  Sacchetti  in 
which  he  addressed  him  as  Pope.^ 

By  degrees  the  difficulties  of  Sacchetti's  candidature  had 
manifestly  become  so  great  that  Barberini  saw  himself  com- 
pelled to  consider  that  of  Pamfili  and  in  this  sense  he  got  in 
touch,  by  letter,  with  the  French  ambassador.  However, 
even  though  Antonio  Barberini  was  now  prepared  to  resign 
himself  to  Pamfili's  election,   Saint-Chamond  declared  that 

1  EisLER,  93,  95  seq.,  97. 

2  *Memorie  del  conclave  dTnnocenzo  X.  scritte  dal  card. 
Lugo  in  Barb,  lat.,  4676,  p.  255  seqq.,  Vat.  Lib. 


PAMFILI  S    CANDIDATURE.  21 

lie  could  not  possibly  go  against  the  will  of  his  King.^  Accord- 
ingly another  elTort  had  to  be  made  to  bring  off  Sacchetti's 
election,  but  at  the  ballot  of  August  30th  only  twelve  Cardinals 
declared  themselves  in  his  favour  whereas  the  three-quarters' 
majoritj'  which  was  required  for  the  election  was  thirty-eight. ^ 
This  failure  led  to  a  new  phase  of  the  conclave.  The 
candidature  of  Pamfili,  whose  prospects  had  been  serious  from 
the  beginning  of  the  conclave,^  was  now  definitely  put  forward. 
Cardinal  Francesco  Barberini  got  in  touch  with  I.ugo  ^  and 
the  latter  removed  Antonio  Barberini's  last  scruples  so  that 
thereafter  the  latter  strove  to  shape  circumstances  in  such 
wise  as  to  remove  every  appearance  of  the  election  being 
directly  aimed  against  France.^  To  gain  time  he  began  by 
urging  the  election  of  Maculano.^  Meanwhile  he  sought  to 
win  over  Bichi  with  the  promise  of  a  French  archbishopric. 
Bichi  declined.  Much  depended  on  the  French  ambassador, 
but  the  latter  declared  that  he  must  first  consult  Paris. 
Mazarin  replied  in  a  letter  of  September  19th  in  which  he 
emphatically  pronounced  against  the  candidature  of  Pamfili.' 
However,   Mazarin's  objections  came  too  late  ;    even  before 

^  CoviLLE,  17.  The  *Report  of  Cesare  Guerrieri  mentioned  in 
note   I    of  p.    19  knows  nothing  of  this. 

2  ElSLER,  98. 

3  In  a  MS.  entitled  *Cayatteristica  del  papabile,  from  an 
imperialist  source,  we  read  of  Pamfili  :  "  Potra  egli  correr  la 
sua  fortuna  essendo  di  gran  letteratura  e  di  profondo  sapere." 
State   Archives,    Vienna. 

*  *Memorie  del  card.  Lugo,  loc.  cit. 

*  CoviLLE,  19. 

*  Chinazzi,  44  seq.  From  the  letters  of  Michelino  here  given, 
which  are  preserved  in  the  Archives  Sforza-Cesarini,  Rome,  it 
appears  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  overthrow  Maculano, 
a  Capuchin,  by  recalling  a  certain  trial  before  the  Inquisition 
which,  however,  in  no  way  touched  the  Prate.  Fr.  Mantovani 
wrote  on  Aug.  6,  1644  •  *"  Maculano  non  ha  applauso  nel  senato 
apostolico,  e  dicono  che  Pio  v  fu  eletto  per  la  santita  della 
vita  e  Sisto  v  per  la  letteratura  :  parti  che  non  militano  nel 
frate  presente."     State  Arch.,  Modcna. 

"  CoviLLE,  19-21. 


22  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

he  had  penned  his  reply  PamfiH's  election  had  taken  place 
on  September  14th.  How  was  it  that  events  thus  precipitated 
themselves  ? 

September  has  the  reputation  in  Rome  of  being  the  un- 
healthiest  period  of  the  year  and  the  Cardinals  were  terrified 
at  the  prospect  of  having  to  remain  together,  within  the 
narrow  confines  of  the  conclave,  even  during  that  month. ^ 
It  soon  looked  as  if  their  fears  were  to  be  realized.  The  first 
to  fall  ill  with  malaria  was  Bentivoglio  (he  died  on  Septem- 
ber 7th)  and  after  him  Cardinals  Mattel  and  Gabrielli  and 
lastly  also  Francesco  Barberini.  Like  his  colleagues,  Francesco 
had  to  leave  the  conclave,  but  before  doing  so  he  passed 
on  the  leadership  of  the  party  to  his  brother  Antonio  so  that 
the  latter  found  himself  at  the  head  of  both  the  French  party 
and  that  of  the  nephews. ^ 

Mazarin's  reply  to  Saint-Chamond's  consultation  could  not 
arrive  in  Rome  before  September  23rd,  but  in  view  of  the 
great  heat  and  the  bad  state  of  health  of  the  Cardinals,  it  was 
impossible  to  draw  out  the  conclave  for  so  long.  In  these 
circumstances  Saint-Chamond  suffered  himself  to  be  per- 
suaded by  the  Marquis  di  San  Vito,  Cardinal  Teodoli's 
brother,  to  discuss  the  eventual  election  of  Pamfili  ^  and  on 
this  basis  Antonio  Barberini  forthwith  announced  that  France 
had  withdrawn  its  opposition  to  Pamfili. 

A  particular  circumstance  caused  Barberini  to  hurry  his 
negotiations  in  favour  of  Pamfili.  This  was  that  at  one 
scrutiny  old  Cardinal  Cennini,  who  was  no  friend  of  his,  and 
who  had  supported  Spain,  had  secured  25  votes.  Antonio 
realized  that  further  delay  would  be  highly  dangerous,  hence 
he  decided  to  act  without  waiting  for  Mazarin's  reply.*  On 
the  evening  of  September  13th  a  decisive  conversation  took 

^  On  Aug.  24,  1644,  Fr.  Mantovani  reports  :  *"  Molti  scom- 
mettono  che  non  havremo  Papa  per  tutto  Settembre."  State 
Arch.,   Modena. 

-  *Memorie  del  card.  Lugo,  loc.  cit.,  Vat.  Lib.  ;  Conclavi, 
II.,  473  seqq.  ;    Eisler,    ioi. 

^  CoviLLE,    22,    42   seqq. 

*  Eisler,   101-2. 


ELECTION    OF    INNOCENT    X.  23 

place  in  Spada's  cell  between  Antonio  Barberini,  Rapaccioli 
and  Facchinetti.^  I-ugo  was  informed  in  the  morning  and 
Facchinetti  treated  with  Albornoz.  The  conditions  were  as 
follows  :  The  Spanish  party  would  maintain  towards  the 
pratica  for  Pamfili  the  same  attitude  as  that  for  Maculano  ; 
should  France  feel  injured  by  Antonio's  action,  the  Barberini 
would  be  assured  of  Spain's  protection.  Albornoz  accepted 
these  conditions  and  promptly  obtained  the  assent  of  fifteen 
of  his  followers. 2  The  Cardinal  likewise  sent  word  to  the 
Spanish  ambassador,  but  the  latter's  distrust  was  such  that 
he  only  saw  in  the  whole  thing  a  manoeuvre  the  object  of 
which  was  to  weaken  the  Spanish  party  and  to  push  through 
Sacchetti's  candidature.^  On  the  morning  of  September  15th 
Lugo  repaired  to  Pamfili's  cell,  to  inform  him  of  his  impending 
election  to  the  papacy.  He  recommended  to  him,  in  the 
first  instance,  the  interests  of  the  Church  and  peace  between 
the  princes,  and  lastly  the  House  of  the  Barberini.  In  the 
ensuing  scrutiny  Pamfili  was  elected  by  a  large  majority, 
only  the  French  Cardinals  Valengay  and  Richelieu  as  well 
as  Bichi,  Grimaldi  and  Maculano  having  voted  against  him."* 
The  thunder  of  the  guns  of  Castel  S.  Angelo  and  the  clanging 
of  the  bells  of  the  city  proclaimed  to  the  Romans  that 
St.  Peter's  Chair  was  once  more  occupied.^  The  new  Pope 
took  the  name  of  Innocent  X.®  in  view  of  the  fact  that  his 
family  had  settled  in  Rome  under  Innocent  VIII.  ;  for  his 
motto  he  chose  the  words  of  2  Kings  iii,  9  :  "  Give  to  thy 
servant  an  understanding  heart  to  judge  thy  people."  ' 
The  Romans  were  overjoyed  that  a  fellow  citizen  was  to 

1   *Memorie  del  card.    Lugo,   loc.   cit. 

*  EisLKR,    102-3. 

'  *Memorie  del  canl.   Lugo,  loc.  cit. 

'  CoviLLE,  22.  Interesting  details  on  the  scrutiny  in  *Memnric 
del  card.  Lugo  [loc.  cit.). 

^  A.  Taurklli,  De  novissima  electionc  Innoccntii  A'.,  Bononiae, 
1640,  24  seq.  ;    Novaes  (X.,  8)  mentions  similar  writings. 

'•  It  was  at  first  thought  that  he  would  take  the  name  of  Clement 
IX.  ;    .see  Harrach's  report  of  September  15,  1644,  in  Mencik,  47. 

'  CiACONius,    IV.,    643. 


24  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

wear  the  tiara.  Cardinal  Harrach  expressed  his  satisfaction 
at  the  election  of  a  Pope  who  was  not  only  a  great  lover  of 
peace,  but  likewise  well  disposed  towards  the  House  of 
Habsburg  ;  the  Spanish  party,  he  wrote,  notwithstanding 
its  weakness,  may  well  boast  of  having  not  only  paved  the 
way  for  a  good  Pope,  but  one  whom  France  had  excluded 
and  whose  attainment  of  the  supreme  dignity  looked  like 
a  miracle.^  The  coronation  took  place  on  October  4th  ^ 
and  on  November  23rd  the  Pope  took  possession  of  the 
Lateran.  According  to  custom  many  triumphal  arches  had 
been  erected  and  these  were  adorned  with  pompous  inscrip- 
tions, pictures  and  statues  ;  one  arch  was  especially  admired, 
even  by  the  Pope  himself ;  it  had  been  erected  on  the  Capitol, 
from  a  design  of  the  architect  Carlo  Rainaldi.  Between  the 
Arch  of  Titus  and  the  Colosseum  the  Jews  had  spread  sixty 
tapestries  bearing  texts  from  the  Old  Testament.^ 

Giambattista  Pamfili  was  sprung  from  a  very  ancient  family 
of  the  delightful  hill  town  of  Gubbio.  In  the  last  quarter  of 
the  15th  century  one  branch  of  the  family  settled  in 
Rome.  Camillo  Pamfili,  whose  brother  Girolamo  became  a 
Cardinal  under  Clement  VIII.,  married  Maria  Flaminia  del 
Bufalo.  Four  sons  sprang  from  this  union  :  Pamfili,  Giam- 
battista, Angelo  Benedetto,  Alessandro,  and  two  daughters, 
Prudenzia  and  Agata  who  both  took  the  veil.* 

1  Harrach's  report,  loc.  cit. 

2  Cf.  Relazione  delle  cevemonie  per  la  coronazione  di  P.  Innocenzo 
X.,  Rome,  1644.  *"  ^^  tanto  il  concorso  del  popolo,  che  non 
ci  e  memoria  di  cosa  simile  "  (Fr.  Mantovani  on  October  5,  1644, 
State  Archives,  Modena). 

^  Cancellieri,  Possessi,  208  seqq.,  248  seq.,  251  seq.,  255  seq. 
To  the  reports  here  indicated  must  be  added  an  *Avviso  of 
November  26,  1644,  Papal  Secret  Archives.  Evelyn,  Diary, 
118  seq.,  also  gives  a  description  of  the  possesso. 

*  On  Innocent  X.'s  family  and  antecedents,  cf.  besides  the 
Venetian  embassy  reports  in  Berchet,  Roma,  II.,  50  seqq., 
67  seqq.  :  A.  Taurelli,  De  novissima  electione  Innocenti  X., 
Bononiae  1644  ;  F.  F.  Mancini,  Compendio  della  vita  di  Papa 
Innocenzo  X.  (copy  in  Bibl.  Casanatense,  Rome) ;  N.  A.  Caferrius, 


FAMILY   AND    EARLY    STUDIES.  25 

The  famil\'  coat  of  arms  showed  a  dove  with  an  ohvc  branch 
in  its  beak  surmounted  by  three  golden  hHes.^  The  family 
mansion  stood  near  the  Pasf]uino  in  the  Piazza  Navona.  Here 
Giambattista  Pamlili  was  born  on  May  7th,  1574  and  three 
days  later  he  was  baptized  in  the  parish  church  of  S.  Lorenzo 
in  Damaso.-  His  uncle  Girolamo  undertook  to  educate  the 
brij^ht  youth  ^  and  in  all  probability  it  was  due  to  him  that 
his  pupil  ended  by  embracing  the  ecclesiastical  state.  After 
taking  a  doctorate  in  both  laws  at  the  Roman  University, 
he  was  ordained  priest  on  September  27th,  1597.  In  1601 
Clement  VHI.  made  him  a  consistorial  advocate.  When 
uncle  Girolamo  was  raised  to  the  cardinalate,  Giambattista 
succeeded  him,  on  June  9th,  1601,  as  auditor  of  the  Rota. 
At  that  time  he  became  an  intimate  friend  of  his  colleague 


Synthctna  vctustatis  siveflores  histonarum,  Romae,  1667  ;  Ciaconius, 
570  seq.  ;  Ameyden,  ed.  Bertini,  II.,  124  seqq.  ;  for  Bagatta, 
Vita  di  Innocenzo  X.  (in  Platina-Panvinio,  Vtie,  ed.  Venezia, 
1730)  see  Mazzuchelli,  III.,  63  ;  for  his  correction  of  the  name 
of  the  Pope's  mother  :  Lettere  di  Michele  Giiistiniani,  Roma, 
'675'  7  ;  Spicil.  ]'at.,  I.,  Roma,  1890,  116  seq.  (excellent  data 
from  Yat.  MSS.)  ;  Ciampi,  Innocenzo  X.,  14  seq.  Much  is  to  be 
added  to  the  judgment  passed  by  Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst 
(in  Hist.  Zeitschr.,  LIT.,  118  seqq.)  and  by  Ehrle  {Spada,  2, 
note  2)  on  the  defects  and  qualities  of  Ciampi's  biography  of  the 
Pamfili  Pope.  Ciampi  is  very  far  from  having  made  adequate  use 
of  the  Roman  material  ;  from  the  Papal  Secret  Archives  he 
quotes  nothing  and  from  other  collections  of  MSS.  for  the  most 
part  only  secondary  details  ;  the  Doria-PamfiU  Archives,  which 
he  should  have  used  in  the  first  instance,  were  closed  to  him. 
Innocent  X.'s  sister  Prudenzia  died  on  April  25,  1650,  at  S.  Marta. 
.\lalcone  de.scribes  her  as  "  femina  maxim i  .spiritus  et  incompara- 
bihs  prudentiae  et  pietatis  et  erga  omnes  benevolissima  " 
[l^iarium,    Vat.    Lib.). 

'   Pasini   Frassoni,  Aymonal  dcs  Papes,  Rome,   iyo6,  43  seq. 

*  Bapti-smal  register  in  Archives  of  S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso,  I., 
170  ;    copy  in  Doria-Pamfih  Archives,  93-46. 

*  These  and  tlic  followint^  dates  in  MSS.     *Xotes  to  Brusoni, 
llistoria  d'ltalia  in  Doria-Pamfili  Arch.,  93-46,  p.  61  seq. 


26  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

Ludovisi,  the  future  Pope  Gregory  XV. ^  A  mighty  quarto 
volume  in  the  family  archives  bears  witness,  even  at  this 
day,  to  his  activity  as  auditor. ^  Small  wonder  that  on 
March  26th,  1621,  Gregory  XV.  appointed  the  keen  and 
skilful  auditor  nuncio  in  Naples,  a  post  he  retained  for  four 
years.-''  Without  sacrificing  any  of  the  Church's  rights, 
Pamlili  knew  how  to  avoid  disputes  with  the  Government.* 
When  Urban  VIII.  sent  his  nephew  Francesco  Barberini  to 
France  and  Spain,  Pamlili  was  assigned  to  him  as  datarius. 
In  this  capacity  he  won  the  confidence  of  the  nephew  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  latter  hardly  undertook  anything  without 
his  advice.^  The  Pope  was  so  pleased  with  his  services  that 
he  gave  him  the  title  of  Patriarch  of  Antiochia  and  on  May  30th, 
1626,  he  entrusted  to  him  the  difficult  Spanish  nunciature.^ 
At  Madrid  everyone  remarked  on  his  reserve  and  reticence.' 
Against  the  will  of  the  Spanish  minister  Olivares,  Urban  VIII. 


1  Cf.  AccARisio,  *Vita  Gregovii,  XV.  [cf.  our  data  XXVII. 
Appendix  5). 

2  *Decisioni  rotali  in  sua  [G.  B.  Pamfili]  poncma,  1605-1617. 
Doria-Pamfili    Arch.,    1-8. 

3  See  besides,  Biaudet,  206  ;  N.  Capece  Galeota,  Ccnni 
storici  dei  Nunzii  Apost.  di  Napoli,  Napoli,  1877,  50  seqq.  The 
♦reports  of  Pamfili  in  Barb.,  7467-7477,  Vat.  Lib.  An  *Inventario 
di  mobili  di  proprietd  di  G.  B.  Pamfili  nella  nunziatura  di  Napoli, 
in  Doria-Pamfili  Arch.,  1-5.  Ibid.,  unsigned.  *Lettere  del  card. 
G.  B.  Pamfili  (original),  among  them  a  number  addressed  to  his 
brother  Pamfilio,  beginning  April  3,  1621  ("  Hiersera  giunsi 
in  Napoli  ")  up  to  1641.  Other  *letters,  1621-1646,  ibid.,  1-4. 
Here  also  the  *original  of  Pamfili's  Instruction  as  nuncio  in 
Naples  signed  by  Card.  Ludovisi  ;  the  same  also  in  Papal  Sec. 
Arch.  Misc.  A,  II.,  T  177,  p.  93  seqq.,  and  Ottob.  2206,  p.  212  seqq.. 
Vat.  Lib.  ;    it  treats  of  immunity,  faculties  and  spolia. 

^  A.   CoNTARiNi  in  Berchet,   II.,   68. 

5  Ibid. 

^  Biaudet,  207  ;  *reports  in  Barb.  8326-8343,  Vat.  Lib. 
Cf.  Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  66^,  71,  274  ;  Nunziat. 
diverse,  119-121. 

'  See  report  in  JusTi,  Vclasqucq,  II.,  181,  n.  i. 


PORTRAIT   OF    INNOCENT   X.  27 

admitted  him,  motii  propria,  into  the  Sacred  College.^  At  first 
Pamfih  was  retained  i)i  petto  at  the  creation  of  August  ,30th, 
1627  ;   his  nomination  was  only  pubhshed  on  November  lUth, 

1629,  S.  Euscbio  being  assigned  to  him  for  liis  titular  church. 
He  tarried  for  a  time  in  Madrid  and  it  was  only  on  July  Gth, 

1630,  that  he  received  the  red  hat  at  the  hands  of  Urban  VIII. 
In  Rome  he  worked  assiduously  in  various  Congregations, 
especially  in  that  of  the  Council  of  which  he  was  Prefect. 
It  was  said  that  he  was  wont  to  speak  very  freely  to  Urban 
VIII.  and  that  he  sought  to  dissuade  him  from  embarking 
on  the  Castro  war,  the  unfortunate  issue  of  which  he  foresaw. ^ 
Already  in  1632  he  was  deemed  worthy  of  the  papacy  ^ 
whereas  a  few  years  earlier  he  had  had  no  prospects  what- 
ever.* As  nuncio  his  rigidity  earned  for  him  the  nickname 
of  Monsif^nor  non  va — •"  Monsignor,  it  is  impossible."  As  a 
Cardinal  he  became  even  more  strict.  He  was  ever  most 
cautious  and  even  in  the  Congregations  he  would  not  obsti- 
nately maintain  his  own  opinions.^  With  the  Spaniards 
he  was  on  good  terms.  His  prospects  of  attaining  the  supreme 
dignity  rose  so  high  that  by  1(540  he  was  considered  one  of  the 
chief  papahili.'^  Three  years  later  the  Mantuan  envoy  gave 
it  as  his  opinion  that  Pamftli  excelled  both  in  questions  of 
Canon  Law  and  in  affairs  of  State.' 

The  new  Pope,  though  seventy  years  of  age,  enjoyed  the 
best  of  health,  thanks  to  his  imperturbable  nature.  A  con- 
temporary thus  describes  his  outward  appearance  :    "  He  is 

1  Spicil.  Vatic,  I.,  116,  and  Bkrchkt,  I.,  278.  Cf.  Colleccwn  dc 
(locum.  inJd.,  LXXXVI.,  169. 

^  *Xote  on  Brusoni  in  Doria-Pamfili  Arcli.,  93-46,  p.  ii6b. 

'  Report  of  Peter  von  Quren,  Canon  of  Treves,  in  Hist.  Jahrb., 
X.,  562. 

♦  Berchet,  I.,  279. 

*  A.  CoNTARiNi  in  Berchet,  II.,  69. 

•  Berchet,   II.,  30. 

'  *"  Card.  Pamfilio  Romano  e  un  soggetto  eminente,  non 
solo  nclle  matcrie  legali,  ma  anche  in  quelle  di  stato."  G.  B. 
Tarabucci,  Stato  delta  corte  di  Roma  net  1643,  Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua. 


28  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

tall  and  thin,  has  small  eyes,  large  feet,  a  thin  beard,  an 
almost  olive  green  complexion,  his  head  is  bald  "  ^ — that  is, 
he  was  no  less  ugly  than  Leo  X.  Just  as  the  latter  had  the 
good  fortune  to  have  his  portrait  painted  by  Raphael,  so 
Innocent  X.  by  Velasquez.  In  1650  that  great  master  was 
treading  for  the  second  time  the  classic  soil  of  the  Eternal 
City  where  he  witnessed  the  solemn  functions  of  the  jubilee 
year  and  frequented  the  Roman  artists,  especially  Pietro  da 
Cortona,  Bernini,  Algardi,  Salvatore  Rosa  and  Nicolas  Poussin. 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  Velasquez  painted  in  a  short 
space  of  time  and  without  the  Pope  having  given  him  a  single 
sitting,  the  marvellous  portrait  which  at  once  called  forth 
the  wonder  of  all  Rome  whilst  it  roused  the  resident  artists 
to  the  greatest  admiration. 

The  plan  of  the  picture  does  not  differ  from  the  usual 
papal  portraits.  Innocent  X.  is  seated  in  an  armchair  lined 
with  red  plush.  The  right  hand,  on  which  is  seen  the  fisher- 
man's ring,  hangs  over  the  arm  of  the  chair  with  extra- 
ordinary plastic  effect  whilst  the  left  holds  a  sheet  of  paper 
bearing  the  name  of  Velasquez.  The  dazzling  whiteness  of 
the  rochet,  the  red  mozzetta,  the  red  round  cap,  the  so-called 
camauro,  stand  out  against  the  background  of  a  crimson 
curtain.  The  colours  are  singularly  fresh — white,  grey  and  a 
symphony  of  every  shade  of  red  ;  the  characterization  is 
unsurpassed.  Whereas  Raphael  beautified  and  idealized  the 
unpleasing  appearance  of  Leo  X,  though  without  falsifying  it, 
Velasquez  gives  a  realistic  portrait  of  the  Pamfih  Pope,  so 
that  if  one  has  once  seen  this  jewel  of  the  Doria  gallery,  it  is 
impossible  ever  to  forget  it  :  it  is  one  of  the  most  magnificent 
papal  portraits. 2  The  head  is  that  of  a  seventy-three  years 
old  man  of  coarse,  unpleasing  features,  but  the  fresh  com- 
plexion and  the  piercing,  searching  glance  of  the  blue-grey 
eyes  show  the  essential  youthfulness  of  the  old  man  who  fixes 
on    the    beholder    a    keen,    thoughtful,    questioning    glance. 

^  CiAMPi,  14,  note  3. 

^  Gensel  [Velasquez^,  Stuttgart,  1908,  XXII.)  calls  it  the  most 
magnificent  male  portrait  in  existence.  Cf.  Janssen,  Briefe, 
ed.  Pastor,  I.,  Freiburg,  1920,  226. 


PORTRAIT    BY    VELASQUEZ.  29 

There  is  ;i  fascination  in  this  look,  proceeding  from  the  depths 
of  the  character  of  the  suspicious,  secretive  old  Statesman 
and  characterizing  the  whole  man.^  Troppo  vero  ! — too  true  ! 
the  Pope  is  reported  to  have  said  ;  however,  he  was  so 
delighted  with  the  work  tliat  he  bestowed  on  Velasquez,  who 
refused  to  accept  money,  a  gold  chain  with  a  medal  bearing 
his  portrait  and  recommended  him  to  Philip  IV.  for  a  Spanish 
knighthood. 2  Other  aspects  of  Innocent  X.'s  character,  his 
dignity  and  his  coldness  tinged  with  kindliness — are  faithfully 
reproduced  in  the  plastic  works  of  contemporary  Roman 
sculptors,  especially  in  Algardi's  great  bronze  statue  in  the 
palace  of  the  Conservatori.^  The  Pope's  grave,  sullen  features 
also  appear  in  the  powerful  bust  of  the  Bologna  museum, 
likewise  a  work  of  Algardi.  As  regards  ruthless  vividness  of 
conception  and  characterization,^  the  busts  of  the  Doria 
gallery  in  Rome,  executed  after  a  model  by  Bernini,  one  in 

'  lusTi,  Velasquez,  II.,  183  ;  Tomasetti,  Velasquez  a  Roma 
in  the  periodical  Cosmos  catholicus,  1899,  October  ;  Beruete, 
Velasquez,  Paris,  1898,  118;  Calvert,  Velasquez,  London, 
1908,  115  5^'^.  ;  E.  Stowe,  Velasquez,  61  ;  A.  Artioli,  //  ritratio 
meraviglioso  in  Arte  e  Storia,  XXIX.  (1910),  10  seqq.  According 
to  lusti,  p.  190  seq.,  of  the  copies  only  the  half-length  portrait 
in  Apslcy  House  is  certainly  by  Velasquez  and  probably  also 
the  so-called  sketch  in  the  Eremitage  at  Petrograd.  luste  sees 
in  the  Eremitage  sketch  a  copy  by  the  master,  Beruete  a  pre- 
liminary sketch  ;  Voll  [Velasquez,  Munich,  1913)  is  undecided, 
as  is  Gensel  ;  loc.  cit.,  XXII.  (here,  plate  82,  reproduction  of 
the  Eremitage  sketch).  Beruete  does  not  think  the  Apsley  House 
portrait  is  authentic.  lusti  considers  as  the  best  copy  by  another 
hand  the  picture  in  Lord  Bute's  gallery  in  London.  An  old  copy 
is  also  in  the  museum  of  Stockholm.  Cf.  also  Aug.  Mayer, 
Gesch.  der  span.  Malerei,  Leipzig,   1922,  414. 

*  lusTi,  II.,  231.  The  *recommendation  of  Card.  Panciroli, 
dated  December  17,  1650  (Papal  Sec.  Arch.),  in  XXX., 
Appendix  I. 

»  Cf.  below,  ch.  VII. 

*  Cf.  Bergxer,  97,  who  considers  Bernini's  conception  to  be 
more  calm  and  objective  and  more  feelingly  rendered  than  by  the 
Spanish  masters,  as  regards  the  forehead,  eyes,   and  nose. 


30  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

marble,  another  in  bronze  and  a  third  in  bronze  and  marble,^ 
vie  with  the  work  of  Algardo  and  even  with  that  of  Velasquez 
himself.  The  marble  bust  in  particular  is  a  masterpiece  of 
its  kind.  It  impresses  by  its  simplicity  and  repose  ;  it  shows 
a  resigned  old  man,  shut  up  within  himself,  but  conscious  that 
he  is  the  master.  The  beholder  has  an  impression  that  the 
Pope,  in  the  midst  of  the  difficulties  created  for  him  by  the 
great  Powers  and  by  his  own  family,  with  shrewd  deliberation 
overlooks  many  things  which  he  cannot  alter,  though  without 
forgoing  his  own  point  of  view.  The  eyes,  which  gaze  into 
the  distance,  seem  to  express  the  weariness  of  the  old  man 
and  his  annoyance  at  the  endless  quarrels  between  the  Pamhii. 
The  contemplative  nature  of  Innocent  X.,  his  distrust  as  well 
as  his  real  kindliness,  are  reflected  in  that  look.  The  ugliness 
is  attenuated,  yet  so  that  the  resemblance  does  not  suffer. ^ 

1  Also  in  the  Palazzo  Doria  a  coloured  terracotta  bust  by 
Algardi ;  cf.  Iusti,  II.,  185.  Munoz  (in  Annuario  deU'Accad.  di 
S.  Luca,  1912,  Roma,  1913,  43)  was  the  first  to  make  known 
Algardi's  bust.  On  the  statue  in  the  Capital,  see  below  ch.  VII. 
The  bust  of  Innocent  X.  in  the  museum  of  Ravenna  can  hardly 
be  ascribed  to  Bernini.  Of  the  London  bronze  bust  (see  C.  Drurye 
E.  FoRTNUM,  Catalogue  of  the  Bronzes  in  the  South-Kensington 
Museum,  London,  1876,  7)  there  is  a  marble  copy  in  the  Palazzo 
Doria-Pamfili  in  Rome,  together  with  other  busts  of  the  Pope. 
Another  bronze  bust  of  Innocent  X.  also  attributed  to  Algardi, 
found  its  way  into  the  Metropolitan  Museum  of  New  York, 
in  1907.  Among  other  busts  mention  may  be  made  of  a  marble 
one  in  Piazza  Navona,  a  large  one,  of  white  marble,  in  the  right 
aisle  of  the  Lateran  basilica  and  another  in  the  Villa  at  S.  Martino 
al  Cimino  with  an  inscription  printed  by  Bussi,  332  ;  cf.  Boll 
d'  Arte,  VII.  (1913),  261.  On  Algardi's  bust  in  Trinita  de'Pellegrini 
(see  FoRCELLA,  VII.,  211),  cf.  below  ch.  VII.  The  terracotta  bust 
of  Innocent  X.  in  the  Lib.  Vallecelliana  is  a  fine  piece  of  work.  It 
bears  the  following  inscription  :  "  loaneus  Gambassi  civis 
Volaterranus  cecus  fecit."  On  Cieco  da  Gambassi  (Gonnelli), 
see  Thieme,  XIV.,  370. 

*  Reymond,  Bernini,  108  and  plate  XV.  ;  cf.  also  Brinck- 
MANN,  Barockskulptitr,  IL,  246.  The  bust  is  now  in  the  private 
apartments  of  Prince  Doria,  which  are  not  easy  of  access.     On 


CHARACTER    OF   THE    POPE,  3 1 

The  masterpieces  of  Bernini  and  Velasquez  gather  together 
all  the  characteristics  on  which  contemporary  observers 
dwell  ;  between  them  we  get  a  full  length  picture  of  the  ver}' 
complicated  nature  of  Innocent  X. 

Without  a  doubt  the  Pamfili  Pope  possessed  many  excellent 
qualities.*  Moderation  characterized  his  manner  of  life  ; 
he  readily  granted  audiences  and  heard  everyone  patiently. 
He  assisted  punctually  and  with  great  dignity  at  all 
ecclesiastical  functions,  even  the  Lenten  and  Advent  sermons. 
He  was  genuinely  pious  and  had  a  keen  sense  of  justice  and 
order.  People  saw  a  happy  omen  of  his  great  love  of  peace 
in  his  arms  which  showed  a  dove  with  an  olive  branch.-  The 
Pope  applied  himself  diligently  to  affairs  but  owing  to  his 
being  a  late  riser  he  was  for  the  most  part  forced  to  work 
far  into  the  night,  all  the  more  so  as  he  wished  to  study  and 
to  examine  personally  all  the  more  important  documents, 
and  he  was  slow  in  making  up  his  mind.  AH  this  was  in 
keeping  with  his  mistrust  of  everyone,  especially  his  entourage, 
a  trait  by  which  he  himself  embittered  his  existence.     This, 

Innocent  X.'s  coins,  cj.  Sekafim,  IV.,  238.  A  beautiful  modal  of 
the  Pope  by  J.  J.  Kormann  in  Noak,  Deutschtuni  in  Rom., 
I.,  Berlin,  1927,  140.  In  his  catalogue,  XVIII.,  p.  108  seq.,  E.  Lange 
registers  a  great  number  of  prints  of  Innocent  X. 

'  In  additif)n  to  the  Venetian  embassy  reports  in  Bcrchet  and 
the  reports  of  the  envoy  of  Lucca  in  Stiidi  e  docitmenti,  XXI L, 
218  seq.,  cj.  on  the  bright  and  dark  spots  of  Innocent  X.'s  char- 
acter the  exhaustive  *reportof  Leonard  Pappus  to  P>rdinand  III., 
dat.  Rome,  September  26,  1652,  State  Arch.,  Vienna.  See  also 
*.\vv\so  of  May  18,  1647,  Papal  Seer.  Arch.  ("  propriissimo  della 
Sua  Santita  il  pensar  assai  et  il  risolver  poco  ")  ;  Arnauld, 
Ndgociations,  1 1.,  383  ;  *Fr.  Albizzi  to  Chigi,  dat.  Rome, 
September  24,  1644,  Cod.  A.  III.,  55  of  Chigi  Library  ;  Ciacomus, 
IV.,  660  seq.;  Skkvantius,  *Diaria  for  December  12,  1644, 
Papal  Seer.  Arch.  ;  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  Vat.  Libr.,  and  the 
*material  of  Girolamo  Brusoni  for  a  Vita  d' Innocenzo  A'.,  in 
Doria- Pamfili  Archives,  93-46,  4.  Fr.  Mantovani  already  com- 
plains of  Innocent  X.'s  slowness  in  his  *reports  of  October  19 
and  November  5,    1644,  State  Archives,  Modena. 

*  Sie  Harrach's  report  of  Stptcmber  15,   1644,  in  Me.ncik,  47. 


32  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

no  doubt  his  greatest  fault,  joined  to  his  violence,  made  it 
difficult  to  treat  with  the  sulky  man  with  whom  favour  and 
displeasure  were  subject  to  rapid  fluctuations  according  to 
the  impression  of  the  moment.  The  diplomatists  likewise 
complained  of  his  obstinacy  in  debate  and  the  skill  with 
which  he  knew  how  to  hide  his  real  opinions.  Parsimony, 
which  the  financial  situation  fully  justified,  he  carried  to 
great  lengths  ^  ;  always  suspicious,  he  had  the  treasure  kept 
not  in  Castel  S.  Angelo  but  in  his  own  apartments. 

Innocent  X.'s  Italian  temperament  showed  itself  both  in 
his  parsimony  and  in  his  strong  attachment  to  his  family  ; 
of  the  latter  trait  he  gave  public  proof  during  the  solemn 
progress  to  the  Lateran  when,  contrary  to  the  ceremonial, 
he  had  the  procession  halted  in  front  of  his  parents'  house  in 
the  Piazza  Navona,  to  enable  him  to  give  his  blessing  to  his 
little  niece  who  was  held  at  a  window  by  her  nurse. ^ 

Innocent  X.  would  not  be  taught  by  the  difficulties  in  which 
Urban  VIII.  became  involved  in  consequence  of  his  reckless 
nepotism,  and  it  never  entered  his  mind  to  do  away  with  the 
post  of  a  Cardinal  nephew  reputed  indispensable  for  running 
the  court.  It  was  the  misfortune  of  the  Pamfili  Pope  that 
the  only  person  in  his  family  circle  possessed  of  the  requisite 
qualities  for  such  a  position,  was  a  woman,  viz.  his  sister-in- 
law  Olimpia  Maidalchini-Pamfili,  whereas  all  the  nephews 
whom  he  successively  adorned  with  the  purple  proved  utter 
failures.^ 

Donna   Maidalchini,   born   at   Viterbo  in   1594,*  was  first 

^  *"  Ha  il  Papa  soppresso  diversi  uffici  a  Palazzo  che  portavano 
via  da  cento  mila  scudi,  compresovi  ancora  gli  emolunienti  che 
si  sono  sminuti  al  generale  di  s.  Chiesa."  Fr.  Mantovani  on 
October  8,  1644.    State  Arch.,  Modena. 

^  See  the  Diary  of  Deone  (Ameyden)  in  Ciampi,  n.  i. 

3  lusTi,  II.,  182. 

*  Ohmpia's  fortress-Uke  Gothic  palace  at  Viterbo  is  to-day 
the  Ospizio  degli  Esposti.  On  Olimpia's  country  residence  at 
S.  Martino  al  Cimino  and  its  decoration,  see  Ciaconius,  IV., 
648;  Chledowski,  II.,  246;  Ehrle,  Spada,  11,  13;  Ciampi, 
205  ;    Bussi,  Isioria  di   Vi.erbo,  Rome,   1742,  331  seq. 


OLIMPIA   MAIDALCHINJ.  33 

married  to  Paolo  Nini.  She  contracted  a  second  marriage 
with  the  Pope's  elder  brother  Pamfilio  Pamfili  to  whom  she 
bore  a  son,  Camillo,  in  1()22,  and  subsequently  two  daughters, 
Maria  and  Costanza.  The  former  was  married  in  1G44  to 
Prince  Nicolo  Ludovisi.^ 

Olimpia,  whose  energetic,  resolute  but  anything  but 
attractive  features  are  admirably  portrayed  in  Algardi's  bust 
in  the  Doria  Gallery .^  was  a  very  gifted  woman  ^  but  exceed- 
ingly ambitious  and  domineering.^  She  had  had  a  rich  dowry  ; 
she  accordingly  managed  to  become  the  most  important  person 
in  the  Pamfili  family.  Her  clerical  brother-in-law,  Giam- 
battista,  she  supplied  with  the  requisite  funds  to  enable  him 
to  rise,  thereby  putting  him  under  great  obligation  to  her. 
The  influence  she  exercised  over  him  continued  even  when 
(jiambattista  had  to  leave  Rome  :  both  as  nuncio  at  Naples 
and  at  Madrid  he  kept  uj)  a  lively  correspondence  with  his 
shrewd  sister-in-law.^     On  one  occasion,  whilst  at  Madrid, 

*  CiAMPi,  II  seq.  The  Pope  officiated  at  Costanza's  wedding 
on  December  21,  1644,  in  the  Sistine  Chapel  (Servantius, 
*  Diana,  Papal  Seer.  Arch.).  Twenty-six  persons  were  present 
at  the  wedding  breakfast,  among  them  being  Cardinals  Medici, 
Barberini,  Colonna,  Orsini  and  Este  {*Avviso  of  December  24, 
1644,  tbid.). 

*  CiAMPi,  200,  and  below,  ch.  VH  ;  reproduction  in  MuNoz, 
Roma,  319.  Perhaps  an  even  more  unpleasant  impression  is 
conveyed  by  the  portrait  of  Olimpia  with  little  Olimpuccia  in 
the  private  apartments  of  the  Palazzo  Doria-Pamfili,  reproduced 
by  Chledowski,  II.,  236. 

=•  All  the  contemporaries  insist  on  this  fact  ;  it  is  also 
emphasized  in  the  *"  Instruttione  del  sig.  Baili  de  Valence, 
ambasciatore  Christ,  a  Roma  al  suo  successore  "  (1653),  of  which 
there  exist  numerous  manuscript  copies  (Rome,  Chigi  Library, 
N.  III.,  88.  Barb.,  53,  32  ;  Ottob.,  2175  (also  in  Bibl.  com- 
niunale  of  Verona).  The  Lyons  Library  has  a  *  detailed  report, 
in  3  vt)ls.,  on  his  Roman  embassy,  by  Henri  d'Estampes-Valen9ay. 
\'alen<;ay's  reports  in  Gerin,  I.,  and  Chantei.auze,  II.,  315  seqq. 

*  See  Venetian  reports  in  Berchet,  II.,  50,  69  seq.,  loi  seq. 

*  Part  of  these  *letters  (original  text)  in  the  Letterc  del  card. 
G.  li.  Pamfili,  T.  IV.,  in  Doria-Pamfili  Archives  ;  they  include 
*a  letter,  partly  in  code,  dated  Nai)lrs,  I^'cbruary  15,  1625. 

VOL.    XXX.  D 


34  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

he    sent    her   a   gift    of    hixury    articles    and    some    glass- 
ware.^ 

Hence  it  was  not  surprising  that  on  the  elevation  of  her 
brother-in-law  to  the  papacy,  Olimpia  should  have  acquired 
considerable  importance.^  "  Olimpia's  influence,"  so  the 
Florentine  envoy  wrote  on  February  11th,  1645,  "  grows 
daily  ;  she  visits  the  Pope  every  other  day  and  the  whole 
world  turns  to  her."  ^  But  there  were  not  wanting  enemies 
who,  by  word  of  mouth  and  in  writing,  spread  such  evil 
reports  that  Olimpia  lodged  a  complaint  with  the  Governor 
of  Rome,  whereupon  a  number  of  arrests  were  made. ^  How- 
ever this  did  not  put  an  end  to  the  libels.^  Later  writers 
have  woven  divers  myths  around  the  Pope's  relations  with  his 
sister-in-law,  even  representing  them  as  criminal  ;  these 
assertions  are  calumnies  ;  the  best  information  goes  to  show 
that  there  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  the  whole  myth.^    However, 

1  *"  Invio  a  V.S.  certi  galantarie  e  de'  vetri."  Letter  from 
Madrid,  dat.  May,  1627,  ibid. 

2  Prince  Andrea  Giustiniani,  husband  of  her  daughter  Maria, 
became  castellan  of  S.  Angelo  as  early  as  October  5,  1644  ;  cf. 
Pagliucchi,  II.,  77  seq. 

^  State  Archives,  Florence,  Lett,  di  Roma,  F.  3373. 

*  *Report  of  Florentine  envoy  dat.  June  24,  1645,  ibid. 

*  One  of  these  publications  bore  the  title  :  La  Olimpiade  del 
governo  del  Pontefice  Innocenzo  X.  *  Report  of  the  Florentine 
envoy  of  June  26  and  July  i  and  23,  1645,  loc.  cit. 

*  Niceroni  {Notices  of  the  Writings  of  famous  scholars,  III., 
326)  already  describes  Gualdi's  Vitadi  Donna  Olimpia  Maidalchini 
(Cosmopoli,  1666,  and  often  reprinted,  last  of  all  in  Rome  in 
i849[!],  translated  into  French  by  Renoult,  Leyden,  1666) 
as  a  romance  and  an  extravagant  libel.  For  all  that  Schrockh 
Kirchengesch.,  III.,  Leipzig,  1805,  393)  thought  that  the  story 
was  substantially  true  seeing  that  it  had  never  been  contradicted. 
Ranke  (III.,  172)  examined  it  briefly  with  the  above  result. 
Cf.  also  E.  Rossi  in  the  periodical  Roma,  V.  (1927),  385  seqq., 
where,  on  p.  391  light  is  thrown  on  Ameyden's  inventions  {cf,  on 
Ameyden  our  data,  XXIX.,  Appendix  25).  Ademollo  {I  natratori) 
della  vita  di  Donna  O.P.,  in  the  Rassegna  settimanale,  1878, 
No.  6,  p.  94  5^^.)  has  established  the  fact  that  not  G.  Leti  but 


PANCIROLI    SECRETARY    OF    STATE.  35 

(Jlimpia's  excessive  influence  over  the  aged  Pontiff  is  only 
too  well  established.  It  did  grave  injury  to  his  prestige  for 
soon  all  Rome  knew  how  much  in  all  temporal  matters  a 
word  of  the  wily  intriguer  weighed  with  Innocent  X.  The 
nobility,  ambassadors,  Bishops,  Cardinals  showed  the  utmost 
regard  for  Olimpia  and  strove  to  secure  her  goodwill  by  means 
of  rich  presents,  an  easy  matter  in  view  of  the  woman's  great 
covetou.sness.  Even  some  of  their  Eminences  adorned  their 
apartments  with  Olimpia's  portrait.  She  made  frequent 
appearances  at  the  Vatican  and  the  Pope  on  his  part  often 
called  on  her.^  From  time  to  time  the  artful  woman  made 
as  if  she  were  about  to  retire,  but  this  she  did  merely  in  order 
to  save  appearances.  The  truth  was  that  the  Pope  attached 
great  weight  to  her  opinion,  especially  in  family  matters, 
yet,  self-willed  as  he  was,  he  would  often  refuse  her  most 
persistent  requests.^ 

Whilst  this  strange  relationship  arose.  Innocent  X.  took  an 
important  step  for  the  development  of  an  institution  which 
was  destined,  in  course  of  time,  to  do  away  with  nepotism, 
in  that,  for  the  first  time,  he  named  as  Secretary  of  State  a 
Cardinal  who  did  not  belong  to  his  own  family.  His  choice 
fell  on  Giovanni  Giacomo  Panciroli,  a  former  auditor  of  the 
Neapolitan  and  Spanish  nunciature  who  had  only  received  the 
purple  in  1G43.    Panciroli's  talent  and  accomplished  manners 

Gualdi  is  the  real  author  of  the  above-mentioned  I'lta,  a  fact 
also  insisted  upon  by  Dubarrv  (La  belle-sceur  d'lin  Pape,  Paris, 
1878).  Dubarry  wrote  a  romance  about  Olimpia  and  so  did 
Delecluze,  whose  work  is  based  on  a  second  revision  of  Gualdi's 
Vita  which  appeared  at  Florence  in  1781.  In  France  Olimpia 
was  represented  as  a  poisoner  ;  see  Renee,  Nieces  de  Mazarin, 
5th  edit.,  219.  Cf.  also  the  anecdote  in  J.  Racine,  GLuvres 
completes,  ed.  Mesnard,  V.,  Paris,  1887,  168.  Roman  satires  against 
Olimpia  in  Ciampi,  142  seq.  ;  one  such  in  the  library  of  St.  Gall  ; 
see  catalogue  of  its  MSS.,  409. 

'  CJ.  *Diary  of  Ueone  (Ameyden)  and  the  *Avvisi  in  Papal 
Sec.  Arch.  ;  Giov.  Giustinian  in  Berchet,  II.,  102  ;  Palla- 
viciNO,  Alessandro  VII.,  I.,  190. 

*  Ehrle,  Spada,  5  seq.  ;    cJ.  E.  Rossi,  loc.  cit.,  390. 


36  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

made  him  an  excellent  interpreter  of  the  papal  policy.  Both 
he  and  the  datarius  Cecchini  were  assigned  apartments  in  the 
Pope's  palace.  Innocent  X.  attached  great  weight  to  his 
opinion.^  Besides  Panciroli,  who  surrounded  himself  with 
excellent  secretaries, ^  there  also  arose  a  Cardinal  nephew  in 
the  person  of  Camillo,  Olimpia's  son.^ 

Camillo  had  at  first  been  destined  for  the  post  of  a  lay 
nephew.  On  September  27th,  1G44,  the  Pope  had  named  him 
General  of  the  Church,  on  October  1st  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  papal  fleet  and  the  Guards  as  well  as  Governor  of  the 
Borgo  and  the  chief  fortresses  of  the  Pontifical  States.*  Soon, 
however,  Camillo  laid  aside  all  these  offices  in  order  to  become 
a  Cardinal  nephew.  On  November  14th,  1644,  he  was  raised 
to  the  Sacred  College  ^  when  the  full  tide  of  papal  favours 
poured  itself  over  him.  In  that  same  year,  1644,  he  was 
given  the  legation  of  Avignon,  the  supreme  superintendence 
of  the  Papal  States  and  an  abbey  at  Capua  ;  to  this  came  to 
be  added  in  the  ensuing  years  a  great  number  of  benefices 
and  other  favours.  He  also  became  Prefect  of  Briefs  and  of 
the  Ses.uatiira  delle  "razie.*^ 


1  CiACONius,    IV.,    627  ;     Venetian   reports   in   Berchet,    II., 

52,  71- 

'^  *"  Ha  chiamati  a  so  buoni  segretari,  onde  si  spera  rinovera 
quell'antica  e  buona  scuola  e  del  Feliciani  e  degli  Aguchia." 
Fr.  degli  Albizzi  to  Chigi,  dat.  Rome,  September  5,  1644.  Cod. 
A.  III.,  55,  Chigi  Library,  Rome. 

^  The  title  was  no  longer  Cardinal  Padrone  but  Cardinale 
sopraintendente  agV  affari  maggiori  ;  see  Filippo  de  Rossi, 
Istoria  giornale  della  corte  de  Roma  scritta  negV  anni  1653  e 
1654,  Vat.  8873,  Vat.  Libr.  Numerous  *letters  of  congratulation  to 
Camillo  Pamfili  on  the  occasion  of  the  election  of  Innocent  X. 
in  Rospigliosi  Archives,  Rome,  207,  n.  2. 

*  See  *Index  bullarum  expeditarum  ad  favorem  card.  Pamphili, 
Doria-Pamfili  Archives,  i-g. 

''  Acta  consist.,  Papal  Seer.  Arch.  It  is  impossible  to  control 
the  assertions  of  Deone  (Ameyden)  in  his  *Diario  (see  Ciampi, 
123)  and  the  *Avvisi  on  the  proceedings  at  the  consistory. 

*  *Index  bullarum  ad  fav.  card.  PamphiU,  loc.  cit. 


CAMILLO    PAMFILI.  37 

The  new  Cardinal  nephew  was  by  no  means  destitute  of 
talents  '  ;  he  was  fond  of  poetry  and  the  plastic  arts  and 
iiad  such  a  i^rasj)  of  technical  problems  as  to  enable  him 
to  submit  a  plan  for  galleys  at  Civitavecchia.-  In  the  Secre- 
tariate of  State  it  was  his  duty  to  sign  letters  and  dispatches, 
as  had  been  done  by  former  Cardinal  nephews  ;  incoming 
correspondence  came  to  him  and  Panciroli,  and  the  ambas- 
sadors had  to  present  themselves  before  both  Cardinals.^ 

At  first  Camillo  performed  his  duties  with  assiduity,  but 
as  Innocent  X.  did  not  suffer  him  to  have  any  inffuence,^ 
his  zeal  soon  cooled  •'*  until  it  gave  out  altogether.  If  this 
circumstance  alone  was  bound  to  annoy  the  Pope,  his  dis- 
pleasure was  further  increased  when  he  learnt  that  Camillo 
was  resolved  to  lay  aside  the  purple  and  to  marry  a  beautiful, 
wealthy  and  gifted  3'oung  widow — Olimpia  Aldobrandini, 
Princess  of  Rossano.^  This  plan  was  vehemently  opposed  by 
Olimpia  Maidalchini  who  feared  that  her  position  would  be 
shaken  by  a  sister-in-law  of  a  higher  social  rank  and  of  out- 
standing intellectual  gifts.  Accordingly  she  did  all  in  her 
power  to  thwart  the  projected  alliance  and  she  persisted  in 
her  opposition  even  after  Innocent  X.  had  yielded  to  his 
nephew's  importunity.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Pope 
had  previously  dissuaded  his  nephew  from  taking  priest's 
orders,  people  surmised  that  he  had  from  the  first  looked  on 
the  cardinalate  as  no  more  than  a  transition  and  that  there 
had  existed  between  the  Pontiff  and  Camillo  a  secret  under- 
standing concerning  the  match.' 

'  Portrait  by  G.  B.  Gaulli  in  the  Doria  Gallery  ;  see  Voss, 
Malerei,  587.  Another  portrait  now  in  the  museum  of  the  Hispanic 
Society  of  America,  New  York  ;    cj.  lusri,  Velasquez,  II.',  179. 

-  CiAMPi,  122. 

*  CJ.  Richard  in  Rev.  d'hist.  eccl.,  XI.  (1910),  735. 

*  *Avviso  of  January  26,  1647,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  See  the  report  of  the  envoy  of  Lucca  in  Studi  c  docum.,  XXII., 
2ig. 

*  C/.  Savclli's  *rcport  to  Ferdinand  III.,  dat.  January  5, 
1647,  State  Archives,  \'icnna. 

'  See  above,  p.  30.    Cf.  reports  in  Coville,  144  scq. 


38  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

In  a  consistory  of  January  21st,  1647,  the  Pope  granted  the 
requisite  dispensations  and  accepted  Camillo's  resignation  of 
the  cardinalate.^  Even  after  the  marriage  contract  had 
been  concluded,  on  February  2nd,2  Ohmpia  continued  to  give 
pubUc  expression,  in  all  sorts  of  ways,  to  her  strong  dis- 
approval.^ In  vain  the  Pope  sought  to  calm  her.*  Neither 
she  nor  Innocent  X.  assisted  at  the  wedding  of  Camillo  and 
Olimpia  Aldobrandini  which  took  place,  very  quietly,  on 
February  10th,  1647,  at  the  Villa  Torre  Nuova,  six  miles 
outside  Rome.^  The  young  couple  immediately  withdrew 
to  the  Castle  of  Caprarola  and  thence  to  Frascati,  a  circum- 
stance that  gave  rise  to  all  kinds  of  rumours.^  For  the  time 
being  the  couple  had  to  remain  out  of  Rome  as  the  jealousy 
of  Olimpia  could  not  endure  the  presence  of  her  sister-in-law 
in  the  city.'' 

In  the  sequel  Olimpia's  influence  grew  as  much  as  her 
wealth,  for  the  money-loving  woman  exacted  good  payment 
for  the  smallest  service,  and  since  everyone  knew  how  well 
she  could  manage  Innocent  X.,  thanks  to  her  knowledge  of 
the  latter's  peculiar  character,  and  that  her  opinion  had  great 
weight,  the  whole  world  turned  to  her  and  gold  flowed  to  her 
in  an  ever  growing  stream.  She  was  frequently  closeted  for 
as  long  as  four  to  six  hours  with  the  Pope  who  did  nothing  of 
importance  without  consulting  her.^    Even  Cardinal  Panciroli 

^  Ada  consist.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  Cf.  Camillo's  declaration 
together  with  other  details  regarding  this  affair  in  Cod.  N.  III., 
69,  p.  305,  of  the  Chigi  Libr.,  Rome.  To  escape  his  having  to 
surrender  the  red  hat  in  person  Camillo  left  Rome  ;  see  Savelli's 
report  to  Ferdinand  III.,  January  19,  1647,  State  Archives, 
Vienna. 

2  Servantius  *Diaria,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

^  *Avviso  of  February  2,   1647,  ibid. 

*  *Avviso  of  February  g,    1647,  ibid. 

^  Savelli's  *report  to  Ferdinand  III.,  dat.  January  9,  1647, 
State  Arch.,  Vienna  ;    Ademollo,  Gigli,  121. 

*  *Avvisi  of  February  16  and  March  6,  1647,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  ; 
Deone  in  Ciampi,  131  ;    Gigli  in  Cancellieri,  Mercato,  108. 

'  Arnauld,  Negociations,  IV.,  25  ;    cf.  116. 

*  Cf.  *Avvisi  of  May  18,  June  22  and  July  27,  1647,  Papal  Sec. 


ASTALLI  SECRETARY  OF  STATE.      39 

kept  on  good  terms  with  her.  The  two  joined  forces  when 
the  question  arose  of  giving  a  successor  to  Camillo  Pamfili  ; 
in  effect,  on  October  7th,  KVIT,  Francesco  Maidalchini, 
Ohmpia's  seventeen  years  old  nephew,  was  raised  to  the 
cardinalate.^  However,  to  the  Pope's  painful  surprise, 
Francesco  proved  utterly  unfit  for  the  position  of  a  Cardinal 
nephew,  a  fact  which  created  great  difficulties  in  the  transac- 
tion of  business. 2  Even  Innocent  X.  was  forced  to  see  that 
a  more  capable  person  must  be  found  for  treating  with  the 
ambassadors.  Panciroli  induced  the  Pope  to  entrust  this 
post  to  the  thirty  years  old  Camillo  Astalli,  a  distant  relative 
of  Olimpia.^  To  the  general  amazement  Innocent,  always 
hasty  and  capricious,  bestowed  on  Astalli,  on  one  and  the 
same  day  (September  19th,  1(550),  the  purple,  his  name,  his 
arms  and  all  the  p)rivileges  of  a  nephew  ;  at  the  same  time 
he  made  him  a  present  of  the  palace  in  Piazza  Navona  and 
the  Villa  before  Porta  S.  Pancrazio.^  It  was  generally  believed 
that   Olimpia,  who  had  at  one  time  secured  for  Astalli  the 

Arch.  *"  Be  raccontare  se  volessc  i  casi  della  sua  nauseante 
ingordigia  da  lei  esercitata,"  says  Fr.  de  Rossi  of  Olimpia,  "  se 
ne  empirebbero  i  volumi  {*Istoria,   ]'at.  8873,  Vat.  Libr.). 

*  See  *Acta  consist.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  ;  F.  de  Rossi,  *Istoria 
Vat.  8873,  Vat.  Lib. 

^  See  A.  Contarini  in  Berchkt,  II.,  72  seq.  ;  ibid.,  126  seq. 
Maidalchini's  limited  intellectual  gifts  roused  the  irony  of 
Pasquino  ;  but  his  conduct  was  blameless  and  his  liberality 
great  ;  cf.  besides  Steinhuber,  I.*,  398,  *Scrittura  politica 
sopra  il  conclave  da  farsi  (a.  1689),  Liechtenstein  Archives, 
Vienna. 

*  De  Rossi  *Istona  {I'at.  8873,  \'at.  Libr.),  according  to  whom 
Astalli's  elevation  was  thought  of  already  in  1647.  Cf.  also 
(i.  Riccardi's  *"  dissertation  on  the  College  of  Cardinals  in  1652  ", 
in  Cod.  C.   III.,  60,  Chigi  Library,   Rome. 

*  *Acta  consist..  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  ;  Amevoen,  *Diary,  Barb. 
4819,  Vat.  Lib.  ;  Gigli  in  Can'cellieri,  Mercato,  log  ;  Ciampi, 
150  ;  Giustinian  in  Berchet,  1 1.,  127  ;  *  Diary  in  Cod.  93-46  of 
I >f)ria- Pamfili  Archives  ;  Denis,  I.,  255  seq.  Magalotti  says 
in  his  *"  Osservazioni  sopra  la  futura  elezione  del  S.  Pontefice  ", 
that  people  could  not  understand  liow   Innocent  X.  could  have 


40  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

post  of  a  consistorial  advocate  and  later  on  a  clericate  of  the 
Camera,^  had  brought  about  the  rise  of  this  mediocre  personage. 
In  point  of  fact  Olimpia  had  had  nothing  to  do  with  it  ; 
her  prestige,  which  in  June,  1649,  was  still  such  as  to  enable 
her,  with  the  help  of  Panciroli,  to  bring  about  the  fall  of  the 
influential  datarius  Cardinal  Cecchini,^  had  begun  to  wane 
already  in  the  autumn  of  that  year.^  She  now  fell  into 
complete  disgrace  for,  roused  by  her  sons-in-law  Giustiniani 
and  Ludovisi,  she  had  allowed  herself  to  be  carried  away  by 
perfect  fits  of  fury  on  account  of  Astalli's  elevation.  The 
Pope,  in  consequence,  forbade  her  the  Vatican.  Even  before 
this  occurrence,  Panciroli  had  counselled  such  a  step  by 
dwelling  on  the  scandal  which  Olimpia's  rule  created  every- 
where,  especially  in  Germany.* 

In  October  Olimpia's  fall  was  looked  upon  as  definite. 
The  Princess  of  Rossano  was  triumphant,^  and  with  good 
reason.  Three  months  after  Olimpia's  fall,  at  the  request 
of  his  sister  Agata,  a  nun  in  the  convent  of  Tor  de'  Specchi, 
Innocent  received  Camillo  Pamfili  back  into  his  good  graces. 
When,  on  January  8th,  1651,  the  latter  presented  himself 
at  an  audience  with  his  two  years  old  little  son,  the  Pope 
was  unable  to  restrain  his  tears.  To  the  child  he  gave  a  silver 
statue  of  his  patron  Saint,  John  the  Baptist.^     On  January 

hit  on  Astalli  ;  Magalotti  sees  in  it  a  sudden  capriccio,  Cod. 
C.  III.,  6o,  Chigi  Libr. 

^  *De  Rossi,  loc.  cit. 

^  Cf.  FuMi  in  Arch.  Rom.,  X.,  317  seq.  The  resignation  of  the 
Dataria  which  Cecchini  offered  at  once,  was  only  accepted  by 
Innocent  X.  on  September  15,  1652,  together  with  a  declaration 
of  complete  disgrace  ;  see  Servantius,  *Diaria,  loc.  cit. ;  *De  Rossi, 
loc.  cit. 

'  Denis,  I.,   154. 

*  Pallavicino,  Alessandro  VII.,  I.,  155  seq.,  whose  account 
is  confirmed  by  *De  Rossi  (loc.  cit.).  Cf.  also  Giustinian  in 
Berchet,  II.,  103,  and  Arch.  Rom.,  X.,  318. 

''  See  *Diaro  del  a.  1650  (by  Ameyden)  Barb.  4891,  p.  118, 
Vat.  Lib. 

*  Servantius  *Diaria,  loc.  cit.,  who  remarks  :  "  Post  spatium 
tandem    quinque    annorum    Camillas    Pamphilius    nepos    Papae 


DEATH    OF    PANCIROLI.  4I 

20th  it  was  learnt  that  Camillo's  wife  had  been  with  the  Pope 
for  three  hours  and  had  received  rich  presents  from  him  ^  ; 
shortly  before  she  had  given  birth  to  her  second  child. ^ 
Thereafter  she  visited  the  Pope  almost  every  week  and  won  a 
not  inconsiderable  influence,  whereas  Camillo  had  none  at  all.^ 
Old  Cardinal  Panciroli  had  hoped,  after  Olimpia's  fall,  to 
retain  his  influence  with  the  Pope  through  Astalli  who  owed 
him  everything.  In  this  he  was  greatly  deceived  ;  very  soon 
he  had  to  realize  that  Astalli  would  not  be  guided  by  him, 
on  the  contrary,  grown  proud  by  reason  of  his  sudden  exalta- 
tion, the  latter  broke  with  him  and  in  the  end  became  a 
successful  rival.  Together  with  Camillo  Pamfili  he  intrigued 
against  Panciroli.^  The  latter's  bad  state  of  health  also 
helped  to  contribute  to  a  gradual  estrangement  between  him 
and  the  Pope.^  No  one  sympathized  with  the  Secretary  of 
State,  had  he  not  prepared  a  similar  fate  for  so  many  others  ? 
Almost  in  disgrace,  Panciroli  died  on  September  3rd,  16.51.^ 
It  became  evident  that  Cardinal  Pamfili  could  not  carry 
out  unaided  the  duties  of  a  Secretary  of  State  ;  his  inex- 
perience and  indolence  were  such  as  to  cause  Innocent  X.  to 
regret  his  elevation.  Moreover  the  Pope  did  not  really  trust 
him   and   repeatedly   reproached  him  with   being  far    more 

ob  dimissam  card,  dignitatem  contumax  fuit  a  gratia  pontifici.s 
ct  mode  extra  urbem  exul,  modo  vcro  Romae  ignotus  privatim 
vitam  duxit  una  cum  principe.ssa  Rossano  eius  uxore." 

'  Servantius  *Diaria,  loc.  cit. 

^  According  to  *records  in  the  Dora-PamfiU  Archives  the 
following  children  were  born  to  Camillo  and  Olimpia  Aldo- 
l)randini  :  i,  Giov.  Battista,  born  June  24,  1648  ;  2,  Flaminia, 
b.  January  5,  1631  ;  3,  Benedetto  (a  future  Cardinal),  b.  April  25, 
1653  ;  4,  Teresa,  b.  October  16,  1654.  O"  the  splendid  palace 
erected  by  Camillo  in  1662  at  Valmontonc,  .sec  Tom.\ssetti,  III., 

457- 

»  De   Rossi,   *Istoria,   Vat.   8873,   Vat.   Lib. 

*  See  the  *Di.ssertations  by  Magalotti  and  G.  Riccardi  cjuoted 
above,  p.  39,  nn.  3  and  4  Chigi  Lib.,  Rome. 

*  Pallavicino,  Alcssandro,  VIL,  L,   156. 

'  Servantius,  *J)iaria,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  Giustinian  in  Berchet, 
II.,  94  seq.  ;    Arch.  Rom.,  X.,  318  scq. 


42  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

interested  in  the  affairs  of  the  Pamfth  than  in  those  of  the 
Pope.  Cardinal  Borghese,  he  remarked,  though  sprung  from 
the  House  of  Caffarelh,  became  a  complete  Borghese.^  Out- 
wardly, however,  Pamfili  enjoyed  all  the  prerogatives  of  his 
position  ;  he  occupied  the  apartments  set  apart  for  the 
nephews  and  was  given  rich  benefices.^ 

Nevertheless  a  new  Secretary  of  State  had  to  be  appointed. 
Astalli  sought  in  vain  to  direct  the  choice  to  his  cousin 
Francesco  Gaetani  or  to  the  very  gifted  Decio  Azzolini.  Cardinal 
Spada,  whom  the  Pope  often  consulted  in  the  most  important 
affairs,  proposed  Fabio  Chigi,  until  then  nuncio  in  the  Rhine- 
land.^  To  this  Innocent  agreed.  He  did  not  know  Chigi 
personally  but  he  set  great  value  on  his  reports.*  In  the  first 
days  of  October,  1651,  Chigi  left  Aix-la-Chapelle,  where  he 
had  lodged  with  the  Canons  Regular.  Whilst  Chigi  was  still 
on  the  way,  Astalli  sought  to  circumvent  his  appointment  and 
to  prejudice  the  Spanish  ambassador,  the  Duke  of  Infantado, 
against  him,  but  all  in  vain.^ 

1  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  Vat.  8873,  and  *Diaro  del.  a.  1650 
(Ameyden),  Barb.  4819,  Vat.  Lib.  Cf.  Giustinian  in  Berchet, 
II.,  127  seq.  In  the  *  I  nstruttione  del  sig.  Baili  de  Valence,  quoted 
p.  33,  n.  3,  we  read  :  "  II  card.  Pamfilio  e  adottivo  e  adiettivo 
nella  casa  del  Papa,  e  buon  per  lui,  se  assieme  colla  berretta 
se  gli  fosse  potuto  dare  il  cervello.  Nel  principio  non  era  in 
grazia,  ed  in  progresso  di  tempo  ha  vacillato  di  tal  maniera  che 
talvolta  parse  stabilito  sicuramente  e  talaltra,  vicino  a'  precipitii 
et  alle  ruine.  Non  sono  in  lui  qualita  singolari,  e  certo  che  sarebbe 
stato  proclive  a'  passatempi  piuttosto  che  adattato  al  negotio, 
quando  non  I'havesse  ritirato  il  genio  del  Papa.  Di  amore  e 
piutosto  francese,  ma  non  sa  pigliare  la  congiontura  di  mostrarlo 
aH'occorrenza  ;  e  romanesco  ne  mai  e  partite  da  Roma.  Ottob. 
2175.  P-  7^.  Vat.  Lib. 

^  *De  Rossi,  loc.  cit.  On  November  21,  1650,  Cardinal  Pamfili 
had  received  the  Avignon  legation.  *Acta  consist..  Papal  Sec. 
Arch. 

2  Pallavicino,  I.,  157  seq. 

*  Cf.  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  Vat.  8873,  Vat.  Lib. 
^  Infantado's  conduct  was  wholly  in  keeping  with  the  inten- 
tions of  his  sovereign  who  invited   him  to  support  Chigi  in  a 


FABIO    CHIGI    SECRETARY   OF    STATE.  43 

Chigi,  who  was  preceded  by  an  excellent  reputation,  rcarlicd 
Rome  on  the  last  day  of  November.^  At  their  very  first 
meeting  the  Pope  was  completely  won  over  by  him,  conse- 
quently the  last  minute  intrigues  against  him  also  failed 
completely.  About  the  middle  of  December  he  took  up 
residence  at  the  Vatican.  Both  the  party  of  Cardinal  Pamfili 
and  that  of  the  Princess  of  Rossano  sought  to  win  him  over 
but  Chigi  would  ally  himself  to  neither.  As  Secretary  of 
State,  he  declared,  it  was  his  duty  to  mind  political  and 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  not  those  of  a  particular  family. ^ 

When,  at  the  beginning  of  February,  1652,  Pamfili,  by  order 
of  the  Pope,  informed  Chigi  of  his  impending  elevation  to  the 
Sacred  College,  the  latter  replied  that  he  would  be  far  better 
able  to  serve  His  Holiness  in  his  present  condition.  On  the 
same  evening  Chigi  had  an  audience  with  the  Pope.  Of  what 
Pamfili  had  told  him  he  never  said  a  word,  so  that  Innocent  X. 
thought  that  the  Cardinal  had  failed  to  carry  out  his  instruc- 
tions. When  he  was  informed  that  this  was  not  so,  he  ex- 
claimed :  "I  have  never  yet  met  such  a  man  !  "  On  the 
eve  of  his  elevation  to  the  cardinalate,  which  took  place 
on  February  19th,  1652,  Chigi  remarked  to  a  friend  that  if 
he  could  strike  out  his  name  from  the  list,  he  would  do  so 
since  dignities  merely  added  to  responsibility. •'' 

Previous  to  his  nomination  as  a  Cardinal  Chigi  had  rendered 
the  Pope  a  signal  service  when  he  exposed  the  shameful 
conduct  of  the  Sub-datarius  Francesco  Canonici,  surnamed 
Mascambruno,  whom  Innocent  X.  held  in  great  esteem. 
To  enrich  him.self  Mascambruno  had  not  scrupled  to  falsify 
documents  for  which  he  surreptitiously  obtained  the  papal 
signature*     He   was   tried   together   with   his   accomplices  ; 

♦letter  in  code  dated  Madrid,  November  29,   1651.    .\rch.  of  the 
Spanish  Embassy,  Rome. 

'  "  Person nage  discret,  sage,  spirituel  et  sans  vicieuse  ambition, 
liomme  d'intelligence  et  do  probite,"  writes  Guefficr,  the  I'Yench 
Resident,  Chantelauze,  Ritz.,  IT,  340. 

*  Pallavicino,    I.,    166-170. 
'  Ibid.,  172. 

*  See     *Scril(iiir    co)ili'o    Msgr.     Mascambruno,     Barb.     5323, 


44  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

on  April  15th,  1652,  severe  sentences  were  passed.  Mas- 
cambruno  was  executed  and  died  repentant. ^ 

The  fall  of  Mascambruno,  who  had  been  hostile  to  Olimpia, 
proved  very  advantageous  to  the  latter,^  but  she  benefited 
even  more  by  the  constant  disputes  between  Camillo,  the 
Princess  of  Rossano  and  Cardinal  Pamfili,  disputes  that  greatly 
vexed  the  Pope.  Thus  it  came  about  that  Innocent's  attach- 
ment to  his  sister-in-law,  which  had  never  been  wholly 
extinct,  came  once  more  to  life  ;  her  shrewdness,  so  he 
thought,  would  restore  peace  in  the  family.  The  majority 
of  the  Cardinals  and  the  other  prelates  also  favoured  a  pardon, 
for,  they  remarked,  Olimpia  would  have  been  taught  by  mis- 
fortune and  would  henceforth  keep  within  becoming  bounds. 
Chigi  alone  thought  otherwise,  but  his  warnings  were  not 
heeded.^  After  the  Pope's  sister  Agata  had  brought  about  a 
reconciliation  between  the  two  rivals,  the  Princess  of  Rossano, 
on  March  11th,  1653,  conducted  Olimpia  into  the  presence 
of  the  Pope  who  received  her  graciously.^     The  last  state, 

p.  188-211,  and  Chigi  Library,  N.  III.,  69,  p.  570-595  ;  G.  B. 
RiNALDUCCi,  *Prosperitd  infelice  di  Francesco  Canonici  detto 
Mascambruno  (Bibl.  Casanat.,  X.,  VII.,  46,  Urb.  1728  and 
Barb.  4898,  Vat.  Lib.  ;  Archives  of  the  Spanish  Embassy,  Rome  ; 
Magi.  CI.,  XXV.,  n.  457,  National  Lib.,  Florence),  anonymous, 
printed  with  variants  in  Miscell.  di  varia  lett.,  V.,  Lucca,  1765. 
Cf.  *Rcmisches  Tagebuch  in  Cod.  93-46  of  Doria-Pamfili  Arch.  ; 
Pallavicino,  I.,  186  seq.  ;  Berchet,  II.,  149  ;  Ciampi,  154  seq.  ; 
Reusch,  Index,  II.,  495,  1225;  Dollinger-Reusch,  Moralstreitig- 
keiten,  I.,  604  ;  Chantelauze,  loc.  cit.,  383  seq.,  393  scqq.,  403 
seqq.,  435  ^cqq-'  463.  4^5  ^^qq.,  469  seqq.,  474  seq. 

^  "*In  atrio  Turris  Nonae,"  says  Servantius  {*Diaria),  who 
describes  Mascambruno  as  "  ingeniosissimus,  habilissimus  et 
cujuslibet  licet  maximi  negotii  capax  "  (Papal  Sec.  Arch.). 
The  sentenza  of  April  15,  1652,  in  Arch,  of  the  Spanish  Embassy, 
Rome.  Cf.  *Decio  MemmoH,  Relaz.  delta  ynorie  di  Fr.  Mascam- 
bruni,  in  Barb.  4885,  Vat.  Lib. 

2  De  Rossi  *Istoria,   Vat.  8873,  \at.  Lib. 

'  Pallavicino,    L,    191    seqq. 

*  Servantius  *Diaria,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  ;  Gigli  in  Cancellieri, 
Mercato,   no,    and  Ciampi,    166. 


OLIMPIA   AGAIN    IN    FAVOUR.  45 

however,  was  destined  to  be  worse  than  the  first  :  Ohmpia's 
influence  waxed  greater  tlian  ever  ^  and  she  exploited  it  as 
before.  One  of  the  victims  of  her  intrigues  was  Cardinal 
Pamlili  whom  the  Pope  had  mistrusted  already  for  some 
time  by  reason  of  liis  relations  with  the  Medici  and  the 
Spaniards.  On  February  2nd,  1G54,  it  was  decided  to  remove 
him  from  Rome  by  offering  him  the  see  of  Ferrara.  When 
Pamfili  declined,  he  was  forced  to  leave  the  Eternal  City  ;  his 
disgrace  was  public  and  he  forfeited  everyone  of  his  positions 
and  dignities.  In  July,  1654,  a  similar  fate  overtook  Niccolo 
Ludovisi.  Cardinal  Chigi,  who  had  vainly  endeavoured  to  save 
Pamhii,  was  now  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  signing  dispatches 
in  the  hitter's  place.  However,  this  extension  of  power  was 
only  apparent  for  Olimpia  was  bent  on  undermining  his 
position  after  she  had  unsuccessfully  attempted  to  make  this 
strong  and  honourable  character  subservient  to  her  interests.^ 
How  successfully  Olimpia  undermined  Innocent  X.'s 
confidence  in  Chigi  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  final  decision 
concerning  the  nomination  of  Cardinals  in  March,  1654,  was 
made  without  the  Secretary  of  State  having  been  consulted, 
and  since  on  this  occasion  the  purple  was  bestowed  on  Decio 
Azzolini,^  Secretary  of  the  cijra,  an  avowed  follower  of  Olimpia, 
it  was  thought  that  he  would  also  obtain  the  Secretariate  of 
State.  However,  Innocent  X.  could  not  part  with  Chigi,  but 
Olimpia  at   least   secured  this  much,   namely  that   Azzolini 

*  "*Erario  unico  onde  uscivano  le  grazie,"  says  De  Rossi 
(*Istoria,  loc.  cit.). 

*  Pallavicixo,  I.,  194,  whose  account  is  confirmed  by  De  Rossi, 
*Istoria  {Vat.  8873,  Vat.  Lib.  Cf.  also  Denis,  I.,  302  ;  Ademollo, 
Ciigli,  113  seqq.  ;  Ciampi,  169  seqq.,  376  ;  Quellen  und  Forschiingen, 
IV'.,  243  ;  PiccoLOMiNi,  Corrisp.  ira  la  corte  di  Roma  e  I'Inquisitore 
di  Malta,  II.,  Florence,  1910,  7  ;  on  Ludovisi's  fall,  cf.  Gugliel- 
MOTTi,    135. 

'  AzzoHni,  born  1612  (see  Moroni,  III.,  314  seq.  ;  G.  de 
MiNicis,  Notizic  biogr.  del  card.  D.  Azzolino,  F'ermo,  1858),  was  also 
Secretary  of  the  Epistolac  adprincipes  since  1653.  His  predecessors 
in  that  office  were,  from  1644-7,  Ga.spar  de  Simeonibus,  and  from 
1648-1653,  Franc.  Nerlius.     Papal  Sec.  Arch. 


46  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

should  always  be  present  at  the  audience  of  the  Secretary  of 
State. ^  Had  Innocent's  life  been  prolonged  Chigi  would 
probably  have  been  overthrown,  for  Olimpia  was  unwilling 
to  share  her  influence  with  anyone.  Innocent  X.  ended  by 
painfully  realizing  that  he  had  become  "  a  tool  of  a  woman's 
greed  for  power  and  gold  "  ;  but  how  was  he,  an  octogenarian 
and  one  who  had  always  found  it  difficult  to  make  up  his 
mind,  to  muster  sufficient  strength  to  break  these  unworthy 
shackles,  which  could  not  fail  to  injure  the  prestige  of  the 
Holy  See  ?  Olimpia's  avarice  revealed  itself  in  most  revolting 
fashion  after  the  Pope's  demise  (January  7th,  1655)  :  the 
woman  who  owed  to  the  dead  man  such  vast  sums  of  money  ^ 
refused,  as  did  Camillo  Pamfili,  to  pay  for  the  customary 
wood  and  lead  coffins  so  that,  after  it  had  been  exposed  in 
St.  Peter's,  the  body  had  to  be  kept  for  several  days  in  a 
damp  corner  of  the  sacristy  and  to  be  buried  in  the  most 
simple    manner    imaginable  ^ ;     "a    stern    warning    for    the 

1  Pallavicino,  I.,  206  seq. 

^  See  Arch.  Rom.,  IV.,  252  seq.,  259  ;  Ciampi,  337  seqq.,  344 
seqq.    Cf.  *Avviso  of  May  18,  1647.    Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

2  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  Vat.  8873,  Vat.  Lib.  ;  Pallavicino,  I., 
213  ;  Gigli  in  Novaes,  X.,  60,  and  Cancellieri,  Mercato,  115  ; 
*Deone's  *diary  in  Cod.  93-46  of  Doria-Pamfili  Archives, 
Rome.  On  January  13,  1655,  Riccardi,  the  Florentine  envoy, 
wrote  :  "  *I1  Papa  non  e  ancora  sotterrato,  perch  e  non  si  trova 
chi  voglia  fare  la  spesa.  D.  Camillo  dice  di  non  havere  havuto 
niente  da  Sa  B^e  e  toccare  di  farlo  alia  Sig.a  Donna  Olimpia  ; 
et  essa  dice  :  die  ella  non  e  I'herede.  E  cosi  S*  Bne  se  ne  sta  la 
in  un  canto,  in  una  cassaccia."  On  January  30,  1655,  the  same 
wrote  :  "  *Dopo  la  morte  del  Papa  la  Siga  Donna  Olimpia  ha 
detto  che  ella  resta  piu...  mortificata  del  modo  che  tiene  Maidal- 
chini,  essendo  unito  con  i  suoi  nemici,  che  della  morte  del  medesimo 
Papa  e  delle  tante  pasquinate  e  scritture  uscite  contro  di  lei. 
Che  sebbene  gli  era  stato  innanzi  detto  che  il  card.l^  suo  nipote 
era  stato  guadagnato  dalli  Spagnuoli  e  dai  Fiorentini,  non  I'haveva 
mai  creduto,  se  non  quando  I'ha  visto."  The  same  on  the  same 
day  :  "  *[D.  Olimpia])  si  chiama  malissimo  sodisfatta  del  signer 
card.ls  suo  nipote  che  (come  si  scrisse)  ella  caccio  di  case  e  gli 
fece  mettere  le  sue  masserizie  in  casa  del  signor  principe  Ludovisio; 


HER   AVARICE.  47 

Popes,"  says  Cardinal  Pallavicino,  "  one  showing  what 
gratitude  they  may  expect  from  relatives  for  whose  sake  they 
have  often  enough  risked  both  honour  and  conscience."  * 

e  intendo  che  in  conclave  egli  continui  a  dir  male  della  zia,  come 
faceva  di  fuora."     State  Archives,   Florence. 

*  Pallavicino,    loc.    cit.       On    Olimpia's   end,   cf.    Ciampi    in 
.V.  Antologia,   1877. 


CHAPTER    II. 

Mazarin  and  Innocent  X. — The  Intrigues  of  the 
Barberini — The  Imprisonment  of  Cardinal  Retz — 
Relations  with  Spain  and  Portugal — The  Rising  at 

Naples. 

Innocent  X.'s  election  meant  a  sensible  defeat  for  Cardinal 
Mazarin,  the  leader  of  France's  policy.  He  had  done  his 
utmost  to  procure  the  tiara  for  a  friend  of  his  and  now  he 
had  to  witness  the  elevation  of  the  very  Cardinal  whom  he 
had  expressly  excluded,  and  it  had  so  happened  that  the 
Cardinal  Protector  of  France,  Antonio  Barberini,  and  even 
the  French  ambassador  had  substantially  contributed  to 
bring  it  about  ! 

For  a  moment  Mazarin  seriously  considered  whether  France 
should  not  refuse  to  recognize  the  new  Pope  on  the  plea  that 
his  election  was  illegal,  but  in  the  end  he  shrank  from  taking 
so  dangerous  a  course.^  He  began  by  venting  his  tremendous 
anger  on  those  whom  he  regarded  as  the  authors  of  the 
election.  In  October,  1G44,  Antonio  Barberini  was  deprived, 
in  brutal  fashion,  of  his  Protectorate  of  France,  an  event 
which  caused  an  enormous  sensation  in  Rome.^  About  the 
middle  of  December  the  French  ambassador,  Saint-Chamond, 
was  recalled  from  his  post.  The  punishment  was  excessive 
forasmuch  as  Saint-Chamond  was  guilty,  not  of  treason,  but 
merely  of  grave  imprudence.  Accordingly  the  latter  thought 
that  he  might  successfully  invoke  the  clemency  of  the  King 
and  Queen,  but  Mazarin  would  not  be  softened.  The  whole 
affair  weakened  the  prestige  of  Innocent  X.  inasmuch  as  it 

1  See  Mem.  du  P.  Rapin,  I.,  89  ;  Coville,  27  seq.  ;  cf. 
BouGEANT,  Hist,  des  giterres  ci  negotiat.  qui  preced.  le  traite  de 
Westphalie,  IV.,  Paris,  1759,  59. 

2  See  *report  of  Card.  Harrach  to  Ferdinand  III.,  dat.  Nov.  19, 
1644.     State  Archives,   Vienna. 

48 


MAZARIN  S    TACTICS.  49 

created  a  suspicion  that  he  had  obtained  the  papacy  through 
some  intrigue.^  For  the  rest,  Mazarin  was  soon  made  to  feel 
that  his  punitive  measures  had  isolated  France  in  dangerous 
fashion,  for  the  Barberini  now  turned  to  Spain.-  Thereupon 
the  Cardinal-Minister  promptly  changed  his  tactics.  In 
November,  1644,  Monsieur  de  Gremonville,  until  then 
accredited  to  Venice,  was  dispatched  to  Rome  for  the  purpose 
of  offering  to  the  Pope  the  homage  of  the  French  royal  couple. 
He  was  to  seize  the  opportunity  to  obtain  the  elevation  to  the 
cardinalate  of  Michel,  Mazarin's  brother,  on  the  ground  that 
by  this  means  the  Pope  would  best  refute  the  accusation  of 
partiality  towards  Spain.^  At  the  same  time  Mazarin  resigned 
the  Abbey  of  Corbie,  reputed  the  second  richest  in  the  realm 
and  yielding  12,000  scudi  a  year,  in  favour  of  Cardinal  Camillo 
Pamfili.  The  latter  accepted  the  gift,  but  his  uncle  remained 
deaf  to  Gremonville's  prayers  and  representations.  Michel 
Mazarin's  candidature  for  the  red  hat  failed  completely,  he 
himself  contributing  not  a  little  to  this  result  by  his 
impetuosity  and  want  of  tact.* 

At  the  promotion  of  March  6th,  1645,  eight  new  Cardinals 
were  proclaimed,  all  of  them  excellent  men,  but  favouring 
Spain  and  hostile  to  the  Barberini.^  France's  representatives, 
who  had  already  made  bitter  complaints,^  became  still  louder 

*  CoviLLE,  37  seqq. 

*  Cochin,  H.  Arnauld,  67.  Simeoni  (abo\-e  p.  19,  n.  i) 
justly  remarks  (p.  56)  that  Mazarin's  policy  towards  Rome 
was  from  the  first  "  me.schina  e  personale  ". 

^  Instruction  of  Dec.  26,  1644,  in  Arnauld,  Negociations,  I., 
128  seqq.,  137  seqq.  When  informing  the  (jueen-Regent  Anne 
of  his  election.  Innocent  X.  had  assured  her  that  he  would  not 
forget  the  honours  paid  to  him  by  Louis  XIII.  during  his  stay 
in  France.   Letter  of  Sept.  16,  1644,  in  FiixoN,  n.  2457. 

*  Covii.i.K,  55  seqq.  On  IMich.  Mazarin,  cf.  C.  de  IMun  in  Rev. 
d'hist.  dipl.,   IV.   (1904),   497  seqq. 

'•"  The  hostility  of  the  newly  elect  towards  the  Barberini  is 
insisted  upon  by  the  Florentine  envoy  in  his  *report  of  March  12, 
1645.    State  Arch.,  Florence,  loc.  cit. 

*  *Avviso  of  Feb.  23,   1645,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

VOL.  x.xx.  E 


50  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

with  their  protests.^  As  for  Mazarin,  when  he  was  informed, 
his  fury  knew  no  bounds.  Henceforth,  he  muttered,  he 
would  change  his  tune.  Even  Queen  Anne  spitefully  remarked 
that  the  Pope  was  mistaken  if  he  imagined  that  he  could 
treat  great  kings  like  the  small  prelates  of  the  Roman  court. 
In  Paris  there  was  talk  of  a  schism.  Gremonville  was  ordered 
to  adopt  a  manner  that  would  frighten  Rome  ;  the  nuncio 
also  had  to  hear  many  remarks  to  the  same  effect.^ 

Mazarin's  speeches  and  writings  of  the  period  bear  witness 
to  his  rage.  Many  people,  he  remarked,  had  their  own  ideas 
about  the  election  of  Innocent  X.  ;  until  now  he  had  kept 
silent  and  enforced  silence,  but  those  who  roused  him  would 
have  cause  to  regret  it.^  Nor  was  he  content  with  words. 
On  March  27th,  1646,  Gremonville  was  ordered  to  betake 
himself  at  once  to  Venice.  This  interruption  of  diplomatic 
relations  did  not  as  yet  imply  a  complete  rupture  because 
the  nuncio  stayed  on  in  Paris  and  a  number  of  French  agents 
remained  in  Rome,  but  they  only  dealt  with  secondary 
matters,  not  with  affairs  of  State.  Mazarin  maintained 
contact  with  Rome  only  in  so  far  as  this  made  it  possible  for 
him  to  create  difficulties  for  Innocent  X. 

Michel  Mazarin  was  indemnified  by  his  elevation  to  the 
archiepiscopal  see  of  Aix  which  had  just  then  become  vacant 
and  the  Pope  was  compelled  to  approve  the  nomination.* 

1  *Avviso  oi  March  ii,  1645,  ibid.  ;  *report  of  Savelli,  April  15, 
1645,  State  Arch.,  Vienna.  Cf.  also  the  *letter  of  the  Secretary 
of  State  to  Rinuccini  dated  April  10,  1645  :  "  Fu  inviata  a 
V.  S.  la  Rosa  Pontificia,  accio  ella  compiacesse  di  presentarla 
in  nome  di  Nostro  Signore  alia  Maesta  della  regina  di  Francia  ; 
ma  perche  sono  giunte  lettere  da  quel  Monsignor  Nunzio,  nelle 
quali  avvisa  che  si  mostri  in  quella  corte  molto  sentimento  per 
non  esser  state  posto  nella  promotione  il  Padre  Mazzarino,  sara 
bene  che  ella  non  pigli  in  modo  alcuno  risolutione  di  presentarla 
se  non  vede  acquietato  il  disgusto,  et  non  sia  piu  che  certo  che  il 
dono  potesse  essere  accettato  volentieri.  II  che  si  lascia  alia 
molta  prudenza  di  lei."     Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

^  CoviLLE,  57  seqq. 

^  Lettres  dii  card.  Mazarin,  ed.  Cheruel,  II.,  131,  135. 

*  CoviLLE,    5o   seqq. 


THE    BARBERINI.  5I 

But  this  was  not  revenge  enough  for  Mazarin.  He  sought  to 
create  opponents  for  Innocent  X.  in  Rome  itself.  To  this 
end  he  resolved  to  make  his  peace  with  the  Barberini.  This 
was  not  easy  because  as  soon  as  the  latter  realized  that 
Mazarin  needed  them,  they  changed  their  tactics,  seeking 
to  get  the  utmost  in  return  for  as  little  as  possible.^  However, 
in  the  end  events  comj)clled  the  Barberini  to  accept  so 
powerful  a  patronage.  Besides,  they  were  not  united  among 
themsel\-cs  and  their  counsels  were  divided.- 

Such  was  the  hatred  which  Urban  VHI.'s  nephews  had 
drawn  on  thcmsehes  in  Rome  that  according  to  a  report  of 
the  envoy  of  l'2ste  in  October  1()-J4,  everyone  wished  to  see 
them  punished.  The  Romans  witnessed  with  satisfaction  the 
depressed  air  of  those  who  had  once  been  so  proud. ^  In 
these  circumstances  it  was  no  small  comfort  for  the  latter, 
when  it  was  reported  that  the  new  Pope  was  prepared  to 
forgive  them.*  But  after  a  long  period  of  suspense  between 
hope  and  despair,  the  Barberini  were  forced  to  realize  that 
they  would  be  called  to  account  for  the  enormous  wealth 
they  had  accumulated  during  the  reign  of  Urban  VTII.  In 
March,  1645,  Cardinal  Giustiniani  said  that  the  Pope  was 
bound  in  conscience  to  try  the  Barberini  and  to  punish  them 
should  their  guilt  be  established.^ 

When  in  June,  1645,  an  inquiry  was  begun  into  the 
administration  of  public  money  during  the  war  of  Castro,  the 
memory  of  the  fate  of  the  relatives  of  Paul  IV.  must  have 
haunted  Urban  VHI.'s  nephews  like  a  nightmare.''    However, 

*  Ibid.,  70  seq. 

*  See  the  interesting  *report  of  Walter  Leslie  to  Ferdinand  III., 
dated  Rome,  May  5,  1645,  State  Arch.,  Vienna. 

'  *Keport  of  Fr.  Mantovani  of  October  5,  1644.  State  Arch., 
Modena. 

*  *Report  of  Fr.  Mantovani  of  October  19,  1644,  ibid. 

*  *Rcport  of  the  Florentine  envoy,  March  30,  1645,  State 
Arch.,  Florence,  loc.  cit. 

*  See  *the  reports  of  the  Florentine  envoy  of  June  3,  n,  24, 
1645,  State  Arch.,  Florence.  Cf.  P.  Linagi:  de  Vaucienxks, 
Ditjerctid  dcs  Barberini  avec  le  pape  Innocent  X.,  Paris,  1678.     A 


52  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

it  was  very  difficult  to  bring  home  to  the  Barberini  any  real 
defalcations  for  they  had  covered  themselves  betimes  with 
divers  decrees  of  Urban  VIII.  Innocent  X.  himself  said  as 
much  to  the  Florentine  envoy  who  reported  that  the  Pope 
was  particularly  incensed  against  Antonio  Barberini. ^  The 
Pope's  anger  so  alarmed  the  latter  that  the  threatened  man, 
who  of  all  his  brothers  had  always  entertained  the  strongest 
sympathy  towards  France,^  decided  on  a  desperate  step.  On 
the  evening  of  September  28th,  1645,  he  let  it  be  known 
that  he  was  about  to  drive  to  Monterotondo  whither  his 
servants  had  preceded  him.  In  reality,  disguised  beyond 
recognition,  he  repaired  to  Santa  Marinella,  a  small  hamlet 
on  the  coast  between  Palo  and  Civitavecchia,  where, 
accompanied  by  only  one  servant,  he  embarked  on  a  small 
boat  with  the  intention  of  sailing  for  Genoa,  but  a  violent 
storm  compelled  him  to  seek  shelter  in  the  harbour  of  Leghorn, 
from  whence,   disguised  as  a  sailor,   he  safely  reached  the 

*Discorso  per  eccitare  Innocenzo  X.  ad  procedere  contro  i  Barbermi 
(written  shortly  after  the  death  of  Urban  VIII.)  in  Barb.  5650, 
p.  90  seqq.    Vat.  Lib. 

1  See  the  *letter  of  the  Florentine  envoy,  July  5,  1645  :  "  Mi 
disse  [il  Papa]  ancora  che  havea  fatto  vedere  le  spese  fatte  a  la 
Camera  di  tanti  miUoni,  e  che  non  puo  ritrovare  niente  da  potere 
attaccare  i  Barberini,  havendo  bene  aggiustato  le  scritture. 
E  dicendogli  io  :  B^o  pe^  gii  e  una  gran  cosa  quello  raconta  il 
sig.  Carde  Cornaro  pubblicamente,  che  venendo  egli  a  Roma 
poco  tempo  prima  che  morisse  Papa  Urbane,  egli  fu  a  baciargli 
i  piedi,  e  S.  S'^  gh  disse  :  Sig.  Card^^,  siamo  stati  assassinati  da 
nostri  nepoti,  che  ci  hanno  fatto  far  la  guerra  e  perdere  la  vita  e 
la  riputazione  ;  da  che  si  vede  chiaramente,  dissi  io,  che  Papa 
Urbano  fu  aggirato  ;  e  per  capriccio  de'  Barberini,  e  non  del 
Papa,  e  stato  rovinata  la  Chiesa  Apostolica  e  Io  Stato  ecclesiastico. 
Mi  rispose  S.  St^  ;  V.  S.  dice  bene  ;  ma  si  sono  aggiustati  e 
fortificati  con  brevi,  bolle  e  chirografi,  che  non  si  puo  far  niente 
a  voler  far  la  giustizia  .  .  ."    State  Arch.,  Florence. 

^  *"  Cardinal  Antonio  has  French  sympathies  and  imagines 
he  cannot  live  unless  he  becomes  reconciled  with  France," 
W.  Leslie  wrote  on  May  5,  1645,  to  Ferdinand  III.  State  Arch., 
Vienna. 


MAZARIN    BEFRIENDS    THE    BARBERINI.  53 

coast  of  Provence. ^  He  sent  his  excuses  to  the  Pope  for  his 
disappearance  without  farewell  audience  ;  the  motive  of  his 
departure,  he  claimed,  was  the  desire  to  clear  himself  in 
France  of  the  accusations  of  which  he  was  the  object. - 

Both  Cardinal  Francesco  and  Taddeo  Barberini  made 
common  cause  with  their  brother  when,  on  October  15th, 
they  put  up  on  their  palaces  the  arms  of  France.^  Thus  the 
alliance  of  the  Barberini  with  Mazarin,  which  had  seemed 
unlikely  only  a  short  while  ago,  became  suddenly  an 
accomplished  fact  :  it  also  bore  an  anti-papal  character. 
In  vain  Innocent  X.  admonished  the  King  and  Queen  of 
France  and  ]\Iazarin  not  to  shelter  the  Barberini  *  ;  so  far 
from  complying  with  the  request,  Mazarin  invited  Antonio 
to  Piedmont,  after  which  he  sent  ironical  congratulations  to 
the  Pope  on  so  happy  a  solution.  When  the  French  minister 
was  informed  that  Francesco  and  Taddeo  had  likewise  sought 
French  protection,  he  exulted.  The  Venetian  envoy  Nani, 
who  saw  him  after  the  reception  of  this  piece  of  news,  wrote  : 

I  have  never  seen  him  so  jubilant,  not  even  after  the 
greatest  \-ictories."  ^  In  effect,  nothing  could  have  been 
more  agreeable  to  Mazarin,  for  the  Barberini  had  become  his 
unconditional  allies  and  this  in  such  circumstances  as 
compelled  them  to  serve  all  his  interests. 

Thereafter  the  arrogance  of  the  French  Government  knew 
no  bounds.    On  November  16th,  IGlo,  the  French  Chancellor, 

^  On  the  flight,  see  the  letter  in  Gualdo  Priorato,  Scena 
d'hiiomiui  illustri,  V^cnice,  1659  ;  and  Tommaso  Raggi,  *Fitga 
dc'  Barberini,  in  Cod.  34S1  of  the  Bibl.  Casanat.,  Rome  ;  also  the 
Avvisi  in  Arch.  Rom.,  III.,  26  scq.,  and  CoUcccion  de  dociim. 
ineditos,  LXXXVI.,  217. 

-  Innocent  X.  told  this  to  Savclli,  Ferdinand  III.'s  repre- 
sentative ;  see  the  latter's  *report  of  October  7,  1645,  State 
Arch.,    Vienna. 

'  Only  on  his  official  residence  in  the  Cancelleria  did  Antonio 
not  put  up  the  I'Ycnch  arms;  SavelH's  *report  of  October  21, 
1645,  State  Arch.,   Vienna. 

*  CoviLLK,  89;    Annalcs  dc  St.  Louis,   II.   (1897),  361  scq. 

*  See  Corresp.  de  Mazarin,  II.,  252  ;    Coville,  loc.  cit. 


54  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

speaking  in  the  name  of  the  King  at  a  crown  council,  addressed 
to  nuncio  Bagno  a  speech  full  of  invectives,  which  was  a 
real  masterpiece  of  its  kind.  He  began  with  the  ironical 
remark  that  their  Majesties  found  it  hard  to  understand  that 
Innocent  X.  should  request  them  to  "  oppress  "  the  Barberini, 
seeing  that  these  were  being  so  badly  treated  in  Rome.  The 
Curia  was  dominated  by  the  Spaniards,  the  French  were 
relegated  to  the  background,  as  was  shown  by  the  refusal 
of  the  purple  to  Mazarin's  brother.  However,  the  King  was 
not  embarrassed  for  there  were  a  hundred  ways  in  which  he 
could  reward  Mazarin's  faithful  services.  He  then  went  on 
to  complain  about  the  intrigues  in  Rome  which  included 
even  the  prospect  of  the  assassination  of  Mazarin.  Not 
without  reason  the  Spaniards  had  proclaimed  that  a  blow 
would  be  struck  in  France.  In  view  of  all  this  it  could  not  be 
expected  that  the  French  Government  should  sacrifice  the 
Barberini.  Antonio's  secret  journey  was  justified  ;  he  would 
not  have  received  permission  had  he  asked  for  it.  The  speech 
ended  with  a  threat  to  the  effect  that  their  Majesties  might 
be  compelled  to  seek  means  by  which  to  protect  their  good 
name.  After  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  Prince  of  Conde 
had  expressed  their  approval,  Mazarin  concluded  with  the 
blunt  and  unequivocal  statement  that  the  King  would  know 
how  to  avenge  a  persecution  of  the  Barberini.^ 

This  pronouncement  was  also  made  known  to  the  Venetian 
ambassador  and  to  the  representatives  of  Tuscany  and 
Florence, 2  and  copies  were  circulated  both  in  France  and  in 
Rome.  Contemporary  Italian  and  French  publications,  both 
for  and  against  Mazarin,  show  how  excited  public  opinion 
had  become.  Thereafter  the  conflict  was  passionately  discussed 
in  endless  publications.^    With  a  view  to  alarming  the  Pope 


^  Arnauld,  Negociat.,  I.,  141  seq.  ;    Coville,  90  seqq. 

*  See  Bagno's  *report  dated  Paris,  November  24,  1645,  in 
Nunziat.  di  Francia,  92,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

^  Coville,  93.  Italian  *documents  from  Cod.  I.,  III.,  87  of 
Chigi  Libr.  enumerated  by  Ciampi  (31,  n.  2).  Partly  the  same 
*documents,  but  others  also  bearing  on  this  point  in  Barb.  4673, 


MORE    FLIGHTS.  55 

Mazarin  caused  the  rumour  to  be  circulated  that  the  Barberini 
would  be  indemnified  out  of  the  revenues  of  Avipnon  and 
that  there  was  a  •jiossibility  of  con\eninf^  a  Council  of  all  the 
anti-papal  malcontents. *  Yet  shortly  afterwards  he  told  the 
nuncio  that  though  he  was  held  but  of  little  account  at 
the  Roman  court,  he  would  nevertheless  prohibit  a  book  by 
Salmasius  against  the  Pope's  primacy  which  was  being 
circulated  in  Paris  from  Holland,  so  that  all  might  see  the 
high  regard  in  which  the  Apostolic  See  was  held  in  France.^ 
Meanwhile  a  Congregation  had  been  set  up  in  Rome, 
{^resided  over  by  Cardinal  Sforza,  for  the  purpose  of  examining 
expenditure  in  connexion  with  the  war  of  Castro.  In  obedience 
to  an  autograph  letter  of  October  20th  and  a  decree  of 
December  16th,  \M'y,  the  Barberini  submitted  their  books  to 
an  examination,  but  there  were  many  gaps  and  errors  in 
their  accounts.  Consequently  their  bank  deposits  were 
sequestrated  and  they  themselves  subjected  to  surveillance.' 
Thereupon  Cardinal  Francesco  as  well  as  Taddeo  Barberini, 
the  latter  with  his  four  children,  fled  in  the  night  of  January 
16-17th,  164(1,  to  France  where  Mazarin  had  offered  them 
an  asylum.  Taddeo  remained  in  Provence.  On  March  1st 
Francesco  reached  Paris,  where  Antonio  had  met  with  a 
solemn  reception  on  the  part  of  Mazarin  already  on  January 
(Uh.*    Even  before  the  flight  of  the  two  Barberini,  vehement 

51 12,  5257,  5393.  The  I-'iiga  del  cardinale  Antonio  male  inter- 
pretata  c  pcggio  cahinniata,  by  the  Genoese  Raffaelo  della  Torre, 
was  printed  at  Perugia  in  1646.  Of  the  *Relazione  della  fuga 
di  Barberini  nel  pontiftcato  di  Innocenzo  A'.,  in  Cod.,  277  of  the 
library  of  .\ix  I  have  in  my  possession  a  contemporary  copy 
bought  in  IQ02  in  Rome.  A  *Discorso  contro  il  card.  .4 .  Barberini 
fnggito  da  Roma,  in  Ottob.  1289,  p.  27  seqq.,  Vat.  Lil). 
'  Bagno's  *report  of  November  24,   1645,  loc.  cit. 

*  Bagno's  *report  of  December  8,    1645,  loc.  cit. 

'  See  Linage  dk  Vauciennes,  32  seq.,  52  seqq.  ;  Coville, 
96  seqq.  The  autograph  of  October  20,  1643,  is  in  Barb.  4903,  n.  2, 
\'at.    Lib. 

*  Covii.LE,  103  i^cqq.  ;  I'rati,  Una  fuga  storica  (account  from 
the  University  library  of  Bologna),  in  A'.  Antologia,  191 1.  As 
yet  unpubUshcd   arc   *the  report  of  Servantius   {Diana,   Papal 


56  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

altercations  had  taken  place  at  a  consistory  between  the 
Pope  and  Cardinal  Grimaldi,  when  the  latter  had  insinuated 
that,  if  need  be,  France  would  give  them  armed  assistance. 
Besides  Grimaldi,  six  other  Cardinals  spoke  in  favour  of  the 
Barberini.  They  were  :  Valen^ay,  Rocci,  Rondinini, 
Rapaccioli,  Lugo  and  Colonna.'^ 

When  the  Barberini,  notwithstanding  every  precaution, 
made  good  their  escape,  the  Pope  fell  into  the  greatest 
consternation. 2  He.  referred  to  the  matter  in  a  consistory 
on  February  5th,  1646,  when  he  pointed  out  that  by  their 
unlawful  flight  the  two  Cardinals  had  spontaneously  avowed 
their  guilt. ^ 

Thereafter  the  Barberini  were  treated  as  contumaces ; 
accordingly  all  their  possessions  were  sequestrated,  their 
palaces  seized  and  their  offices  disposed  of.^  There  was  little 
sympathy  for  them  ;  a  large  section  of  the  nobles  and  the 
majority  of  the  people  were  against  them  ;  their  fate  was 
deemed  a  just  retribution.  Already  on  February  20th,  when 
a  meeting  on  the  Capitol  decreed  the  abolition  of  the  tax  on 
flour,  which  had  been  introduced  by  Urban  VIII.,  a  suggestion 
was  made  that  the  consequent  loss  of  revenue  should  be 
covered  with  Taddeo's  property.  If  the  protest  of  Anne 
Colonna,  Taddeo's  plucky  wife  who  had  remained  in  Rome, 
could  not  prevent  the  abolition  of  the  tax,  it  at  least  prevented 
this  use  of  her  husband's  possessions.^ 

Sec.  Arch.)  of  January  i8,  1646  ;  T.  Raggi,  *Fit^a  dc' Barberini 
(above,  p.  53,  n.  i)  ;  the  *Avvisi  of  January  20  and  24,  1646 
(Papal  Sec.  Arch.)  which  give  many  details  of  the  flight,  as  well 
as  Savelli's  *reports  of  January  17  and  20,  1646,  State  Arch., 
Vienna. 

1  *Avviso  of  January  13,  1646,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

2  *Avviso  of  January  20,  1646,  ibid. 

^  *Acta  consist,  (where  the  Pope's  speech  is  given  in  full). 
Barb.  2928,  Vat.  Lib.    Cf.  also  Denis,  I.,  21  seq.,  27. 

*  Linage  de  Vauciennes,  72  seqq.  ;  Coville,  108  ;  cf. 
Savelli's  *report  of  February  5,    1646,  State  Arch.,  Vienna. 

*  Deone  (Ameyden)  in  Ranke,  IIL,  27  and  169,  (*on  Ranke's 
superficial  and  erroneous  use  of  Ameyden  cf.  Ademollo,  Macinaio 


MAZARIN  AGAINST  THE  POPE.        57 

On  the  previous  clay  a  Bull  had  been  published  forbidding 
the  Cardinals  to  leave  Rome  without  the  Pope's  express 
])crmission  ;  those  who  contravened  this  order  were  to  be 
punished  with  confiscation  of  their  property  ;  if  one  of  them 
stayed  away  from  Rome  for  more  than  six  months,  he  would 
forfeit  all  his  benefices  and  offices  and  in  case  of  obstinacy, 
after  the  lapse  of  a  further  three  months,  even  the  cardinalitial 
dip;nity,  without  the  possibility  of  reinstatement.^ 

Publication  of  the  Bull  was  forbidden  in  France,  and  when 
it  was  nevertheless  passed  from  hand  to  hand,  Mazarin 
summoned  to  the  defence  "  of  the  rights  of  the  King  and  the 
liberties  of  the  Galilean  Church  "  both  Parliament  and 
clergy  ;  these  bodies  proved  only  too  subservient  to  the 
wishes  of  the  Government.  There  was  even  question  of  a  refusal 
of  obedience  and  a  schism. ^  But  as  Innocent  X.  remained 
firm,  Mazarin  resolved  to  have  recourse  to  extreme  measures, 
namely  to  armed  force.  True,  the  Pope  was  to  be  attacked 
only  indirectly  inasmuch  as  the  French  advanced  on  the 
fortresses  on  the  coast  of  Tuscany  occupied  by  the  Spaniards. 
In  this  way  Mazarin  hoped  to  hit  the  Pope  in  a  threefold 
manner  :  in  his  friends,  the  Spaniards,  in  his  nephew.  Prince 
Ludovisi  who,  under  Spanish  suzerainty,  ruled  over  the 
territory  of  Piombino,  and  lastly  in  his  own  security  since  it 
was  an  easy  thing  for  the  French  to  invade  the  States  of  the 
Church  from  Tuscany.^ 

Connected  with  these  plans  was  the  mission  of  the  Abbe 
St.  Nicolas,  Henri  Arnauld,  a  brother  of  the  famous 
Jansenist.  He  had  been  dispatched  about  the  middle  of 
December,  1645,  by  Mazarin,  with  mission  to  intrigue  against 
Spain  at  the  smaller  courts  of  Italy.  In  Rome  Arnauld  was 
to  agitate  in  favour  of  the  Barberini  and  to  induce  the  Pope, 
on  the  plea  of  the  Church's  interest,  to  recognize  the  separation 

(li  Roma,  in  Riv.  Europ.,  1877,  II.,  442)  ;  *SavclIi'.s  *report  of 
February  24,  1646,  loc.  at.  ;  Denis,  I.,  26  ;  ibu/.,  30,  on 
A.  Colonna's  successful  protest  ;   cf.  also  Ciampi,  106. 

'  Bull.,  XV.,  441  seqq.  ;    cf.  HiNSCiiius,   I.,  349. 

*  CoviLLE,   ICQ  seqq. 

'  CoviLLK,  118  seqq.  ;    Simeoni,  80 


58  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

of  Portugal  and  Catalonia  from  Spain  by  recognizing  the 
episcopal  nomination  that  had  been  made  there.  In  addition 
to  all  this,  not  the  least  duty  of  Arnauld  was  to  further  certain 
private  interests  of  Mazarin,  especially  the  extradition  of 
Count  De  Beaupuy,  who  had  had  a  hand  in  the  conspiracy  of 
the  Duke  of  Beaufort  and  who  had  fled  into  the  States  of  the 
Church,  and,  lastly,  the  bestowal  of  the  red  hat  on  Michel 
Mazarin.  1 

At  Parma  Arnauld  achieved  nothing.  Modena  gratefully 
accepted  Cardinal  Rinaldo  Este's  nomination  as  Protector 
of  France  at  the  Curia,  but  they  would  await  more  propitious 
times  before  siding  with  France.  From  the  Grand  Duke 
Ferdinand  II.  of  Tuscany  Arnauld  likewise  only  obtained 
fair  words. 2 

Arnauld  reached  Rome  on  March  17th,  1646,  where  he  was 
given  lodgings  at  the  palace  of  Cardinal  Este  ^  ;  four  days 
later  Este  himself  arrived.  Innocent  X.  imagined  that  it  was 
Mazarin's  intention,  through  Arnauld,  to  resume  the 
diplomatic  relations  which  had  been  interupted,  but  the 
latter  had  strict  orders  not  to  seek  an  audience.  Arnauld  at 
once  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  French  party  and 
established  close  contact  not  only  with  Este  and  Valengay, 
but  likewise  with  Cardinal  Grimaldi,  who  was  particularly 
hostile  to  the  Pope.*  The  general  excitement  is  revealed  by 
an  incident  which  came  like  a  prelude  to  the  war  of  the 
French  against  the  Spaniards  in  Italy. 

On  March  24th,  1646,  there  arrived  in  Rome  as  ohhedienza 
ambassador,  Cabrera,  Admiral  of  Castile.^     From  the  first 

1  Arnauld,  Negociat.,  I.,  i6i  seqq.  ;  Cochin,  H.  Arnauld, 
68  seqq. 

2  Cochin,  70  seqq. 

'  At  the  end  of  February,  1646,  Card.  Este  had  had  the  imperial 
arms  removed  from  his  palace,  retaining  only  the  French  and  the 
papal  ones,  a  fact  which  caused  a  sensation.  Savelli's  *report 
of  February  24,  1646,  State  Arch.,  Vienna. 

■*  CoviLLE,  123  seqq. 

*  The  Spanish  ambassador  Sirvela  left  Rome  in  August,  1645  ; 
Cabrera's  wife   made   her  entry  into   Rome  together  with   her 


AFFRAY    IN    PIAZZA    DEL   GESU.  59 

Cabrera  struck  a  most  arrogant  attitude  ;  he  caused  it  to  be 
rumoured  that  he  would  not  call  on  Cardinal  Este  and  would 
not  greet  him  should  he  happen  to  meet  him.  The  Cardinal 
jiromptly  replied  that  he  would  compel  him  to  do  so.  Cabrera, 
who  had  had  several  thousand  men  dispatched  from  Naples 
to  Rome,  boasted  that  he  would  make  a  prisoner  of  Este. 
The  latter  refused  to  be  intimidated.  He  made  arrangements 
with  the  French  party  and  likewise  raised  a  few  thousand 
armed  men.^  Cardinal  Grimaldi  also  took  200  mounted  men 
into  his  service.^  Consequently  the  Pope  took  measures  for 
the  preservation  of  tranquillity.^ 

On  April  20th  Cabrera  decided  to  call  on  Cardinal  Lante, 
Dean  of  the  Sacred  College.  Innocent  X.  sought  to  persuade 
Este  not  to  leave  his  house  that  day,  but  the  Cardinal  would 
not  hear  of  it.  Thus  it  came  about  that,  on  returning  from 
his  visit,  Cabrera  fell  in  with  Este  in  the  Piazza  of  the  Gesu. 
A  bloody  encounter  took  place  between  their  respective 
suites,  in  which  the  Spaniards  were  worsted.*  The  incident 
was  soon  disposed  of  through  the  Pope's  mediation  but 
Cabrera,  who  had  become  the  butt  of  Pasquino's  gibes,  had 
now  but  one  thought,  namely  to  get  out  of  Rome  as  quickly 
as  possible.^  A  quite  disproportionate  importance  was  attached 

husband,  "  che  non  piu  si  e  veduta  in  questa  citta  "  ;  she  was 
greeted  by  Olimpia  Pamfili  before  Porta  S.  Giovanni.  Savelli's 
♦report  of  March  24,  1646,  State  Arch.,  Vienna  ;  cf.  *Avviso  of 
March  31,   1646,   Papal  Sec.   Arch. 

'  CoviLLF,  124-5  :  *Writings  on  the  dispute  in  Cod.  N.,  III.,  69, 
of  Chigi  Lib.,   Rome. 

^  Savelli's  *rcport  of  May  19,  1646,  loc.  cit. 

'  Arnauld,  Negociat.,  II.,   122. 

*  Besides  Arnauld,  Negociat.,  I.,  155  scq.  ;  II.,  3  seq.,  22  seq., 
112  seq.,  116  seq.,  145  seq.,  and  the  reports  u.sed  by  Coville 
(125  seq.),  cf.  also  Savelli's  letter  of  May  3,  1646,  loc.  cit. 

'  Cabrera  journeyed  to  Loreto  on  June  4  ;  on  May  2  Count 
Onate,  the  new  Spanish  ambassador,  arrived  in  Rome  ;  see 
*Avvisi  of  June  9  and  July  7,  164O,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  An  ironical 
poem  L' Amir  ante  fugitivo,  in  Cod.  N.  III.,  69,  p.  255  seq.  of  the 
Chigi  Library,  Rome,    Cf.  also  Simeoni,  83. 


6o  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

to  this  trifling  incident.  The  French  in  Rome  raised  shouts 
of  \'ictory  and  there  was  no  less  enthusiasm  in  France  ; 
Mazarin  himself,  though  as  a  rule  a  past-master  in  self- 
control,  paid  exuberant  compliments  to  Este.^ 

A  more  serious  drama  opened  on  the  confines  of  the  States 
of  the  Church.  On  May  10th  the  French  took  the  fortresses 
of  Talamone  and  S.  Stefano  ;  five  days  later  the  trenches  of 
Orbetello  were  forced  whilst  the  fleet  advanced  as  far  as 
Civitavecchia.  These  first  successes,  together  with  the  incident 
in  Rome,  appeared  to  lend  support  to  Mazarin 's  diplomac3^ 
He  hoped  to  intimidate  Innocent  X.  and  accordingly  allowed 
Arnauld  to  seek  an  audience.  The  latter  saw  the  Pope  on 
June  7th  and  11th,  but  for  the  Barberini  he  could  obtain 
nothing.^ 

About  the  middle  of  June  the  military  situation  of  the 
French  grew  worse.  Admiral  De  Brize  was  killed  in  a  fierce 
naval  engagement  with  the  Spaniards  and  the  fleet,  though 
victorious,  returned  to  Provence.  The  French  also  fared 
badly  before  Orbetello  which  was  being  gallantly  defended 
by  the  Neapolitan  Carlo  della  Gatta  ^  :  their  ranks  were 
decimated  by  fever.  In  these  circumstances  Arnauld,  naturally 
enough,  could  do  nothing  for  the  Barberini.  On  July  16th 
the  French  were  compelled  to  raise  the  siege  of  Orbetello,  to 
the  huge  satisfaction  of  their  enemies  in  Rome.^ 

This  defeat  in  Italy  gave  fresh  courage  to  Mazarin's  enemies 
in  France,  so  much  so  that  in  Rome  his  fall  was  deemed 
imminent.     However,  the  Cardinal  succeeded  in  stifling  the 

1  CoviLLE,  126. 

2  Arnauld,  Negociat.,  II.,  2S7  seqq.,  294  seqq.  Cheruel,  II., 
196  seqq.  ;  Coville,  127  seqq.  ;  Cochin,  81  seqq.  Orbetello, 
"  guerra  propria  di  Mazarino,"  Chigi  says  in  *Diario  of  his  stay 
at  Miinster,  Chigi  Lib.  ;    see  XXXII.,  Appendix  2. 

^  Capecelatro,  Istoria  dcW  assedio  posto  ad  Orbetello  dal 
principe  Tommaso  di  Savoia,  edit,  by  Prince  Belmonte,  Naples, 
1857  ''  Ademollo,  L' Assedio  di  Orbetello  dell  a'  1646,  Grosseto, 
1883.  *Versi  satirici  sopra  il  cainpo  c  guerra  d'Orbetello  in  Cod.  N. 
III.,  69,  p.  597,  of  the  Chigi  Library.  Cf.  also  Cerboni,  Eritrea,  96. 

*  Cheruel.  II. ,  212  seqq.  ;   Coville,  130  ;    Cochin,  84. 


CHANGE    IN    MAZARIN's    ATTITUDE.  6l 

discontent  and  the  upshot  of  it  all  was  the  decision  to  equip 
another  fleet  and  to  resume  military  operations  in  central 
Italy. ^  The  idea  was  to  intimidate  the  Pope  and  this  was 
fully  realized.  Even  before  the  French  troops  had  effected 
a  landing  opposite  the  isle  of  Elba  on  September  17th, 
Innocent  unexpectedly  sent  for  Cardinals  Este  and  Grimaldi, 
when  he  informed  them  that  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to 
grant  a  pardon  to  the  Barberini  ;  they  might  repair  to  Avignon 
and  all  that  had  been  confiscated  should  be  restored  to  them.^ 
Thereupon  Mazarin's  attitude  underwent  a  complete 
change.  His  friendliness  was  such  that  one  hardly  knew 
him.  He  protested  that  he  was  the  most  reliable  and  most 
sincere  servant  of  the  Holy  See,  spoke  with  enthusiasm  of 
universal  peace,  of  a  league  of  all  the  princes  against  the 
common  enemy  of  Christendom  and  of  the  undying  glory  of 
the  present  pontificate.^  Nor  was  he  content  with  words  ; 
when  Piombo  fell  on  October  11th,  1646,  out  of  regard  for 
the  Pope,  Ludovisi  was  allowed  to  retain  his  principality,  of 
course  under  the  overlordship  of  the  Most  Christian  King. 
Lastly  Mazarin  promised  to  send  an  ambassador  who  would 
be  acceptable  to  the  Pope  in  every  respect.*  It  was  not  easy 
to  find  such  a  person.  Many  undesirable  candidates  offered 
their  services,  whereas  those  who  were  offered  the  honour 
sought  to  escape  it  Thus  the  Cardinal  of  Lyons  and  the 
Marquis  of  Noirmoutiers  declined.  Finally  the  choice  fell 
on  the  Marquis  of  Fontenay-Mareuil,  who  demurred  at  first 
on  the  plea  of  age  and  health,  but  ended  by  accepting.^ 

^  CoviLLE,  131  seqq. 

■  Besides  the  accounts  consulted  by  Coville  (137),  cf. 
Servantius,  *  Diana  (Papal  Sec.  Arch.)  on  September  17,  1646, 
and  Savelli's  *letter  of  September  22,  1646,  to  Duke  Maximilian 
of  Bavaria,  Epist.,  II. -III.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  A  *Discorso 
addressed  to  the  I'ope,  praying  him  not  to  pardon  the  Barberini, 
to  the  injury  of  the  ApostoHc  Camera,  in  Barb.  5748,  Vat.  Lib. 

'  Letters  to  a  Roman  confidant,  October  13  and  15,  1646,  in 
COVILLE,     138. 

*  IhuL,   138-9. 

'  Ibid.,  142-3.  Fontenay-Mareuil  had  been  French  ambassador 
in  Rome,   1639- 1644  '<    ^f-  Baguenot  de  Puchesse  in  Rev.  des 


62  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Mazarin's  inquiry  whether  Fontenay  would  be  agreeable 
to  the  Holy  See,  promptly  met  with  an  affirmative  reply, 
in  fact  Rome  awaited  his  arrival  with  impatience.^  Innocent 
had  long  desired  the  resumption  of  normal  diplomatic  relations 
with  France  and  just  then  he  had  additional  grounds  for  it  ; 
in  view  of  the  intrigues  of  the  French  Jansenists  ^  a  great  deal 
depended  on  the  attitude  of  Mazarin. 

Some  time  elapsed  before  Fontenay  reached  Rome.  The 
difficulties  in  the  mutual  relations  were  happily  removed  by 
concessions  on  both  sides.  The  first  thing  to  be  dealt  with 
was  Ludovisi's  position  at  Piombino,  then  the  full  pardon 
of  the  Barberini,  towards  whom  there  appeared  to  have  been 
a  certain  cooling  off  on  the  part  of  Mazarin,  for  in  February, 
1647,  he  had  written  to  Arnauld  that  it  was  not  worth  while, 
for  their  sakes,  to  become  involved  in  fresh  complications. 
In  the  end  Innocent  X.  gave  leave  to  Francesco  Barberini 
to  return  to  Rome.^ 

On  May  24th,  1647,  Fontenay  made  his  entry  into  the 
Eternal  City,  with  a  magnificent  retinue.  Cardinal  Este 
went  out  to  meet  him  with  eighty-four  carriages  and  escorted 
him  into  the  presence  of  the  Pope.  In  order  to  impress  the 
Spaniards  the  greatest  possible  pomp  was  likewise  displayed 
on  the  occasion  of  the  visits  to  Olimpia  and  the  Princess 
Ludovisi.* 

Fontenay  met  with  an  all  the  more  friendly  reception 
from  the  Pope  as  shortly  before,  in  connexion  with  the 
Jansenist  affair,  Mazarin  had  adopted  a  line  of  conduct  which 
earned  for  him  a  special  Brief  of  praise  and  thanks.^  However, 
Mazarin  demanded  something  in  return,  viz.  the  red  hat  for 

quest,  hist.,  XVIII.  (1875),  160,  and  the  Memoires  de  Fontenay- 
Mareuil,  ed.  Michaud-Poujolat,  2nd  series,  V.  (1837),  though 
these  are  not  always  reliable. 

^  CoviLLE,   143. 

2  Particulars  in  Ch.  VI. 

*  Cochin,  94. 

*  Servantius  *Diaria,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  ;  Coville,  149  ; 
Cochin,  loc.  cit. 

^  Text  in  Annates  de  St.  Louis,  II.  (1897),  362  seq. 


MICHEL    MAZARIN    A   CARDINAL.  63 

his  brother  Michel.  Though  he  was  well  aware  of  the  obstacles,^ 
lie  nevertheless  hoped  for  speedy  success,  seeing  that  it  was 
precisely  Fontenay  that  had  obtained  it  for  himself  under 
Urban  VIII.  However,  at  all  times  undecided,  Innocent  X. 
hesitated  even  more  in  this  instance — notwithstanding  the 
pressure  of  the  French  agents — for  Mazarin's  brother  was  a 
\ery  mediocre  personality  ^  ;  moreover  the  representatives 
of  the  Emperor  and  Spain  opposed  the  promotion.^  The 
Pope  complained  that  the  French  diplomatists  gave  him  no 
peace  ■*  but  in  the  end  Fontenay,  whom  the  Pope  always 
treated  in  the  friendliest  fashion,  obtained  his  assent  to 
Michel's  promotion  ;  and  since  no  time  limit  was  fixed,  its 
execution  could  be  delayed  indefinitely.  For  the  rest  Michel, 
who  came  to  Rome  against  Mazarin's  will,  spoilt  his  cause 
by  numerous  imprudences,  and  the  Spanish  party,  still  very 
influential  with  the  Pope,  continued  to  make  energetic 
remonstrances. 

At  this  time  certain  agitations  at  Naples  held  everyone 
in  suspense.  Mazarin  was  suspected — assuredly  not  without 
good  reason — of  having  a  hand  in  the  risings.  By  reason  of 
the  feverish  excitement  which  the  events  of  Naples  called 
forth,  every  favour  done  to  one  party  was  construed  into  an 
act  of  hostility  towards  the  other.  If  Innocent  X.  named  a 
Cardinal  at  the  request  of  France,  he  must  needs  appoint 
another  to  please  Spain.  A  considerable  time  had  to  elapse 
before  the  answer  concerning  Mazarin's  promotion  could 
arrive,  accordingly  the  Spaniards  did  not  despair  of  inducing 
the  Pope  to  change  his  mind.^  Other  difficulties  were  due  to 
Mazarin  himself.  He  who  always  protested  that  he  asked 
nothing  for  his  own,  now  insisted  that  his  brother  should  be 
raised  to  the  cardinalate  on  the  recommendation  of  the 
King   of   Poland,    whereas    Innocent    would    rather    have   a 

*  Cf.  Venetian  report  in  Berchet,  IL,  54  seqq. 

*  CoviLLE,   165,   170  seqq. 

'  See  Savelli's  *report  of  August  31,  1647.  State  Arch., 
Vienna. 

*  CoviLLE,   172. 

'   Ihid.,    173   seqq..    175. 


64  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

recommendation  from  the  French  Queen-Regent.  At  the 
end  of  September  Mazarin  suddenly  announced  that  he 
would  be  satisfied  with  any  mode  of  promotion  that  was 
agreeable  to  the  Pope  ;  accordingly  on  October  7th,  Michel 
Mazarin  was  at  last  raised  to  the  Sacred  College.  The  event 
was  a  considerable  diplomatic  triumph  for  Mazarin,  whilst 
it  also  satisfied  a  desire  of  his  heart.  He  was  anxious  to 
create  for  his  family  as  splendid  a  position  as  Richelieu  had 
done  for  his  ;  ambition  of  this  kind  characterizes  the  upstarts 
of  every  age,  but  in  the  17th  century  this  passion  was  even 
more  imperious  for  it  was  the  only  guarantee  against  the 
whims  and  storms  of  fate.^  Mazarin  himself  was  not  to  be 
spared  the  experience. 

Disagreements  with  the  Apostolic  See  by  no  means  came 
to  an  end  with  the  elevation  of  Michel  Mazarin  who,  in  point 
of  fact,  died  as  early  as  August  31st,  1648.^  On  February  27th, 
1648,  Cardinal  Francesco  Barberini  had  returned  to  Rome. 
His  brother  Taddeo  had  died  in  Paris  the  year  before. ^ 
Cardinal  Francesco  met  with  a  kindly  welcome  from  the 
Pope  *  as  did  Cardinal  Antonio  who  returned  to  Rome  on 

1  CoviLLE,  165  seqq.,  175  seqq.  On  Mich.  Mazarin,  cf.  De  Mun 
in  Rev.  d'hist.  dipt.,  XVIII.,  497-530. 

2  Mich.  Mazarin  succumbed  in  his  palace  on  the  Quirinal 
to  a  fever  which  he  caught  at  Palidoro  on  his  return  to  Rome. 
Servantius  *Diaria,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.).  "*Quanto  s'e  travagliato 
per  vestirlo  di  porpora,  e  poi  non  ha  potuto  terminare  I'anno 
delle  sue  grandezzi,"  Fr.  Albizzi  wrote  to  Chigi  as  Mazarin  lay  on 
his  death-bed,  dated  Rome,  August  29,  1646,  Chigi  Lib.,  Rome. 
Cod.  A.  III.,  55. 

'  Taddeo's  somewhat  plain  sepulchre  (by  Bernardo  Cametti, 
a  pupil  of  Bernini)  in  S.  Rosalia,  close  to  the  family  palace,  at 
Palestrina  {cf.  Zeitschr.  fur  bild.  Kitnst.,  new  series,  XXV. 
[1914],  326),  shows  how  much  the  splendour  of  the  family  had 
waned.    The  coffin  stands  in  the  adjoining  mausoleum. 

^  "*Fuit  receptus  maxima  cum  benignitate  .  .  .  confabulantes 
super  mediam  horam  "  (Servantius  *Diaria,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.). 
Cf.  Denis,  I.,  iii.;  Arnauld,  Negociat.,  V.,  413  ;  Miscell.  di 
sior.  ital.,  XV.  (1875),  199. 


mazarin's  unpopularity.  65 

July  12th,  1653,  when  the  people  greeted  him  with  enthusiasm.^ 
A  painting  entitled  "  The  Sacrifice  of  Diana  ",  for  which 
Cardinal  Francesco  gave  a  commission  to  Pietro  da  Cortona — 
the  most  vivid  modern  representation  of  a  Greek  sacrifice — 
was  intended  as  an  allegory  of  the  return  of  his  family  from 
exile. 2  But  as  all  the  wishes  of  the  Barberini  were  by  no 
means  fulfilled,  they  repeatedly  invoked  France's  patronage 
with  the  Pope.3  To  this  annoyance  others  came  to  be  added. 
In  April,  1648,  the  French  Government  conceived  the  notion 
of  publishing  the  condemnation  which  Parliament  had 
passed  the  year  before  on  a  papal  censure  of  certain  Jansenist 
writings.  A  strong  protest  by  the  papal  nuncio  followed. 
Not  long  afterwards  the  French  ambassador  in  Rome  gave 
grave  offence  by  sheltering  a  criminal  accused  of  sacrilege 
and  robbery.* 

However,  these  disputes  were  not  remotely  comparable  to 
the  previous  ones  when  Mazarin,  by  means  of  brutal  attacks, 
forced  the  Pope  to  a  kind  of  capitulation.  The  warlike 
conflagration  which  had  broken  out  in  Itaty  at  that  time  had 
done  much  to  increase  the  minister's  unpopularity  in  France. 
Everyone  could  see  how  this  upstart  put  his  personal  gain 
before  that  of  the  State  and  it  was  generally  felt  that  he  made 
war  in  his  own  interest,  not  that  of  France.^  To  begin  with, 
the  Italian  Mazarin  was  hated  as  a  foreigner  whilst  the 
greed  that  caused  him  to  pile  up  gold  for  himself  still  further 
alienated  all  hearts.  The  enormous  expenditure  on  the 
army  and  the  consequent  intolerable  taxation,  brought  about 
the  triumph  of  his  enemies,  the  so-called  Fronde,  in  the 
autumn  of  1618.  Banished  as  an  enemy  of  the  State,  at  the 
beginning  of  1619,  Mazarin  was  forced  to  leave  Paris  and  in 


'  *Scrvantius,  loc.  cit.  Antonio's  audience  with  the  Pope  on 
July  14  lasted  two  hours,  ibid. 

-  Voss,  Malerei,  545,  on  the  picture  in  the  Barberini  Gallery. 

»  Cf.  the  *Brief  to  Louis  XIV.  of  June  11.  1650,  Epist.,  IV.-VI., 
Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  CoviLLE,    185  scq. 

*  GiiRiN,   I.,   3  seqq. 

VOL.   .\.\.\.  F 


66  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

February  of  the  following  year  even  France  itself.  He  with- 
drew to  Briihl,  near  Cologne/  from  where  he  kept  in  close 
touch  with  Queen  Anne.  In  the  end  he  came  out 
triumphantly  from  the  dangerous  struggle. ^  During  those 
troubles  Innocent  X.  did  all  he  could  to  preserve  the  Church 
in  France  from  injury.^ 

Innocent  X.  was  fully  justified  when,  at  the  beginning  of 
1651,  he  remarked  that  from  the  beginning  of  his  pontificate 
Mazarin  had  been  a  stumbling  block  in  the  relations  between 
France  and  Rome  ;  from  him  had  proceeded  every  unpleasant- 
ness and  every  dispute  ;  that  minister  would  end  by  ruining 
both  France  and  the  Holy  See.^  In  December,  1651,  the 
tension  was  such  that  the  French  ambassador,  Valengay, 
ceased  to  seek  audiences  with  the  Pope.^ 

When  the  nuncios  of  Vienna,  Madrid  and  Paris  were 
changed  in  the  autumn  of  1652,  Innocent  X.  named  Neri 
Corsini,  Archbishop  of  Damietta,  for  France.  Although  the 
French  ambassador  in  Rome  described  the  new  nuncio  as 
worthy  of  confidence,^  Corsini  was  arrested  on  landing  at 
Marseilles  and  interned  in  a  monastery.  In  an  audience  on 
November  25th  Valen^ay  endeavoured  to  justify  this  action 

1  By  a  *Brief  of  July  8,  1651,  Innocent  X.  approved  Mazarin's 
leaving  France  as  this  would  preserve  his  ecclesiastical  dignity 
from  injury  {Epist.,  IV. -VI.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.).  Ibid.,  under 
date  of  October  23,  1651,  *the  Pope's  congratulations  to 
Louis  XIV.  on  his  assumption  of  the  reins  of  government,  with 
an  exhortation  that  he  should  defend  the  Church  and  honour 
the  Holy  See. 

-  "  *S'egli  esce  con  riputazione,  sara  il  compimento  delle  sue 
fortune,"  Fr.  Albizzi  wrote  to  Chig  on  February  27,  1649, 
from  Rome.    Chigi  Lib.,  Cod.  A.  III.,  55. 

^  See  the  *Brief  to  the  French  clergy  dated  May  20,  1652, 
Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  loc.  cit. 

■*  See  Valen9ay's  letter  dated  Rome,  November  13,  1651,  in 
Chantelauze,  Retz.,  II.,  338. 

■•  See  Gueffier's  letter  dated  Rome,  December  18,  1651,  ibid., 
461. 

"  Gerin,  I.,  21.  On  N.  Corsini  cj.  Moroni,  XVII. ,  280  seq., 
285  seq. 


A 


CARDINAL    DE    RETZ.  67 

and  in  doing  so  adopted  a  grossly  oftcnsi\'e  attitude  towards 
the  Pope.^  It  was  solely  due  to  the  unfavourable  militarj' 
situation — the  Spaniards  had  just  recaptured  Barcelona — 
that  Corsini  recovered  his  freedom  and  was  allowed  to  proceed 
to  Avignon.  However,  France's  policy  towards  Rome  remained 
unaltered  and  a  fresh  conflict  broke  out  within  the  same 
year. 

October,  1G52,  witnessed  the  restoration  of  royal  absolutism, 
before  which  disappeared  both  the  aristocracy  and  Parliament. 
Only  one  man  remained  as  Mazarin's  competitor  :  this  was 
Jean  Fran(;ois  Paul  de  Gondi,  known  as  Cardinal  de  Retz.^ 
Born  in  1G13  and  destined,  against  his  inclination,  for  the 
ecclesiastical  state,  Retz  had  been  given  a  Canon's  stall  at 
Notre  Dame  when  he  was  only  thirteen.  In  1G43  he  became 
coadjutor  to  his  uncle,  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  with  the  title 
of  Archbishop  of  Corinth.  Talented  and  endowed  with  high 
political  ability,  but  restless,  immoral  and  an  adherent  of 
the  Jansenists,  Retz  headed  the  Fronde  between  1648  and 
1G49.  But  it  was  hoped  that  he  might  be  won  over  and  the 
King  proposed  him  for  the  cardinalate  which  he  received  on 
February  19th,  1G52.  However,  Retz  continued  an 
irreconcilable  opponent  of  Mazarin  whom  he  was  anxious  to 
succeed  at  all  costs.  He  believed  that  the  purple  would 
protect  him  in  his  intrigues,  but  Mazarin,  who  in  his  disputes 
with  the  Pope  had  often  threatened  to  free  the  French  from 

^  Gkrin,  I.,  22  seq.,  for  Valen9ay's  report  of  November  25, 
1651.  *In.struction  for  Corsini  in  State  Lib.,  Vienna  5645, 
p.    28    seqq. 

^  Chantelauze,  Le  card,  de  Retz  et  I'affaire  du  chapeau,  Paris, 
1878  ;  NoRMAND,  Card,  de  Retz,  ibid.,  1895  ;  Ranke,  Franzos. 
Gesch.,  IIL,  71  seqq.,  V.,  199  seq.  ;  Fueter,  Historiographie , 
156  seq.  ;  CEuvres  de  Retz,  ed.  Feillet,  Gourdault,  and 
Chantelauze,  id  vols.,  Paris,  1872-1896.  Ch.  Cochin,  who  died 
in  191 8,  intended  to  write  a  new  hfe  of  Retz  ;  the  following 
fragment  of  his  papers  has  been  published  :  Suppl.  a  la  corresp. 
du  card,  de  Retz,  Paris,  1920,  with  an  appendix  on  his  elevation 
to  the  cardinalate.  See  also  D.  Ogg,  Card,  de  Retz,  London,  191 2  ; 
Battikol,  Le  card,  de  Retz,  Paris,  1927. 


68  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

"  the  Roman  phantom  ",  was  not  the  man  to  allow  himself 
to  be  frightened  by  an  obstacle  of  this  kind.^  In  a  secret 
memorandum  he  advised  the  King  to  have  the  Cardinal 
arrested.  Retz  allowed  himself  to  be  deceived  :  on  the 
occasion  of  a  call  at  the  Louvre,  December  19th,  1652,  he 
was  arrested  and  taken  to  the  dungeon  of  Vincennes.^  The 
Cardinal-Minister  wished  the  public  to  believe  that  he  had 
had  nothing  to  do  with  this  act  of  violence  ;  but  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  it  was  he  who  had  instigated  the  arrest. 
His  enemy  and  rival  should  be  kept  in  custody  for  as  long  as 
seemed  good  to  him,  irrespectively  of  the  circumstance  that 
the  Pope  alone  has  jurisdiction  over  the  members  of  the 
Sacred  College.^ 

The  French  ambassador  in  Rome  began  by  boldly  denying 
the  act  of  violence  ;  it  was  not  likely,  he  declared,  that  a 
Cardinal  would  throw  a  colleague  into  prison.*  But  the 
Pope  had  been  fully  informed  of  the  incident  by  the  Paris 
nuncio,  Bagno,  whose  report  dated  December  27th,  1652,^  he 
communicated  to  the  College  of  Cardinals  at  a  consistory 
held  on  January  8th,  1653.^  By  special  courier  the  Pontiff 
sent  a  fatherly  letter  to  the  young  King,  Louis  XIV.,  urging 
him  to  set  at  liberty  a  man  who  had  been  unjustly  imprisoned 
and  whom  he  himself  had  recommended  for  the  purple.' 
Though  some  of  the  Cardinals,  for  instance  Capponi,  sought 
to   defend   the   action   against    Retz,    the   majority   thought 

'■  Chantelauze,  Retz,  I.,  477. 
-  Ibid.,  477-8. 

*  Gerin,  I.,  27. 

*  Ibid.,  28. 

*  Cf.  "  *Ristretto  delle  lettere  per  il  negotiate  fatto  da  Mens. 
Nunzio  Apost.  per  la  liberatione  del  card,  di  Retz  ",  Miscell. 
Clement.,  XL,  t.  123,  p.  1.06  seqq,.  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  *Acta  consist.,  loc.  cit.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  ;  cf.  *Card.  Colonna's 
report  to  Ferdinand  IIL,  dated  Rome,  February  7,  1653,  State 
Arch.,  Vienna. 

'  "  *Regi  Francorum,"  dated  January  20,  1653,  Epist.,  IX., 
Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  ibid.,  same  date,  a  similar  *Brief  to  the  Queen- 
Regent  Anne. 


EFFORTS    ON    BEHALF   OF    RETZ.  69 

otherwise.  Cardinals  Colonna  and  Trivulzio  counselled  the 
severest  counter-measures,  but  Cornaro  recommended 
moderation  ^  and  the  Pope  referred  the  matter  to  a  special 
congregation. 

Mazarin,  who  had  returned  to  Paris  in  triumph  on  February 
3rd,  1653,  became  more  powerful  than  ever,^  a  circumstance 
that  was  decisive  for  Retz'  fate.  To  the  representations  of 
the  French  episcopate,  when  it  spoke  up  in  defence  of 
ecclesiastical  immunity,  Mazarin  only  replied  in  general 
terms.  The  nuncio,  who  on  March  3rd  and  4th  was  at  length 
received  by  the  King  and  Queen,  likewise  failed  to  obtain 
anything.^  Domenico  Marini,  Archbishop  of  Avignon,  whom 
the  Pope  dispatched  as  nuncio  extraordinary,  was  refused 
admittance  at  court. ^  To  justify  his  conduct  Mazarin  referred 
to  former  imprisonments  of  Cardinals,  as  Balue  and  Klesl. 
The  nuncio's  suggestion  to  send  Retz  to  Rome  to  have  his 
guilt  examined  by  the  Pope,  Mazarin  rejected  on  the  ground 
that  Retz  would  go  on  agitating  from  there  by  means  of  his 
skilful  pen.^ 

When,  in  July,  the  prisoner  declared  his  readiness  to 
furnish  hostages  until  he  should  have  reached  Rome,  Mazarin 
came  forward  with  a  fresh  demand  :  this  was  that  Retz 
should  resign  his  coadjutorship  with  the  right  of  succession 
to  the  archiepiscopal  See  of  Paris.  This  Retz  emphatically 
declined  to  agree  to — he  would  rather  remain  in  prison  for 
ten  years  and  die  there,  he  declared.^ 

Meanwhile  the  Janscnists  had  expressed  their  sympathy 
with  the  imprisoned  Cardinal.     Mazarin  seized  the  occasion 

'   De  Rossi,  *Istovia,   Vat.  8873,  Vat.  Lib. 

-  Don  AVER,  //  card.  Mazzarino,  Genoa,  1884,  p.  274,  for 
report  of  Genoese  envoy  on  Mazarin 's  return. 

^  See  Bagno's  *reports  of  January  30,  February  zS,  March  5, 
1653,   iri   *Ristretto,  etc..   Papal  Sec.   Arch. 

'  Bagno's  *reports  of  April  4  and  May  30,  1653,  loc.  cit.  The 
*  Briefs  which  the  Archbishop  was  to  hand  to  the  King,  Queen 
Anne  and  Mazarin,  in  Epist.,  IX.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  Bagno's  *Ietters  of  May  <)  and  16,  1653,  loc.  cit. 

•  Bagno's  ♦letter  of  July  11,  1653,  ''''^- 


70  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

to  enforce  with  all  his  energy  the  papal  Bull  of  May  31st, 
1652,  condemning  the  five  theses  of  Jansenism.  In  a  consistory 
of  September  22nd  the  Pope  expressed  his  satisfaction,  but 
refused  to  drop  the  affair  of  the  imprisoned  Cardinal  for  in 
this  matter  an  inalienable  prerogative  of  the  Holy  See  was 
at  stake.^  On  September  24th  the  Paris  nuncio  was  instructed 
to  make  representations  to  the  King  on  the  scandal  and  the 
injustice  of  detaining  a  Cardinal  for  so  long  a  time  in  an 
unhealthy  dungeon,  and  on  the  fact  that  the  prisoner  had 
not  even  been  confronted  with  his  judges  ;  as  for  the  promise 
that  in  the  event  of  his  acquittal,  Retz  would  not  return  to 
France,  it  could  not  be  given. ^  The  nuncio's  representations, 
though  supported  by  special  Briefs  to  the  King,  Queen  Anne 
and  Mazarin  ^  proved  unavailing.*  Even  the  Pope's  proposal 
to  allow  Retz'  trial  to  be  conducted  in  France  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Avignon  was  rejected  by  the  Government.  Yet 
even  so  Rome  did  not  desist  in  its  efforts  and  in  March  and 
April,  1654,  the  nuncio  was  again  instructed  to  intervene  on 
behalf  of  the  prisoner.^ 

Meanwhile  the  situation  underwent  a  change  inasmuch 
as  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  his  uncle,  on  March  21st, 
1654,  Retz  became  Archbishop  of  Paris.  A  renunciation  of 
the  dignity  was  now  extorted  from  the  prisoner  to  which 
Cardinal  Este  strove  in  vain  to  obtain  Innocent  X.'s  assent.^ 
On  August  8th  Retz  succeeded  in  breaking  prison  and 
escaping  into  Spain.'  He  now  declared  his  resignation  to  be 
null  and  void  and  appointed  a  Vicar  General.     The  Pope, 

'  Gerin,  I.,  32. 

2  The  *Brief  for  Bagno,  dated  September  24,  1653,  with  the 
exhortation  :    "  Viriliter  age,"  in  Epist.,  X.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 
'  Text  of  *  Briefs,  ihid. 

*  See  Bagno's  *report  of  December  29,  1653,  in  *Ristretto,  etc., 
loc.  cit. 

^  Instructions  for  Bagno,  March  16,  and  April  6,  1654,  ibid. 

*  *Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Bagno,  June  8,  1654,  i" 
*Ristretto,  etc.,   ibid. 

'  See  L.  MAixRE,  L'ivasion  dn  card.  Retz  hors  dii  chateau  de 
Nantes  d'apres  des  documents  nouveaux,  Nantes,  1903. 


J 


RETZ    IN    ROME.  7I 

who  learnt  of  the  escape  on  September  4th, ^  approved  his 
step  in  a  letter  in  which  he  congratulated  Retz  on  his 
deliverance  and  assured  him  of  his  protection. ^ 

The  report  of  his  opponent's  escape  hit  Mazarin  as  news  of 
a  lost  battle  might  have  done.  He  now  did  his  utmost  to 
deprive  Retz  of  his  archiepiscopal  dignity  ;  the  Cathedral 
Chapter,  which  had  at  first  sided  with  Retz,^  was  forced  to 
nominate  Vicars  Capitular  as  if  the  See  were  vacant  !  At  the 
same  time  orders  were  issued  for  the  rearrest  of  Retz.* 

The  French  ambassador  in  Rome,  Valengay,  had  been 
recalled  at  the  end  of  1653.  So  as  to  avoid  the  semblance  of 
a  diplomatic  rupture,  Francois  Bosquet,  Bishop  of  Lodeve, 
was  dispatched  to  the  Pope.  Bosquet's  first  audience  was 
a  very  stormy  one.  Unheard  of  things  were  happening  in 
France,  Innocent  X.  exclaimed,  for  there  nuncios  were  being 
expelled  and  Cardinals  imprisoned.^  When,  a  little  later, 
the  Pope  had  calmed  down.  Bosquet  entertained  hopes  of  a 
compromise  ;  however,  this  proved  impossible  owing  to  the 
fact  that  the  Pope  refused  to  accede  to  Mazarin's  demand 
for  the  removal  of  Retz  from  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Paris. 
Mazarin  nevertheless  hoped  to  gain  his  point  through  the 
new  Secretary  of  State,  but  in  this  respect  he  deluded  himself.® 

Bosquet  had  already  left  Rome  when  Retz  arrived  there 
on  November  30th,  1654.  The  Pope  gave  orders  for  his 
reception  with  all  the  honours  due  to  a  Cardinal.  On  December 
1st  Retz  had  an  audience  lasting  an  hour  and  a  quarter.' 
What  he  told  the  Pope  confirmed  Innocent  X.'s  bad  opinion 
of  Mazarin.    The  latter  now  dispatched  to  Rome  one  of  his 

'  On  Bagno's  *report  in  code  dated  August  14,  1654  (Papal 
Sec.  Arch.,  Nunziat.  di  Spagna),  we  read  :  "  dccifrato 
4  scttembre." 

=  *Bricf  of  September  30,  1654,  Epist.,  X.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

'  See  Bagno's  *rcports,  dated  Paris,  August  14  and  22,  1654, 
ibid.,  Nunziat.  di  Spagna. 

*  Bagno's  *reports,  Paris,  August  28,  September  4,  1654,  ibid. 

*  G6rin,   153. 

*  Ibid.,   35  scqq. 

'  Servantius,    *Diaria,    ibid. 


72  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

most  daring  and  most  unscrupulous  agents,  Hugues  de 
Lionne,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  the  deposition  of  his 
enemy  from  the  archiepiscopal  See  of  Paris. ^  However, 
Innocent  X.  had  died  before  Lionne  reached  the  Eternal 
City. 

(2.) 

Innocent  X.,  in  view  of  the  struggle  which  France  and 
Spain  were  waging  against  each  other  in  every  quarter  and 
with  unexampled  bitterness,  remarked  on  one  occasion  that 
it  was  not  easy  for  him  to  keep  his  equilibrium  seeing  that 
he  had  to  walk  for  ever  as  on  a  silken  thread. ^  The  truth  of 
these  words  is  shown  by  a  glance  at  the  Pope's  relations  with 
Spain.  French  diplomatists,  foremost  among  them  being 
Mazarin,  never  wearied  of  accusing  Innocent  X.  of  partiality 
towards  that  nation  whilst  in  Spain  the  opposite  view 
prevailed,  viz.  that  the  Pope  did  not  sufficiently  consider 
the  Catholic  King  and  was  too  accommodating  towards 
France.^  Now,  as  in  the  days  of  Urban  VIII.,  the  cabinets 
of  Madrid  and  Paris  were  each  equally  insistent  that  the 
Pope  should  take  its  part,  an  action  which  could  not  be 
reconciled  with  his  duty  as  the  universal  father  of  Christendom. 

'  Gerin,  I.,  43. 

-   COVILLE,    148. 

^  See  Giustinian  in  Berchet,  Relaz.,  Spagna,  II.,  182  ; 
Basadonna,  ibid.,  220  seq.  Chigi  fared  like  Innocent  X.  ;  on 
December  7,  1646,  the  former  wrote  to  Melzi  from  Miinster  : 
"  *Giustiniani  says  you  are  Spanish  !  lo  non  mi  euro  di  niente 
per  me.  Finche  visse  Urbano,  gridavano  gli  Spagnoli  che  io  era 
Francese,  per  due  anni  dTnnocenzo  gridavano  i  Francesi  che  io 
era  Spagnolo,  dipoi  ritornan  gl'altri  come  prima  et  invece  di 
conciliarsi  il  Papa  e  gli  altri  principi  italiani  gli  irritano.  Avanti 
quattro  mesi  si  diceva,  che  per  perseguitare  i  Barberini  S.  Sta 
prolongava  le  guerre,  hora  si  dice,  che  per  restituirgli  guasta  la 
pace.  Io  non  credo  che  si  guasti,  se  non  col  abbandonare  la 
religione  cattolica,  come  si  fa,  e  vorrei  essere  in  Persia  in  cambio 
d'essere  qua."    Cod.  A.,  I.,  23,  Chigi  Library. 


BETWEEN    FRANCE    AND    SPAIN.  73 

Each  Government  watched  with  Argus'  eyes  Rome's  every 
step  to  see  whether  it  was  in  its  favour  or  not.  On  the  occasion 
of  any  important  decision,  especially  when  it  was  a  question 
of  the  appointment  of  Cardinals,  a  bitter  struggle  always 
broke  out  at  the  Curia  between  the  French  and  the  Spanish 
diplomatists.  To  satisfy  both  parties  was  impossible  and  the 
Pope  had  to  resign  himself  to  reclamations  both  from  France 
and  from  Spain. 

If,  on  the  whole,  Innocent  X.  inclined  rather  towards  Spain, 
the  reason  is  not  difficult  to  see.  Mazarin's  brutal  treatment 
of  him  might  indeed  intimidate  him  and  compel  him  to 
yield  for  the  moment,  but  it  could  not  win  him  over.  The 
cautious,  slow  temperament  of  the  Pope  was  in  sympathy 
with  the  Spanish  character  rather  than  with  the  restless 
nature  of  the  French.  Innocent  X.  had  likewise  grateful 
recollections  of  the  support  he  had  received  from  Spain  ever 
since  his  nunciature  in  that  country.  Philip  IV. 's  pre- 
ponderance in  Italy  lay  heavily  in  the  scales.  Any  Pope 
would  have  to  reckon  with  a  King  who  was  master  of  Milan 
and  Naples.^  Lastly,  notwithstanding  the  decline  of  Spanish 
power,  its  significance  for  the  Catholic  Church  remained  very 
great. 

It  is,  however,  a  mistake  to  think  that  Innocent  X.  favoured 
the  Spaniards  unduly.  If  these,  because  of  the  share  they 
had  had  in  Innocent's  elevation,  imagined  that  the  new- 
Head  of  the  Church  would  at  all  times  energetically  promote 
their  particularist  interests,  they  were  soon  undeceived. ^ 
.\  signal  proof  of  this  is  the  testimony  of  the  Venetian  envoy, 
Giustinian,  who  expressly  states  in  his  report  of  1651  that 
every  observer  of  the  Pope's  conduct  since  his  elevation, 
had  to  admit  that  he  had  shown  no  undue  partiality  toward 
Spain. ^  Giustinian  further  relates  that  every  Spanish 
ambassador   in    Rome,    beginning  with   Count   Onata,    then 

'  Giustinian  in  Bkrchet,  Roma,  II.,  131  seq.,  151. 
•  See   Maffei's   report   in    Pellegrini,  Relazioni    inedite  degli 
lunbasciatori  I.ncchesi  alia  corte  di  Madrid,  Lucca,    1909,  79. 
'  Giustinian,   loc.  cit. 


74  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Cardinal  Albornoz  and  lastly  the  Duke  of  Infantado,  had 
complained  to  him  of  the  anything  but  accommodating 
disposition  of  Innocent  X.  not  only  in  important  but  even 
in  small  matters  :  of  all  the  ambassadors  those  of  Spain 
had  received  fewest  favours.  For  the  prevailing  notion  that 
Innocent  X.  was  Hispanophil,  these  diplomatists  had  nothing 
but  bitter  scorn. ^  There  were  two  affairs  in  particular  in 
which  Innocent  X.  was  supposed  to  have  shown  special 
preference  for  Spain,  viz.  his  attitude  towards  Portugal  and 
his  conduct  during  the  sedition  in  Naples.  In  the  days  of 
Urban  VIII.,  Innocent  X.  had  been  a  member  of  the  Congrega- 
tion dealing  with  Portuguese  affairs.^  Accordingly  for  him 
there  was  nothing  new  in  the  question  whether  the  Apostolic 
See  should  recognize  King  John  IV.  of  Braganza  whom,  after 
eighty  years  of  subjection  to  Spain,  Portugal  had  put  at  its 
head,  and  at  the  same  time  grant  him  the  right  to  nominate 
Bishops.  In  Portugal  it  was  said  that  under  Urban  VIII. 
Cardinal  Pamfili  had  favoured  a  compromise.^  At  the 
beginning  of  1645  Nicolas  Monteiro,  Prior  of  Sodofeita,  came 
to  Rome  as  representative  of  the  Portuguese  clergy  in  order 
to  promote  John  IV. 's  nominations  to  the  vacant  sees.* 
By  this  means  it  was  hoped  to  obtain  his  recognition  as  King 
of  Portugal,  a  step  to  which  Spain  offered  the  most  determined 
opposition.  The  Pope  was  determined  to  dissociate  the 
political  aspect  of  the  matter  from  the  ecclesiastical  one  ; 
hence  he  resolved  himself,  as  Head  of  the  Church,  to  appoint 
the  Bishops,  motn  propria,  without  any  reference  to  the 
right  of  royal  nomination.  Accordingly,  in  May,  1645,  he 
filled,  mohi  propria,  the  vacant  sees  of  Guarda,  Miranda 
and  Viseu.^  Spain  had  no  cause  to  complain  of  this  proceeding 

1  Ibid. 

2  Cf.  our  data,  XXIX.,  203. 

'  See  *Cifra  of  the  sub-collector  Girolamo  Battaglia,  dated 
Lisbon,  April  28,  1645,  Nunziat.  di  Portogallo,  24,  Papal  Sec. 
Arch. 

*  Ademollo,  Indipendenza  Portoghese,  67. 

5  See  *Acta  consist.,  Barb.  2918,  P.  i,  Vat.  Lib.  Cf.  Fea, 
Nullitd  delle  amministrazioni  capitolari  abusive,  Rome,  1815,  76. 


I 


DEMANDS    OF    THE    KING    OF    PORTUGAL. 


/O 


since  it  had  likewise  been  in  force  during  the  Spanish  occupa- 
tion of  Portugal.^  However,  the  King  of  Portugal,  who  had 
recently  threatened  with  a  national  council  ^  and  in  June, 
1645,  had  arbitrarily  appointed  Bishops  for  Lisbon,  Evora 
and  Braga,^  whose  confirmation  by  the  Pope  was  not  to  be 
expected,  now,  at  the  instigation  of  Mazarin,  opposed  this 
solution,  which  he  had  seemed  willing  at  one  time  to  agree  to.'* 
There  now  broke  out  a  diplomatic  struggle  at  the  Curia 
on  the  subject  of  the  recognition  of  John  IV.  Whereas  the 
Spanish  ambassador.  Count  Sirvcla,  offered  the  strongest 
opposition  to  it,  the  demand  found  a  most  enthusiastic 
advocate  in  the  PVench  ambassador,  Grcmonville,  who  had 
arrived  at  the  beginning  of  1645.^     Neither  the  French  nor 

News  of  the  Pope's  action  *"  fu  inteso  con  qualche  comotione  " 
the  nuncio  of  Naples,  Altieri,  writes  on  May  23,  1645,  Altieri 
Archives,  Rome,  XX.,  A.  3.  On  May  29,  1645,  the  Secretary  of 
State  wrote  to  Rinuccini  on  the  Pope's  action  :  "  Hanno  pro- 
curato  qucsti  signori  ministri  del  Re  di  Spagna  di  far  che  N.  S. 
si  astenesse  da  ogni  sorte  di  propositione,  mentre  non  si  proseguiva 
nel  possesso,  che  tuttavia  dicono  che  civilmente  riticne  il  Re 
loro  nella  provista  di  quelle  Chiesc  ;  ma  N.  S.  ha  voluto  in  questo 
sodisfare  alia  propria  coscienza  e  al  precetto  di  Christo  signor 
nostro  :  Pasce  o\es  mcas,  senza  riparare  ad  altro  interesse 
humano,  e  le  ha  proposto  come  di  suo  proprio  moto.  Subodoratasi 
la  risolutione  dai  signori  cardinali  spagnuoli,  si  come  poi  si 
c  veduto,  dovettero  havere  per  bene  di  non  intervenire  quella 
mattina  nel  concistoro,  per  non  esser  posti  in  necessita  di  appro- 
vare  (juesta  risolutione,  che  cssi  impugnavano,  lodando  la  provista, 
come  e  solito  di  farsi  nella  provisione  di  tutti  li  vescovati,  c  dis- 
approvandola  per  non  intaccare  il  rispetto  et  la  riverenza  dovuta 
a  Nostro  Signore.  Di  tutto  questo  si  da  parte  a  Vostra  Signoria 
per  sua  notitia."  Rospigliosi  Arch.,  Rome. 

'  See  *Cifra  al  Xnntio  di   Venetia,  October  14,  1645,  Niimiat. 
di    Venezia,   Papal   Sec.   Arch. 

*  Ibid. 

'  Cifra  of  G.  Battaglia,  dated  Lisbon,  June  6,  1645,  loc.  cit. 

*  ScHAFER,  Portugal,   IV.,   538.      Ismacl  BuUialdo's  memorial 
was  printed  in   1633. 

'  Ademollo,  68-9. 


76  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

the  Spaniards  were  really  interested  in  the  affair  ;  each  party 
pursued  its  own  particularist  political  aim  and  their  meddling 
could  but  injure  the  interests  of  the  Church.  What  the  French 
aimed  at  was  revealed  by  Gremonville's  demand  for  the 
admission  of  an  obbedienza  embassy  whose  members  had 
already  been  named  by  the  Portuguese  King.^ 

Fearing  lest  the  Pope  should  yield  to  the  powerful  pressure 
of  the  French,  the  Spanish  party  in  Rome  had  perpetrated 
an  act  of  violence.  In  the  first  days  of  April,  1645,  Monteiro's 
carriage  was  attacked  in  the  Ripetta  by  twenty  armed 
Spaniards  who  killed  the  steward  of  the  Portuguese  agent. 
When  the  police  intervened  all  the  Spaniards  gathered  in  arms 
before  the  palace  of  their  ambassador. ^  It  was  soon  seen  that 
the  latter  had  himself  had  a  hand  in  the  affair.  Thereupon 
the  Pope  no  longer  received  him  in  audience  and  this  attitude 
he  maintained  even  when  Cardinal  Medici  pleaded  on  behalf 
of  Sirvela.3  Thus  much  did  the  Pope  connive  with  the 
Spaniards'  act  of  violence,  though  the  enemies  of  the  Holy 
See  at  Lisbon  sought  to  persuade  John  IV.  that  this  was  so, 
in  order  to  induce  him  to  expel  the  papal  sub-collector 
Girolamo  Battaglia.* 

Even  Spain's  representatives  at  Naples  had  to  admit  that 
the  Pope's  treatment  of  Sirvela  was  fully  justified  ;  for  all 
that  they  sought  to  excuse  the  ambassador  and  to  induce 
the  Pontiff,  through  the  nuncio,  to  pardon  Sirvela.  All  was 
in  vain.^  Meanwhile  the  ambassador  had  gone  to  Frascati, 
Cardinal  Albornoz  transacting  current  business  in  the  mean- 
time. Sirvela  ended  by  realizing  that  his  position  at  the 
Curia  had  become  untenable  :    on  August  5th  he  left  Rome 

^  Ibid.,   loc.   cit. 

2  Besides  the  partial  and  exculpating  reports  of  Ameyden  in 
Ademollo,  68,  cf.  *Avviso  of  April  8,  1645,  Papal  Sec.  Arch., 
and  Savelli's  *report  of  April  8,   1645,  State  Arch.,  Vienna. 

^  *Avviso  of  April  29,   1645,  loc.  cit. 

'  Cf.  *Cifva  of  G.  Battaglia,  dated  Lisbon,  June  6,  1645, 
loc.  cit. 

5  Cf.  Altieri's  *reports,  Naples,  April  11,  May  22  and  23, 
June  3,  1646,  Altieri  Arch.,  Rome. 


DEMANDS    OF   THE    KING   OF    PORTUGAL.  77 

without  a  farewell  visit  to  the  Pope.^  The  question  of  replacing 
him  at  the  embassy  raised  many  difficulties.  In  September 
the  Bishop  of  Pozzuoli  told  the  nuncio  of  Naples  that  if  the 
Duke  of  Medina  de  las  Torres  were  to  come  to  Rome,  the 
Pope  would  treat  him  worse  than  even  Sirvela.^  Eventually, 
towards  the  end  of  the  year,  Count  Onate  was  appointed 
Spanish  ambassador  in  Rome.^ 

The  struggle  for  John  IV. 's  right  of  nomination,  which 
included  his  recognition  as  King,  continued  during  the 
following  year.  The  French  supported  it  in  every  way  whilst 
the  Spaniards  fought  it  no  less  obstinately.  Innocent  X. 
maintained  the  principle  that  his  position  as  common  father 
of  all  Christians  laid  on  him  the  duty  of  impartiality  in  the 
dispute.  Nor  could  he  be  made  to  swerve  from  his  deter- 
mination by  the  circumstance  that  John  IV.  sought  to  force  him 
to  accept  an  embassy  by  expelling  the  Apostolic  sub-collector 
Girolamo  Battaglia  from  the  realm  in  November,  1646.* 
The  King  also  sought  the  opinion  of  scholars  and  universities 
on  the  question  of  further  forcible  measures.  In  1647  he 
presented  to  the  Pope,  through  his  agent  Nuno  da  Cunha, 
a  memorial  in  the  concluding  paragraph  of  which  he  stated 
that  some  very  learned  men  had  assured  him  that  in  a  case 
of  urgent  necessity,  like  the  present  one,  the  Chapters  were 
qualified  to  elect  the  Bishops  whom  the  sovereign  had 
nominated.  The  Portuguese  Inquisition  condemned  this 
thesis  which  was  defended  by  the  one-time  Calvinist  Ismael 
Bullialdo.  The  Pope,  the  Inquisition  declared,  as  Head  of  the 
Catholic    and    Roman    Church,    possessed    full    monarchical 

'  cy.  Ademollo,  72.  Altieri  *reports  Sirvela's  departure  for 
Spain  from  Naples,  February  8,  1646,  loc.  cit. 

*  *  Altieri 's  report  of  September  9,  1645,  ibid. 
'  *Altieri's  report  of  December  31,  1645,  tbid. 

*  Sec  SiRi,  Mer curio,  VIII.,  701  ;  Ademollo,  73.  An  attempt 
had  been  made  before  this  to  remove  Battaglia,  the  Pope's 
faithful  informant,  from  Portugal,  by  proposing  to  him  a  mission 
to  Rome,  a  task  which,  failing  a  command  by  the  Pope,  he  was 
bound  to  decline.  *Cifra  of  G.  Battaglia  of  June  27,  1645,  Papal 
Sec.   Arch. 


78  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

power  and  was  the  fount  of  all  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  which 
could  only  be  conveyed  to  the  ministers  of  the  Church  by 
his  express  will  and  consent.  Thereupon  the  King  desisted 
from  his  purpose  ^  and  when  in  March,  1652,  Mazarin  provoked 
an  intervention  of  the  French  hierarchy  in  favour  of  the 
Portuguese  right  of  nomination, ^  the  action,  in  view  of  the 
circumstances,  could  only  do  harm.  A  memorial  presented 
at  Rome  by  the  Estates  of  Portugal  in  1653  also  remained 
without  result.^  Whatever  may  have  been  the  arrogance  of 
the  friends  of  John  IV.  at  the  Curia, ^  the  Portuguese  Govern- 
ment was  shrewd  enough  to  refrain  from  going  to  the 
extremity  of  filling  the  vacant  sees  independently  of  the 
Pope.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Spaniards  benefited 
by  the  fact  that  the  Portuguese  problem  remained  unsolved, 
though  this  was  certainly  not  due  to  any  consideration  for 
them,^  on  the  contrary,  the  failure  of  every  attempt  at  a 
compromise  must  be  ascribed  to  the  conduct  of  the  King 
of  Portugal  and  his  friends  the  French.  For  a  long  time  the 
Pope  hoped  for  a  satisfactory  solution.  In  1651  the  Venetian 
envoy,  Giustinian,  asserted  that  he  knew  from  an  excellent 
source  that  Innocent  X.  was  for  ever  considering  how  he 
might  fill  the  vacant  Portuguese  sees  and  so  happily  settle 
the  disputes  to  which  those  vacancies  had  given  rise.® 

No  less  anxiety  for  the  Pope  arose  out  of  an  anti-Spanish 
revolt  in  neighbouring  Naples.'   Its  cause  was  the  intolerable 

^  ScHAFER,  IV.,  540  seq.  A  *eulogy  of  the  "  episc.  Aegitanen. 
Inquisit.  Portug.",  of  October  15,  1650,  in  Epist.,  VII. -VIII., 
loc.  cit. 

2  The  document  is  in  Fea,  Nullita  delle  amminisirazioni 
capitolari  abusive,  45  seqq. 

^  ScHAFER,  IV.,   540  seq. 

*  Ademollo,  75. 

5  This  is  stressed  by  Giustinian  in  Berchet,  Relaz.,  Rome, 
II.,  133.  Schafer's  contrary  view  (IV.,  536  seq.)  is  based  on  an 
anonymous  report  the  passionate  partiality  of  which  is  so  manifest 
that  one  is  amazed  that  Schafer  should  follow  it  unreservedly. 

^  Giustinian,  loc.  cit. 

'  G.  Priorato,  Massaniello,  Paris,   1654  ;    Palermo,  Narraz. 


MASANIELLO.  79 

burden  of  taxation  arbitrarily  laid  on  the  people,  so  that 
Dante's  words  were  applied  to  the  Viceroy,  Rodrigo  Ponce 
de  Leon,  Duke  of  Arcos  :  "  Dopo  il  pasto  ha  piu  fame  che 
pria — he  is  more  hungry  after  eating  than  before."  In  con- 
sequence of  excessive  taxation,  risings  occurred  in  May, 
1647,  first  at  Palermo  and  in  other  towns  of  Sicily.  The 
movement  soon  spread  to  Naples.  It  was  directed  not  only 
against  the  excessive  imposts  of  the  Spanish  Government 
but  equally  against  the  privileged  nobility.  Its  leader  was 
Masaniello,  a  man  of  the  lowliest  origin,  a  native  of  Amalfi 
and  a  fishmonger  by  trade.  Masaniello  went  about  bare- 
footed, dressed  in  a  white  shirt  and  white  trousers — the 
uniform  of  the  fisherfolk — without  covering  on  his  head. 
He  quickly  became  the  idol  of  the  people  and  the  terror  of 
the  Viceroy.  An  armed  mob  noisily  surrounded  the  Viceroy's 
palace  who  had  to  fiee  for  his  life  into  a  neighbouring 
monastery.  The  anger  of  the  populace  vented  itself  in  an 
appalling  fury  of  destruction.  In  order  to  avoid  bloodshed 
the  Cardinal  Archbishop  Filomarino,  an  excellent  man  who 
was  also  most  highly  esteemed  by  the  people,  intervened 
in  an  effort  to  bring  about  an  accommodation  between  the 
rebels  and  the  Viceroy.^  The  Cardinal  was  soon  forced  to 
realize  how  difficult  it  was  to  calm  such  an  angry  sea.  The 
people's  demands  grew  daily,  but  Filomarino  did  not  lose 
heart.  On  July  11th  he  succeeded  in  wresting  extensive  con- 
cessions from  the  Government  by  means  of  a  pact  the  terms 

e  documenti,  in  Arch.  stor.  Hal.,  IX.  (1846)  ;  Saavedra  de  Rivas, 
Insurrection  de  Naples  en  1647,  Paris,  1849  ;  Reumont,  Carafa, 
II.,  109  seq.  ;  Capasso,  La  casa  e  la  faniiglia  di  Massaniello, 
Naples,  1893,  and  the  works  on  Massaniello  quoted  in  n.  2,  p.  80. 
To  these  must  be  added  the  monograph  by  E.  Visco  :  La  poliiica 
delta  S.  Sede  nella  rivoluzione  di  Masaniello.  Da  documenti  dell' 
Arch.   Vatic,  Naples,   1923. 

'  See  Filomarino's  report  to  Innocent  X.,  dated  July  8,  1647, 
in  Arch.  stor.  ital.,  IX.,  379  seqq.,  and  Visco,  22  seq.,  25,  191  seq. 
(Altieri's  report  of  July  9,  1647).  On  Filomarino's  attitude  see 
De  Blasiis,  in  Arch.  Napolet.,  VI.,  774  seq.,  and  especially 
\'isco,  20  seq.,  who  pays  a  high  tribute  to  the  Cardinal. 


8o  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

of  which  he  pubhshed  in  the  Cathedral  on  July  13th. ^  The 
fishmonger  saw  his  wildest  dreams  fulfilled,  but  he  fell  a 
victim  to  megalomania  and  was  assassinated  in  a  monastery 
on  July  16th. 2  It  is  not  certain  whether  the  bloody  deed  was 
inspired  by  the  Viceroy  and  a  former  follower  of  Masaniello, 
the  aged  Giulio  Genoino.  The  hope  of  Filomarino  and 
Innocent  X.  that  the  rebellion  was  now  at  an  end,^  remained 
unfulfilled.  The  revolt  flared  up  once  more.  Again  Filomarino, 
supported  by  the  nuncio  Emilio  Altieri,  took  up  the  task  of 
mediation,  and  on  this  occasion  he  spoke  some  bitter  truths 
to  the  foolish  Viceroy.  "  I  know,"  Filomarino  wrote  to  the 
Pope  on  July  19th,  "  that  my  province  is  solely  the  ecclesi- 
astical government,  but  in  order  to  prevent  the  destruction 
of  this  unhappy  city,  I  have  been  compelled  to  venture  into 
the  political  arena."  *  The  troubles  continued  throughout 
August,  as  did  the  work  of  pacification  of  the  indefatigable 
Filomarino  ^  to  whom  the  Pope  dispatched  a  laudatory  Brief. 
At  the  beginning  of  September,  1647,  the  Cardinal  brought 
about  a  fresh  compromise,  but  the  excitement  would  not  die 
down  in  Naples.  On  September  13th  a  manifesto  summoned 
the  populace  not  to  trust  the  Viceroy  and  by  means  of  a 
fresh  rising  either  to  win  independence  or  to  proclaim  the 
Pope  immediate  Sovereign  of  Naples.^ 

1  Filomarino's  reports  of  July  12  and  16,  1647,  loc.  cit.,  381 
seq.,  386  ;   Visco,  28  seq. 

2  The  chief  source  on  the  rising  is  the  Diario  of  Franc 
Capecelatro,  I.,  Naples,  1850.  Among  the  more  recent  writers 
on  Masaniello,  cf.  Reumont,  Die  Carafa  von  Maddaloni,  vol.  II., 
the  monographs  of  Capasso  (Naples,  1919)  and  Schippa  (Bari, 
1925)  {Arch.  stor.  Napolet.,  1926,  394  seqq.).  See  also  the  article 
by  NiEHUES  in  Jahrbiich  des  westfdl.  Vereins  fur  Wissenschaft  und 
Kunst,  1874  ;  letter  of  the  Duke  of  Arcos  to  the  Duke  of  Parma 
on  the  death  of  Masaniello  in  Arch.  stor.  Napolet.,  XXXII.,  4. 

3  Visco,  30,  31. 

'  Arch.  stor.  ital.,  IX.,  387  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  390  seq.  Cf.,  351,  the  report  of  Vine,  de'  Medici,  Altieri's 
reports  in  Visco,  196  seqq.  The  laudatory  *Brief  to  Filomarino, 
July  20,  1647,  in  Epist.,  II. -III.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

«  Visco,  39-40. 


BOMBARDMENT   OF   NAPLES.  8l 

It  lias  been  made  a  reproach  to  Innocent  X.  that  he  did 
not  take  advantage  of  so  favourable  an  opportunity.  How- 
ever, though  tortured  on  the  one  hand  by  a  fear  of  the  revolt 
spreading  to  the  States  of  the  Church,  and  on  the  other 
grievously  afflicted  by  the  injury  done  to  the  Church  at 
Naples,^  he  was  equally  unwilling  to  abandon  the  impartiality 
which  he  had  hitherto  observed  and  allow  himself  to  be  dragged 
into  so  dangerous  a  venture.  Thereupon  it  was  seriously 
contemplated  at  Naples  to  invoke  the  help  of  France.'^  Spain, 
however,  was  first  on  the  spot.  In  the  first  days  of  October, 
1647,  a  Spanish  fleet  appeared  before  Naples.  It  was  under 
the  command  of  Don  Juan,  a  natural  son  of  Philip  IV.  But 
the  people  of  Naples  had  no  intention  to  surrender,  they 
accepted  battle.  During  the  bombardment  of  the  city  the 
papal  nunciature  was  hit  several  times. ^  The  Spaniards 
bombarded  indiscriminately  not  only  the  quarters  of  the 
city  which  were  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels  but  those  also  which 
had  remained  loyal  to  the  king.  Innocent  X.  instructed  the 
nuncio  to  work  for  an  accommodation,  but  his  efforts  were  in 
vain.'*  The  upshot  was  that  Naples  declared  itself  independent 
of  Spain.  The  royal  arms  were  torn  down  and  in  some  districts 
of  the  city  the  cry  was  raised  :    "  Long  live  France  !  "  ^ 

From  the  very  beginning  of  the  outbreak  the  Spanish 
ambassador  in  Rome,  Ofiate,  had  requested  the  Pope  to 
proceed  against  the  rebels  with  the  penalties  of  the  Church. 
His  demand  fell  on  deaf  ears.  Since  it  was  by  no  means 
immediately  evident  that  right  was  on  the  side  of  the  Spaniards, 
the  Pope  could  not  unconditionally  pronounce  in  their  favour. 
Nor  did  he  allow  himself  to  be  induced  by  the  representations 
of  the  French  ambassador,  Fontenay,  to  assert  his  right  as 
feudal  overlord  of  Naples  and  to  claim  the  kingdom  for  the 
States  of  the  Church,  as  was  desired  by  many  people  in  Naples, 

»  Ibid..  45  seq.,  53,  134  s^'^. 

*  Ibid.,  56  .<icq. 
'  Ibid.,   59. 

*  Ibid.,  62  seq. 

*  Sec  Hermes  Stampa's  report  of  September  27,  1647,  in 
Arch.  stor.  ital.,  IX.,  400. 

VOL.    XXX.  G 


82  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

where  the  Pope  was  still  very  popular  from  the  time  of  his 
nunciature.^  However,  Innocent  X.  continued  in  his  impartial 
attitude.  The  bombardment  of  the  city  was  openly  con- 
demned in  Rome.  The  Pope,  so  the  Secretary  of  State  wrote 
to  the  nuncio  on  October  27th,  1647,  was  greatly  surprised 
that  the  representatives  of  the  King  of  Spain  only  sought 
salvation  by  means  of  guns  and  rifles  and  that  they  had 
given  free  vent  to  the  nobility's  thirst  for  vengeance.  Weeks 
ago  the  Holy  Father  had  offered  his  mediation  but  the  Spanish 
authorities  would  not  hear  of  it  ;  all  they  thought  of  was  to 
cool  their  ardour  for  revenge,  heedless  of  the  fact  that  the 
burning  of  houses  and  churches,  the  breaking  of  the  enclosure 
of  nuns'  convents  and  the  profanation  and  violation  of 
churches  were  the  order  of  the  day.  Yet  Catalonia  showed 
them  what  came  of  the  use  of  force  !  The  Secretary  of  State 
ended  by  expressing  his  amazement  at  the  fact  that  in  view 
of  such  conditions  in  a  city  not  far  removed  from  Rome, 
it  had  not  entered  the  mind  of  any  one  of  Spain's  repre- 
sentatives to  invoke  the  Pope's  mediation,  which  would 
obviously  have  been  the  proper  thing  to  do.^ 

The  position  of  the  nuncio  Altieri,  difficult  enough  in  itself, 
was  rendered  still  more  so  by  the  circumstance  that  his  own 
brother  was  implicated  in  the  troubles.^  The  Spaniards  were 
annoyed  with  Altieri  and  reproached  him  with  arbitrariness. 
In  Rome  also  the  nuncio  had  given  offence.  To  a  letter  of 
vituperation  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  October  26th, 
Altieri  replied  that  it  was  solely  at  the  request  of  the  Viceroy 
and  of  Cardinal  Trivulzio  that  he  had  sought  to  mediate, 
because  the  Spaniards  were  dissatisfied  with  Filomarino ; 
in  future  he  would  refrain  from  participating  in  any  negotia- 


^  See  Filomarino's  report  of  July  12,  1647,  ibid.,  384  ;  cf.  also 
Visco,  70,  and  the  report  of  A.  Contarini  in  Berchet,  Relaz., 
Rome,    II.,    77. 

2  Cifra  al  Nuntio  di  Napoli  of  October  27,  1647,  in  Visco, 
138  seq. 

'  See  N.  Capece  Galeota,  Cennl  storici  dei  Nunzii  Apost.  di 
Napoli,  Naples,  1877,  56. 


PAPAL    POLICY    IN    NAPLES.  83 

tions.i  To  a  fresh  exhortation,  dated  October  27th,  Altieri 
replied  on  November  12th  that  he  had  obeyed  at  once  ; 
that  he  had  never  assumed  the  smallest  obligation  in  the 
Pope's  name  ;  that  he  had  always  been  at  pains  not  to 
offend  either  party  and  not  to  jeopardize  the  papal 
authority.^ 

Altieri  failed  to  give  satisfaction  to  the  Viceroy  ^  quite  as 
much  as  to  the  Curia,  so  that  he  conceived  an  increasing 
distaste  for  his  post.  Already  at  the  end  of  October  he  had 
asked  permission  to  leave  Naples  and  to  betake  himself  to 
some  other  town  of  the  realm.  No  sooner  was  this  granted,^ 
than  he  changed  his  mind  once  more.  On  January  4th, 
]()48,  the  Secretary  of  State  wrote  to  him  :  "  If  you  think  it 
better  to  remain  at  your  post,  the  Holy  Father  allows  you 
to  do  so  ;  but  His  Holiness  wishes  that  in  future  you  refrain 
from  issuing  manifestos  to  the  people  or,  in  general,  from 
publishing  anything  at  all,  seeing  that  this  gives  rise  to  false 
interpretations   and   misunderstandings."  ^ 

The  Curia's  policy  was  to  wait  for  events  to  develop,  and 
it  pursued  this  course  even  when  the  situation  became 
increasingly  unfavourable  to  the  Spaniards.^  Maintenance 
of  this  standpoint  was  rendered  very  difficult  in  consequence 
of  the  pressure  of  the  French  ambassador  Fontenay  and  the 
rest  of  France's  supporters  in  Rome,  and  because  a  number 
of  Cardinals  urged  the  Pope  to  intervene.'  The  French  had 
openly  hailed  the  outbreak  of  the  revolt  and  had  immediately 

'  "  *Hora  mi  asterr6  da  ogni  trattato  per  conformarmi  col 
commandamento  che  V.  E.  me  ne  fa."  Altieri's  report  of 
November  2,  1647,  Altieri  Arch.,  XX.,  A.  3. 

-  Altieri's  *report  of  November  12,  1647,  loc.  cit. 

'  See  Cifra  al  Xiintio  di  Napoli,  December  7,  1647,  in  Visco,  142. 

*  Ci/ra  of  November  2,  1647  ;  ibid.,  i^g  seq. 

'  Cifra  in  Reumont,  Carafa,  II.,  192.  In  a  Cifra  of  February  15, 
1648,  Altieri  was  ordered  to  defer  his  departure  on  account  of  the 
arrival  at  Naples  of  Ofiate  (Visco,  144). 

"  See  the  *reports  of  L.  Allacci  to  Fabio  Chigi,  dated  Rome, 
January  18  and  31,  1648,  Cod.  A.,  ITT.,  59,  of  Chigi  Lib. 

"  Giustiiiian  in  Berchet,   Ronui,    II.,   132. 


84  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

established  relations  with  the  rebels.^  They  pressed  Mazarin 
to  give  direct  support  to  the  insurrection,  but  this  the  Cardinal 
Minister  deemed  too  risky  ;  open  participation,  he  feared, 
would  induce  the  Viceroy  to  become  reconciled  with  the 
rebels.^ 

The  Spaniards'  bombardment  of  the  city  from  the  castelli 
led  to  a  complete  break  with  Spain  and  to  a  powerful  increase 
of  Francophile  feeling  in  Naples.  The  leaders  explained  to 
the  populace  that,  unless  they  were  willing  to  submit  once 
more  to  the  Spaniards,  only  three  courses  were  open  to  them  : 
viz.  to  offer  the  crown  either  to  the  Pope,  their  feudal  over- 
lord, or  to  the  King  of  France,  or  to  proclaim  a  republic.^ 
They  chose  the  latter.  They  would  not  hear  of  the  papal 
peace  mediation  proposed  by  Innocent  X.,*  instead  they 
invoked  the  help  of  the  ambitious  Duke  Henry  II.  of  Guise 
who  was  in  Rome  at  the  time  in  connection  with  the  dis- 
solution of  his  marriage.  Guise  has  asserted  that  the  Pope 
had  encouraged  him  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  rebels. 
Though  Siri,  who  was  anything  but  friendly  to  the  Pope,^ 
already  described  this  assertion  of  Guise  as  a  lie,  it  has  been 
repeated  in  our  own  days.^  In  reality  at  that  moment  the 
Pope  was  anything  but  prejudiced  in  favour  of  France.  It  was 
precisely  just  then  (November,  1647)  that  Innocent  X.  was 
reported  to  have  said  that  every  one  of  France's  gains 
was  the  Roman  Church's  loss,  and  only  on  Spain  could  the 

1  See  Savelli's  *report  of  November  2,  1647,  State  Arch., 
Vienna  ;  cf.  Fr.  Albizzi's  *letter  to  Chigi,  Rome,  November  2, 
1647,  in  which  he  says  :  "la  monarchia  di  Spagna  divenuta 
un  panno  fracido,  che  s'egli  ricuce  in  un  luogo,  s'apre  in  un 
altro."    Cod.  A.,  III.,  55,  Chigi  Lib. 

-  Ranke,  Franzos.  Gesch.,  V.,  176. 

'  Ranke,  Franzos.  Gesch.,  V.,  176. 

*  *Cifre  al  Nuntio  di  Napoli,  of  November  g  and  13,  1647, 
Papal  Sec.  Arch.    Cf.  Visco,  74  seq.,  140  seq. 

5  Siri,  Mercuric,  Casale,  1668,  520,  against  Man.  de  feu  M. 
le  due  de  Guise,  Paris,  1668. 

*  Zoppfel-Benrath,  in  Herzog,  Realenzyclopddie ,  IX  (1901), 
142. 


I 


END    OF    THE    RISING.  85 

Holy  See  securely  rely.^  This  remark  has  come  down  to  us 
only  from  Spanish  sources  and  may  very  properly  be 
questioned  ;  for  all  that  it  contains  a  kernel  of  truth,  for 
now  as  always  there  was  no  one  Innocent  X.  was  more  afraid 
of  than  his  old  opponent  Mazarin.  Consequently  he  preferred 
Spanish  to  French  domination  in  Naples. ^  He  could  only 
view  with  grave  misgivings  the  negotiations  which  his  bitter 
enemy,  Cardinal  Grimaldi,  and  Du  Plessis-Besan^on  conducted 
at  Naples  in  the  spring  of  1648  by  order  of  Mazarin.  The 
object  of  these  discussions  was  not  the  consolidation  of 
the  Neapolitan  republic  or  the  setting  up  in  authority  of  the 
ambitious,  unreliable  Guise  ;  Mazarin's  scheme  was  to 
transfer  the  crown  of  Naples  from  the  King  of  Spain  to  his 
pupil  Louis  XIV,  who,  so  he  asserted,  had  numerous  claims 
to  it.^  However,  this  plan  which,  had  it  succeeded,  would 
have  altered  the  whole  course  of  history,  was  to  prove  a 
complete  failure. 

On  January  3nth,  1648,  Spain  had  signed  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  the  Republic  of  the  Netherlands.  Secure  from  that  side 
she  cherished  the  hope  of  continuing  the  war  against  France 
with  better  prospects  of  success.  On  April  5th  the  Spaniards 
succeeded  in  recovering  Naples  where  the  new  Viceroy 
Onate,  hitherto  ambassador  in  Rome,  to  whom  Innocent  X. 
expressed  his  high  hopes,*  re-established  the  sovereignty 
of  Philip  IV.  on  easy  terms.  Guise  had  committed  the 
imprudence  of  leaving  the  city  for  an  expedition  against  the 
island  of  Nisida  ;  he  now  thought  of  fleeing  into  the  Abruzzi, 
but  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards  near  Capua. ^ 


'  Deone  (Ameyden)  in  Ci.^mpi,  38. 

-  Giustinian  in  Berchet,  Spagna,  II.,  182  ;    cf.  Visco,  72. 

'  Ranke,  loc.  cit.,  ijg  ;    Visco,  73. 

'  Visco,  94. 

^  LoiSELEUR  et  Baguenault  pe  Puchesse,  L' expedition  du 
due  de  Guise  A  Naples,  Paris,  1875,  and  Carutti  in  Arch.  stor.  ital., 
3rd  series,  XXII.,  497  seq.  How  anti-Spanish  most  of  the 
Cardinals  were  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  only  live  of  them  were 
present  at  the  Tc  Deum  sung  at  S.  Giacomo  on  the  occasion  of  the 


86  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Mazarin,  however,  did  not  consider  this  occurrence  sufficient 
reason  for  giving  up  his  intentions  with  regard  to  Naples. 
As  early  as  May,  the  French  in  Rome  spoke  of  a  new  fleet 
about  to  sail  for  Naples  ;  in  view  of  the  scarcity  of  provisions 
this  caused  the  Spaniards  not  a  little  anxiety.^  At  Naples 
a  real  famine  prevailed.  Innocent  X.  sanctioned  the  export 
of  provisions  both  for  the  Spaniards  and  the  French.  Now, 
as  always,  he  would  not  side  with  either  party. ^ 

For  the  success  of  his  enterprise  against  Naples  Mazarin 
reckoned  particularly  on  the  nobility  of  that  city,  for  he 
imagined  that  nothing  but  fear  of  the  preponderance  of  the 
popular  party  had  driven  them  back  into  the  arms  of  Spain. 
In  this  he  was  mistaken  for  now  both  the  nobility  and  the 
upper  middle  class  felt  that  they  were  once  more  under 
obligation  to  the  Spanish  Government.^  When  in  September 
Prince  Tommaso  of  Savoy  appeared  before  Naples  with  a 
French  fleet,  no  one  stirred.  When  French  troops  were  landed 
at  Salerno,  they  received  no  support  and  were  defeated  by  the 
Spaniards.*  The  revolutionary  fire  was  spent  and  Philip  IV. 
found  himself  freed  from  the  fear  of  losing  his  South-Italian 
possessions. 

Innocent  X's  joy  over  the  end  of  the  Neapolitan  com- 
plications is  intelligible  enough.^  How  easily  these  troubles 
might  have  spread  to  the  Papal  States  !  Moreover  the  revolu- 
tion had  had  a  paralysing  effect  on  trade  and  industry  in 
Rome.®    But  the  mere  fact  that  Spain  retained  Naples  gave 

capture  of  Naples  (viz.  Cueva,  Montalto,  Cesi,  Lugo,  Colonna). 
Deone,  *Diario,  in  Cod.  XX.,  III.,  26.,  Bibl.  Casanat. 

^  Cf.   L.   Allacci's    *letter   to  F.   Chigi,   dated    Rome,   May  9, 
1648,  in  Cod.  A.,  III.,  59,  of  Chigi  Lib. 
•  -  Giustinian  in  Berciiet,  Rome,  II.,  132  seq. 

2  Ranke,  loc.  cit.,   184  seq. 

•*  Garignani  in  Arch.  star.  Napolit.,  VI.,  661  seq.  ;  cf.  IX., 
485  seqq. 

^  Servantius  *Diaria,  April  8,  1648,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  ;  cf.  also 
*Brief  to  Philip  IV.  of  May  20,  1648,  in  Epist.,  IV.-VL,  ibid.  ; 
also  Visco,  104  seq. 

*  Deone  *Diario,  1648,  in  Cod.  XX.,  III.,  21,  loc.  cit. 


END    OF    THE    RISING.  87 

satisfaction  to  the  Pope  inasmuch  as  in  the  circumstances, 
the  choice  lay  between  French  and  Spanish  hegemony  in 
Italy,  hence  the  Pope  was  bound  to  prefer  the  weakened 
domination  of  Spain  to  France's  rising  and  disturbing  power. ^ 
Moreover,  Catholic  interests  were,  on  the  whole,  better  safe- 
guarded by  Spain  than  by  France. ^  On  the  other  hand 
Innocent  X.  could  not  approve  the  cruel  severity  with  which 
the  Spaniards  re-established  order  in  a  land  ruined  by  the 
rebellion.' 

On  the  conclusion  of  the  exhausting  struggle  with  the 
Dutch  Republic  and  the  reconquest  of  Naples,  a  new  period 
opened  for  Philip  IV.,  so  sorely  tried,  even  in  his  domestic 
life.  On  October  Gth,  1644,  the  King  had  lost  his  wife  Elizabeth 
Bourbon,  daughter  of  Henry  IV.  Though  pressed  by  the 
Cortes,  Philip  did  not,  for  the  time  being,  contemplate  a  second 
marriage.  Ever  since  1645  Innocent  X.  had  been  endeavouring, 
through  his  nuncio  Giulio  Rospigliosi,  to  persuade  the  King 

1  A  picture  of  the  relations  of  the  ItaUan  States  with  Spain 
is  drawn  in  "  *Lettera  di  confidenza  scritta  in  cifra  della  IMaesta 
di  Filippo  IV.,  Re  della  Spagna,  al  conte  Ognate  vicere  dii 
Napoli,  fedelmente  tradotta  dallo  Spagnuolo  in  Italiano," 
dated  Madrid,  September  18,  1649,  in  Cod.  lat.  12547,  p.  355  seq. 
of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris.  The  letter,  which  is  also 
found  in  Cod.  ital.  341  of  the  City  Library,  Munich,  with  date  of 
September  27,  1649,  is  interesting  in  itself,  but  apocryphal ; 
cf.  Reumont,  in  Arch.  sior.  ital.,  N.S.  XVII.  (1863),  P.  2,  140  seq. 

'  Cf.  the  *  letter  of  Fr.  Albizzi  to  F.  Chigi,  dated  Rome, 
September  7,  1647,  in  Cod.  A.,  III.,  55,  of  the  Chigi  Lib. 

'  Visco  (p.  11-12)  examines  Innocent  X.'s  conduct  during 
the  Neapolitan  troubles  and  expresses  the  opinion  that  on  this 
occasion  the  Pope  showed  true  greatness  :  "  Non  solo  prova 
dolorc  alia  vista  del  popolo  oppresso,  quanto  sdegno,  nel  dover 
riconoscere  cosi  abbietto  e  feroce  quel  governo  straniero,  sotto 
il  quale  sono  costretti  a  vivere  i  miseri  Napoletani.  Innoccnzo  X, 
non  voile  Napoli  per  sfe  n6  per  i  Francesi,  poiche  vide  che  Tunica 
soluzione  per  il  momento  era  il  ristabilimento  del  governo 
spagnuolo,  ma  ne  desider6  sempre  un  vero  e  profondo  migliora- 
mento.  La  sua  voce  ficra  di  protesta  si  cleva  sola  tra  tutti 
i  principi  d'Europa  contro  i  crudeli  rigori  usati  dal  conte  d 'Ognate 


88  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

to  overcome  this  reluctance.^  The  Pope  had  in  view,  in  the 
first  instance,  the  daughter  of  the  Archduchess  Claudia  of 
Innsbruck  but  when,  in  February,  1646,  the  Council  of 
State  discussed  the  marriage  of  his  son  Baltasar  Carlos,  the 
King  would  not  have  his  own  re-marriage  mentioned.  How- 
ever, the  heir  to  the  throne  died  unexpectedly  on  October  9th, 
1646,  after  a  short  illness.  Thereupon  the  King  felt  compelled 
to  contract  a  new  alliance  in  order  to  prevent  the  extinction 
of  the  Spanish  Habsburgs  in  the  male  line.  On  November  19th, 
1646,  the  nuncio,  after  a  previous  understanding  with  the 
minister  Luis  de  Haro,  represented  to  the  King  in  such 
forcible  fashion  the  complications  that  were  bound  to  arise 
should  he  die  without  an  heir,  that  Philip  IV.  yielded^ 

The  heir  to  the  throne  had  been  betrothed  to  Marianne, 
daughter  of  the  Emperor  Ferdinand  III.  and  Princess  Maria, 
Philip  IV. 's  sister,  born  in  1635.  The  imperial  ambassador 
suggested  that  the  King  should  step  into  his  son's  place,  but 
against  this  proposal  there  militated  the  princess'  tender  age 
and  the  near  kinship.  However,  all  the  ministers  whom  the 
King  consulted  spoke  in  favour  of  an  alliance  with  the 
Emperor's  daughter  for  which  there  existed  also  political 
motives  of  the  greatest  weight.  The  King  was  attracted  to 
such  a  union  by  his  great  affection  for  his  sister  Maria  who, 
twenty  years  earlier,  had  gone  to  Vienna  as  a  bride  :  in 
Calderon's  words,  Germany  was  now  to  make  a  return  to 
Spain  for  this  gift.^ 

The  marriage  treaty  was  signed  on  April  2nd,  1647,  and  the 
wedding  celebrated,  by  proxy,  at  Vienna  in  November  of 
the  following  year.  In  December,  1648,  the  new  Queen  repaired 
to  Trent  where  she  was  delayed  until  the  spring  of  1649  by 

verso  i  ribelli  e  la  fede  mancata  da  Filippo  IV.  alle  giurate 
capitulazioni  e  al  per  done  generale." 

1  For  what  follows  cf.  the  work  of  Viti  Mariani  :  La  Spagna 
e  la  S.  Sede.  I  :  II  matrimonio  del  Re  di  Spagna  con  D.  Maria 
Anna  arciducissa  d'  Austria,  1646-9,  Rome,  1899,  21  seqq.  This 
work  is  based  on  documents  in  the  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

2  Ibid.,  28  seqq. 

*  Ibid.,  30  seqq.  ;    cf.  Iusti,  Velasquez,  II.,  137,  285. 


SECOND    MARRIAGE    OF    PHILIP   IV.  89 

the  circumstance  that  the  Master  of  the  Ceremonies,  the 
Dnke  of  Najera  y  Maqueda,  only  arrived  with  her  suite  at 
the  end  of  April.  Count  Lumiares  brought  to  the  Queen  a 
portrait  of  Philip  IV.  adorned  with  twenty-two  diamonds. 
On  June  23rd  she  finally  arrived  at  Milan  whither  Cardinal 
Montalto  had  repaired  by  order  of  the  Pope.^ 

Innocent  X.,  who  had  taken  the  liveliest  interest  in  the 
match,  was  anxious  to  give  expression  to  his  joy  by  sending 
a  legate  a  latere.  For  this  mission  his  choice  fell  on  Cardinal 
Ludovisi  who  was  also  the  bearer  of  the  Golden  Rose  for 
Marianne.  Wearisome  and  protracted  disputes  arose  with 
the  Spaniards  with  regard  to  the  legate's  entry  into  Milan, 
for  the  former  were  unwilling  to  pay  to  the  Pope's  repre- 
sentative the  honours  which  the  Holy  See  had  to  insist  upon. 
In  that  era  of  conflicts  over  questions  of  etiquette  enormous 
weight  was  attached  to  matters  of  this  kind.  The  affair  was 
further  complicated  by  the  jealousy  that  existed  between  the 
Duke  of  Najera  y  Maqueda  and  the  Governor  of  Milan, 
Marchese  di  Caracena.^ 

Cardinal  Ludovisi  set  out  from  Bologna  on  July  9th.  No 
sooner  had  he  arrived  on  Spanish  territory,  at  Cremona,  than 
it  was  seen  that  the  Spaniards  were  unwilling  to  abide  by  the 
terms  of  their  agreement  with  the  Pope  concerning  the 
reception  of  the  legate.  They  only  yielded  when  the  Cardinal 
threatened  to  return  to  Bologna.  On  August  3rd  the  Cardinal 
legate  was  at  length  able  to  make  his  solemn  entry  into  the 
capital  of  Lombardy.  The  Spaniards  now  courted  oblivion 
for  their  former  conduct  by  heaping  honours  on  the  legate. 
The  Cardinal  offered  to  the  Queen,  in  the  name  of  the  Pope, 
not  only  the  Golden  Rose  but  other  presents  also,  among 
them  the  relics  of  St.  Beatrice  in  a  silver  shrine.^  Queen 
Marianne  set  out  from  Milan  on  August  9th  and  on  the 
25th  she  embarked  at  Finalmarina.  A  fleet  of  forty-four  ships, 
commanded   by  Don   Juan,   escorted  her.      She  landed   at 

'  Sec  Collcccion  de  dociim.  inechtos,  LXXXVI.,  641  scq.  ; 
ViTi  Mariani,  32  seqq.,  39  seqq. 

2  ViTi  Mariani,  44  seqq.  ;    Friedensburg,  Regesten,  V.,  63. 
'  ViTi  Mariani,   55  seqq.,  61   seqq.,  67. 


go  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Denia  and  reached  Navalcarnero  on  October  6th,  two  and 
a  half  years  after  her  betrothal.  On  the  following  day  the 
Cardinal  of  Toledo  celebrated,  in  the  utmost  privacy,  the 
marriage  of  the  fourteen  years'  old  princess  with  the  king, 
twenty-six  years  her  senior.^  The  external  celebrations  were 
reserved  for  the  entry  into  Madrid  which  took  place  on 
November  15th.  According  to  the  reports  of  nuncio 
Rospigliosi,  the  magnificence  displayed  on  that  occasion 
surpassed  anything  ever  seen  before.  Architects,  sculptors 
and  poets  had  vied  with  one  another  ;  the  scheme  for  the 
triumphal  arches  which  glittered  with  gold,  each  of  which 
cost  25,000  scudi,  had  been  suggested  by  Calderon.  The 
statues  and  paintings  which  adorned  them  represented 
Spain's  possessions  in  the  four  quarters  of  the  globe.  "  The 
court  was  determined  to  show,"  so  we  read  in  a  report  of 
Basadonna,  the  Venetian  ambassador,  "  that  they  could 
still  perform  miracles  at  a  time  when  everybody  thought  they 
lay    prostrate."  ^ 

In  view  of  the  financial  straits  of  the  Spanish  State,  Madrid 
had  always  been  anxious  to  obtain  revenues  from  ecclesiastical 
sources,  from  subsidies  by  the  clergy  and  from  the  so-called 
cruzada  ;  under  Philip  IV.  this  tendency  was  stronger  than 
ever.  In  this  respect  Innocent  X.  granted  all  that  could  be 
conceded  ^  ;  consequently  he  could  not  but  feel  all  the  more 
deeply  hurt  by  the  constant  encroachments  on  the  Church's 
sphere  and  the  manifold  injuries  done  to  ecclesiastical  juris- 
diction and  immunity  which  the  Spanish  authorities  allowed 
themselves  especially  at  Milan  and  Naples.  Complaints  on 
this  subject  began  as  early  as  1645  *  and  they  continued 
throughout  his  pontificate,  though  a  settlement  was  usually 
secured.^ 

1  Ihid.,  42-3,  81-2. 

"  Ibid.,  84  seqq.,  and  lusxi,  Velasquez,  II.,  286  seq. 
3  Cf.  Bull,  XV.,  331  seqq.,  342,  347  seqq.,  350  seqq.,  377  seq.. 
465  seqq.,  559  seqq.,  661,  665. 

*  *Brief  to  Philip  IV.,  September  30,  1645,  in  Epist.,  I.,  Papal 
Sec.  Arch. 

*  Cf.  besides  the  *reports  of  Rospigliosi  in  Nunziat.  di  Spagna, 


TENSION    BETWEEN    ROME    AND    SPAIN.         QI 

A  more  serious  conflict  arose  towards  the  end  of 
Innocent  X.'s  pontificate.  After  the  Spaniards  had  recon- 
quered Barcelona  in  1G52,  they  demanded  from  the  Pope  that 
Philip  IV.  should  once  more  have  the  right  of  nomination  to 
vacant  bishoprics.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  struggle  for 
Catalonia  was  by  no  means  at  an  end,  Innocent  X.  refused, 
on  the  ground  that  it  was  necessary  first  to  see  who  would 
secure  the  mastery  there,  France  or  Spain.  As  a  result  of 
this  incident  and  various  fresh  encroachments  on  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction,  especially  at  Naples/  a  tension  existed  between 
Madrid  and  Rome  which  was  further  increased  by  a  fresh 
incident. 2 

Francesco  Gaetano,  Archbishop  of  Rhodes  and  a  nephew 
of  Cardinal  Pamfili,  had  been  nuncio  in  Spain  since  September, 
1652,  in  succession  to  Rospigliosi.  Gaetano  proved  unequal 
to  this  difficult  post.^  Complaints  reached  Rome  concerning 
the  conduct  of  the  nunciature  and  Gaetano  failed  to  carry 
out  the  Pope's  instructions  with  a  view  to  the  recovery  of  the 
ecclesiastical  revenues  of  Cardinal  Barberini.  Consequently 
.Innocent  appointed  a  new  nuncio  for  Spain  in  the  person  of 
Camillo  Massimo  to  whom  he  granted  the  title  of  Patriarch 

Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  ibid.,  347,  the  *letters  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  to  Rospigliosi,  especially  those  of  December  16,  1645, 
January  5,  March  23,  May  11,  June  8,  July  19,  August  30,  1647, 
June  18,  October  30  and  31,  1651,  as  well  as  the  *Cifre  al  Nuntio 
di  Napoli  of  June  6,  1647,  July  25,  1648,  and  December  21, 
1650,  Nunziat.  Napol.,  39  A.,  ibid.  Cf.  also  Arch.  stor.  ital., 
IX.,  344.  Also  a  *dissertation  of  Carolus  Maranta,  "  pro  libertate 
ecclesiastica,"  directed  against  an  ordinance  of  the  Spanish 
authorities  at  Naples,  January  4,  1652,  dealing  with  the  conflicts 
of  jurisdiction  with  Archbp.  Filomarino  of  Naples,  Cod.  12547, 
p.  365  seqq.,  in  National  Lib.,  Paris;  see  De  Blasiis  in  Arch, 
stor.  Napolet.,  VI.,  758  seq. 

'  See  *warning  Brief  of  March,  1653,  to  Philip  IV.  in  which 
the  blame  is  laid  on  the  King's  ministers  ("  Acria  timemus,  sed, 
ut  ait  etiam  Bernardus,  quia  acriora  (divine  chastisements) 
timemus  ").    Epist.,  IX.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

■  Denis,  I.,  207,  286. 

'  Cf.  Meister  in  Rom.  Ouartalschr.,  VII.,  466  seq. 


92  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

of  Jerusalem.  However,  Cardinal  Trivulzio,  at  that  time 
Spanish  ambassador  in  Rome,  was  a  strong  opponent  of  the 
new  nominee,  owing  to  his  being  a  partisan  of  Olimpia  and 
the  Barberini  ;  he  declared  the  appointment  null  because  it 
had  been  made  without  previous  agreement  with  the  King  of 
Spain.  Innocent  X.  would  not  admit  the  existence  of  an 
obligation  in  this  respect  and  ordered  Massimo  to  set  out  for 
his  post.^ 

On  his  arrival  in  Spain  in  February,  1654, ^  the  new  nuncio 
was  informed  that  the  King  would  not  receive  him.  Though 
every  prince  was  perfectly  free  in  the  choice  of  his  ambassadors, 
the  Madrid  Cabinet  declared,  the  Spanish  nuncio  was  no  mere 
political  official ;  in  view  of  the  wide  range  of  his  faculties 
in  regard  to  ecclesiastical  administration  and  jurisdiction 
the  King  could  only  accept  a  person  agreeable  to  himself. 

Innocent  soon  learnt  that  this  action  was  Spain's  revenge 
for  his  conduct  in  respect  to  the  Catalonian  bishoprics  as  well 
as  for  the  fact  that  on  March  25th,  1653,  he  had  married  his 
niece  Olimpiuccia  Giustiniani  to  Matteo  Barberini  and  granted 
the  purple  to  Carlo  Barberini  on  June  23rd. ^  Moreover  it 
was  evident  that  France's  "  bad  example  "  had  also  con- 
tributed to  this  result,  the  latter  having  just  then  refused 
to  accept  Domenico  Marini  as  nuncio.*  More  than  by  all 
this  the  Pope,  who  on  October  31st  had  appointed  a  new 
nuncio  for  Spain,  in  the  person  of  Francesco  Mancini,^  was 
greatly  annoyed  by  the  conduct  of  nuncio  Gaetano  who  was 
determined  to  remain  at  his  post  at  any  cost  and  who,  accord- 
ingly, was  secretly  in  league  with  the  Spanish  Government. 
The  Pope's  command  to  hand  over  to  Massimo  a  third  of  the 

1  Pallavicino,  I.,  306  seqq.  On  C.  Massimo  see  Moroni, 
XLIII.,  230  seq. 

2  His  *correspondence  in  Niinziat.  di  Spagna,  107  and  108, 
Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

3  *Cijra  del  Fiscale  (of  the  nunciature),  dated  Madrid, 
February  18,  1654,  in  Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  107,  Joe.  cit. 

*  See  above,  p.  69. 

5  *Brief  to  Philip  IV.  of  October  31,  1654  {duplic.  et  tripl., 
Nov.  2,  1654),  Epist.,  X.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 


SPANISH    NUNCIATURE    CLOSED.  93 

revenues  of  the  nunciature  he  executed  only  very  imper- 
fectly. ^  Thereupon  the  Pope  gave  orders  for  the  Spanish 
nunciature  to  be  closed.  On  December  13th  Mancini  informed 
Gaetano  of  this  decision  ^  ;  the  command  to  take  his  departure 
which  he  received  at  the  same  time,  Gaetano  likewise  refused 
to  obey,  notwithstanding  the  exhortations  of  Cardinal 
Sandoval  ^  ;  he  was,  however,  compelled  to  close  the  nunciature 
since  his  jurisdiction  had  been  withdrawn.  Massimo  now  hoped 
to  be  received  at  least  as  nuncio  extraordinary,*  but  the 
Spanish  Go\ernment  put  oft  a  decision  in  the  matter  for  it 
had  been  informed  of  Innocent  X.'s  fatal  illness. 

'  Pallavicino,  loc.  cit.  Gaetano  affirms  in  a  *letter  of  June  3, 
1654,  that  he  had  done  everything  to  remove  the  "  impediments  " 
against  Massimo  ;  but  Massimo  himself,  in  a  *letter  of  March  i 
1654,  declares  that  Gaetano  had  worked  against  him  in  order 
to  maintain  himself  at  his  post.  Niinziat.  di  Spagna,  107,  Papal 
Sec.  Arch. 

-  See  Mancini's  *report,  dated  Madrid,  December  16,  1654,  ^bid. 

^  See  JMancini's  *report,  Madrid,  December  25,   1654,  ibid. 

*  *Letter  of  Massimo,  January  3,  1655,  ibid. 


CHAPTER   III. 

The  Peace  of  Westphalia  and  Religious  Conditions 
IN  Germany  and  Holland — The  English  Catholics 
under  Cromwell^Ireland's  Fight  for  Freedom  ; 
Her  Defeat, 


Of  all  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  Urban  YIIl.  the 
Cologne  nuncio,  Fabio  Chigi,  Bishop  of  Nardo,  had  the  most 
difficult  task  of  all,  for  it  was  his  duty  to  represent  the  Holy 
See  in  the  supremely  important  peace  negotiations  at 
Mlinster.i  A  skilful  diplomatist  and  an  accomplished  gentle- 
man, Chigi  won  for  himself  an  honourable  position  in  that 
assembly  which  eventually  grew  into  a  European  congress, 
but  the  Spaniards  were  at  first  dissatisfied  with  his  attitude 
because  his  foremost  concern  was  always  the  good  of  the 
Church,  not  the  particularist  interests  of  individual  States. 
With  the  election  of  Innocent  X.  the  Spaniards  believed 

^  For  Chigi's  *reports  and  correspondence  during  the  period 
of  the  congress  (in  the  Papal  Sec.  Arch,  and  the  Chigi  Lib., 
Rome),  see  XXX,  Appendix  2.  At  Miinster  Chigi  lodged  at 
the  Convent  of  the  Friars  Minor,  as  an  inscription  recalls  to  this 
day  ;  see  Zeitschr.  des  westfdl.  Gesch.  Ver.,  3  series,  II.,  372.  The 
dwelling  was  damp  and  dingy  and  as  a  southerner  he  suffered 
not  a  little  from  the  German  climate  (Tourtual,  25  seq.).  *Viaggio 
che  fece  Msgr.  111.  da  Colonia  a  Miinster,  1644  (departure  from 
Cologne,  March  14)  in  Q.,  II.,  48,  p.  183-7  of  Chigi  Lib. 
"  *Discessi  aspero  coelo  et  infirmo  corpore,  convalui  utcunque  .  .  . 
Huius  tractatus  a  divini  numinis  imploratione  facto  exordio 
feliciter  atque  alacriter  fundamenta  iacere  videbamur,  cum 
repente  cessatum  est  ab  eo  fervore  et  lente  coeptum  progredi." 
Chigi  to  Erycius  Puteanus,  Miinster,  May  26,  1644,  Barb.  2575, 
Vat.  Lib. 

94 


INSTRUCTIONS    TO    F.    CHIGI.  95 

the  time  had  come  when  they  might  use  the  papal  diplomacy 
for  their  own  ends,  but  Chigi  was  not  the  man  to  lend  himself 
to  such  manoeuvres.  A  partisan  neither  of  Spain  nor  of 
France,  he  deemed  it  his  first  duty  to  labour  for  the  Church.^ 
The  Spanish  ambassador  in  Rome,  Count  Sirvela,  at  the 
instigation  of  the  Spanish  plenipotentiary  at  Miinster,  Diego 
Saavedra  and  the  one-sided  Hispanophile  Cardinal  Rossctti, 
pulled  every  imaginable  string  in  order  to  get  the  new  Pope 
to  remove  Chigi  from  his  post.  But  it  was  precisely  this 
passionate  persistence  which  set  the  Pontiff  thinking.  He 
asked  to  see  the  reports  of  the  Cologne  nuncio  ;  after  studying 
them  he  remarked  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  Panciroli  : 
"  Chigi  is  the  right  man  !  "  and  to  Sirvela  he  said  that  the 
Holy  See  had  no  better  nuncio  than  Chigi. ^  A  Brief  of 
October  5th,  1644,  confirmed  Chigi  in  his  position  as  the 
Holy  See's  representative  at  the  peace  congress.  That 
document  describes  his  task  negatively  rather  than  positively  : 
he  was  to  further  peace  with  all  his  might,  yet  so  that  religion 
and  the  Church  suffered  no  injury  ;  he  must  neither  consent 
to,  nor  even  merely  connive  at,  what  might  be  in  any  way 
incompatible  with  the  prerogatives  and  the  welfare  of  the 
Church,  on  the  contrary,  he  should  boldly  and  with  all  his 
might  stand  up  for  her  defence  and,  if  necessary,  withdraw 
from  the  deliberations,  for  human  considerations  must  give 
way  when  one's  duty  to  God  is  at  stake. ^ 

Chigi's  patience  was  put  to  a  fresh  test  even  after  the 
imperialists  had  at  last  opened  the  way  for  the  beginning 
of  the  discussions  properly  so  called  by  their  proposals  of 
November  23rd  and  December  4th  to  the  Swedes  and  the 
French.  "  Here,"  he  wrote  to  a  friend  at  the  close  of  1644, 
"  labour,  discussions  and  sittings  are  on  the  increase  but  we 
make  no  progress  ;  often  I  go  home  at  night  my  head  burning 
with  the  discussions  and  the  heat  of  the  stove,  so  that  I  am 

•  Sec  Chigi's  letter  of  February  ii,  1645,  in  Brom,  III.,  391. 
Cf.  above,  p.  72,  n.  3. 

*  Pallavicino,  I.,  126  seq. 
»  Brom,   III.,  388-g. 


g6  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

only  able  to  write  a  couple  of  lines.  May  the  name  of  the 
Lord  be  blessed."  ^ 

From  the  first  Chigi  kept  in  close  touch  with  the  repre- 
sentative of  Venice,  Alvise  Contarini,  his  fellow  mediator. 
Their  mutual  relations  were  so  friendly  that  between  them 
they  frequently  displayed  greater  harmony  than  the  pleni- 
potentiaries of  one  and  the  same  Power,  who  often  quarrelled 
among  themselves. ^ 

On  a  motion  of  the  imperial  delegates,  the  sole  object  of 
the  discussions  was  to  be  peace  between  the  Empire  and 
the  Kings  of  France  and  Sweden,  and  the  determination  of 
boundaries.  However,  very  soon  the  Swedes,  in  concert  with 
the  French,  demanded  not  only  an  increase  of  their  territories 
but  likewise  effective  influence  on  the  new  internal  con- 
stitution of  the  German  Empire,  hence  they  insisted  on  all 
the  Estates  of  the  Empire  being  invited  to  take  part  in  the 
peace  negotiations.  The  Emperor  resisted  this  demand  but 
in  the  end  he  was  forced  to  give  way  and  to  summon  to  the 
peace  congress  all  the  Estates  entitled  to  vote.  As  a  result 
business,  the  slowness  of  which  Chigi  lamented,  was  bound  to 
become  even  more  involved.^ 

In  the  first  days  of  June,  1645,  Chigi  wrote  to  his  friend  the 
Jesuit  Sforza  Pallavicino  :  "  We  have  reached  port  ;  three 
days  hence  the  French  and  the  Swedes  will  come  out  with 
their  peace  conditions.  Great  dangers  will  then  arise  for  the 
Church  for  I  foresee  that  the  Swedes  will  reveal  the  purpose 
for  which  they  went  to  war,  because  so  long  as  they  needed 
France's  money  and  support,  they  pretended  to  have  none 
but  political  motives.    Pray  !  "  * 

The  peace  proposals  which  the  French  delegates  presented 
at  Miinster  on  Trinity  Sunday,  1645  (June  11th),  through 
Chigi  and  Contarini,  whilst  the  Swedes  presented  theirs  to 
the  imperialists  at  Osnabriick,  are  justly  described  by  Chigi 

^  Chigi  to  Albizzi,   ibid.,   390. 

2  See  Contarini's  report  in  Pontes  rev.  Austr.,  II.,  26,  28. 
^  *Letter    to    Pallavicino,    April   28,    1645.    Cod.    A.,    II.,    28, 
Chigi  Lib. 

*  *Letter  of  June  9,  1645,  ibid. 


PEACE    CONDITIONS    OF    1645.  97 

as  the  high  demands  of  a  victor.^  Both  Powers  demanded 
a  general,  unHmited  amnesty,  including  Bohemia,  the  restora- 
tion of  all  the  Estates  of  Empire  to  the  condition  of  1618,  a 
guarantee  of  the  constitution  of  the  Empire,  abolition  of 
the  custom  hitherto  observed  of  choosing  a  successor  to  the 
Emperor  under  the  title  of  King  of  the  Romans  during  the 
lifetime  of  the  Emperor,  the  preservation  of  all  the  liberties 
of  the  Estates  of  the  Empire,  especially  in  respect  of  their 
right  to  enter  into  alliances  with  foreign  Powers  for  the  purpose 
of  their  security,  lastly  an  indemnity  for  expenses  incurred, 
guarantees  for  the  future  and  payment  for  their  armies  as 
well  as  for  their  allies,  especially  for  Hesse  and  Transilvania. 
The  French  left  it  to  the  Swedes  to  present  the  demand  made 
in  the  interest  of  the  Protestants  for  a  definitive  settlement 
of  all  ecclesiastical  conflicts  over  the  religious  peace  and  the 
holding  of  Church  property.  The  Imperialists  were  well 
justified  when  they  remarked  that  by  peace  conditions  such 
as  these  the  Empire  would  not  be  reformed  but  destroyed. 
The  Swedes  openly  avowed  that  they  had  waged  a  religious 
war  and  that  now  they  were  resolved  on  making  a  peace 
that  would  redound  to  the  damage  of  the  Catholics.  Chigi 
felt  obliged  to  delay  expressing  his  opinion  for  fear  of  losing 
France's  confidence  in  his  capacity  as  a  mediator,  all  the  more 
so  as  just  then  relations  between  Rome  and  Paris  had  become 
such  that  an  interruption  of  diplomatic  intercourse  had 
ensued.- 

Most  of  the  summer  of  1645  was  spent  in  endless  disputes 
over  preliminaries  in  connection  with  which  the  ceremonial, 
titles  and  visits  gave  rise  to  no  small  difficulties.^ 

Special  difficulties  arose  for  Chigi  as  the  Pope's  delegate 
with  regard  to  immediate  contact  with  Protestants.  During 
his  six  years'  stay  in  Germany  he  had  made  it  a  strict  law 
unto  himself,  especially  out  of  consideration  for  his  dignity 

^  *Letter  to  Pallavicino  of  June  23,  1643,  ibid. 

*  Ibid.,  cf.  also  Chigi's  *letter  to  Ropigliosi,  nuncio  in  Madrid, 
June  II,  1645,  Cod.  A.,  I.,  25,  Chigi  Lib.,  and  ibid.,  A.,  I.,  22, 
*Albizzi's  letter  of  June  16,   1645. 

'  *Chigi  to  Sf.  Pallavicino,  June  19,   1645,  ibid. 


98  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

as  representative  of  the  Apostolic  See,  to  avoid  all  contact 
with  people  who  denounced  the  Pope  as  Antichrist.  By  this 
rule  he  resolved  to  abide  now  also,  for  attempts  to  approach 
him  had  been  made,  from  political  motives,  first  by  the 
delegates  of  the  Duke  of  Brandenburg  ^  and  after  them  by 
those  of  the  Dutch  Republic  who  had  arrived  in  1646  for  the 
peace  negotiations  with  Spain.  However,  Chigi  very  skilfully 
avoided  giving  offence  by  brusquely  repehing  the  above- 
named  Powers,  for  such  conduct  might  have  done  grievous 
injury  to  the  Church.  He  likewise  avoided  intercourse  with 
those  who  had  fallen  away  from  the  Church,  lest  they  should 
be  able  to  say  afterwards  that  he  had  angered  them  by  threats 
or  cajoled  them  by  promises  and  flatteries.  He  knew  his 
History,  hence  he  was  well  aware  of  the  accusations  of  which 
his  predecessors,  Cardinals  Contarini  and  Cajetan,  had  been 
the  objects  in  this  respect.  Accordingly  he  decided  on  a  middle 
course,  that  is,  neither  to  allow  himself  to  be  carried  too  far 
by  the  Protestants— conduct  that  might  have  been  mis- 
interpreted later  on — nor  to  repel  them  altogether.  He  was 
careful  to  remove,  by  his  general  attitude,  any  offensiveness 
there  might  have  been  in  this  reserve.  He  avoided  most 
scrupulously  any  offensive  expression  and  showed  a 
conciliatory  disposition.  If  a  non-Catholic  delegate  wrote 
to  ask  a  favour  he  replied,  not  indeed  in  writing  but  by  ful- 
filling the  request.  If  a  Protestant  man  of  letters,  duly  recom- 
mended, expressed  a  desire  to  have  speech  with  him,  he 
granted  the  request  on  condition  that  controversial  questions 
were  not  discussed  and  that  the  interview  took  place  in 
presence  of  witnesses.  By  this  prudent  and  conciliatory 
attitude,  which  clearly  evidenced  both  his  devotion  to  the 
Church  and  his  freedom  from  hatred  or  contempt  for  those 
who  did  not  share  his  religious  convictions,  he  won  the 
respect  and  even  the  veneration  of  many  Protestants. ^ 
However,    this    reserve   which    he   had  imposed  on  himself, 

^  Cf.    HiLTEBRANDT    in   QuelUn   u.    Forsch.,    XV.,    360     seq.  ; 
Pallavicino,  I.,  132  seq.  ;    Brom,  IIL,  482  seq. 
2  Pallavicino,  loc.  cit.,  cf.  Tourtual,  23. 


THE    EMPERORS    TERMS.  99 

robbed  him  of  any  influence  he  might  have  had  on  the  Pro- 
testant delegates,  and  1  e  would  surely  have  been  better 
advised  had  he  unhesitatinglj^  treated  with  them,  as  did  the 
Jesuits    of    Miinster.^ 

Though  the  Turkish  peril  counselled  haste,  the  negotiations 
at  Miinster  made  no  progress,-  the  real  cause  of  the  delay 
being  the  hope  cherished  by  each  party,  that  the  military 
situation  might  shift  in  its  own  favour. 

On  September  25th,  1G45,  the  delegates  of  France  and 
Sweden  were  made  acquainted  with  the  Emperor's  answer 
to  their  demands.  It  fixed  1630  as  the  year  of  the  amnesty, 
Bohemia  and  the  imperial  Hereditary  States  being  excluded. 
Witii  regard  to  the  cpiestion  of  religion,  the  Emperor  declared 
his  readiness  for  an  amicable  settlement,  only  it  must  be 
brought  about  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution  of  the 
Empire.  He  would  tolerate  alliances  of  the  Estates  of  Empire 
with  foreign  Powers  in  so  far  as  these  were  not  directed  against 
himself  and  the  Empire  and  injured  neither  the  pubhc  tran- 
quillity nor  the  oath  which  bound  each  Estate  of  Empire  to 
the  Emperor  and  the  Empire.  The  proposal  not  to  choose 
a  successor  during  the  Emperor's  lifetime  was  irreconcilable 
with  the  Golden  Bull  and  the  rights  of  the  Electors.  With 
regard  to  Spain,  before  concluding  peace,  the  Emperor  must 
have  a  guarantee  that  neither  France  nor  Sweden  would 
lend  help  to  his  enemies  ;  only  then  could  he  give  the  desired 
promise  not  to  intervene  in  Franco-Spanish  disputes.  It  was 
not  the  affair  of  France  or  Sweden  to  demand  compensation, 
but  rather  the  Emperor's,  for  the  violent  and  unprovoked 
invasion  of  the  Empire  and  his  Hereditary  States.  A  com- 
promise was  being  negotiated  with  the  Landgravine  of  Hesse, 
but  as  for  the  Prince  of  Transilvania,  he  was  neither  one  of 
the  Estates  of  Empire  nor  a  German  ally  of  Sweden. 

So  as  to  be  prepared  for  any  emergency  in  respect  of  the 
religious  questions,  Chigi  drew  up  in  December  1645,  a 
protest  against  any  direct  or  indirect  injury  to  the  Church 

'    DUIIR,    II.,    I,   488. 

-  Cf.  Chigi's  *letter  to  Sf.  Pallavicino,  August  ir,  1645,  loc.  cit^ 


100  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

as  a  result  of  the  treaty  of  peace.  As  a  model  he  made  use  of 
a  similar  document  with  which  Cardinal  Truchsess  had  pro- 
tested, on  March  23rd,  1555,  against  a  religious  settlement 
within  the  Empire  which  favoured  the  Protestants.^  As  for 
the  proper  moment  at  which  to  make  his  protest,  Chigi 
determined  it  in  concert  with  Contarini  who  promised  his 
support. 2 

Not  long  afterwards,  the  Protestant  princes  and  towns 
presented  to  the  Councillor  of  Empire  at  Mayence  and  to  the 
imperial  delegates  their  very  considerable  demands,  styled  by 
them  "  religious  grievances  ",  to  which  the  Catholics,  on 
February  8th,  1646,  replied  with  their  counter-claims.^  The 
Protestants  demanded  from  the  Catholics  unprecedented 
sacrifices,  viz.  abolition  of  the  ecclesiastical  reservation  which 
represented  the  best  bulwark  against  further  secularizations  ; 
the  abandonment  by  them  of  all  Church  property  usurped 
after  the  treaty  of  Passau  in  1552  ;  the  free  practice  of  their 
religion  by  the  Protestant  subjects  of  Catholic  princes, 
whereas  the  same  right  was  to  be  denied  to  Catholic  subjects  ; 
lastly  in  regard  to  religion  and  property,  restoration  of  the 
situation  as  it  existed  previous  to  the  outbreak  of  the  great 
war  in  1618. 

One  thing  was  in  favour  of  the  Catholics,  namely  the 
circumstance  that  in  this  question  the  two  most  powerful 
Protestant  princes  pursued  opposite  aims.  The  Elector  of 
Saxony  did  not  wish  to  go  beyond  the  Peace  of  Prague, 
would  not  hear  of  linking  himself  to  the  Swedes  and  refused 
to  assume  the  presidency  of  the  Protestant  separate  assembly. 
Nor  was  the  Duke  of  Brandenburg  prepared  to  take  his 
place  for  he  knew  well  how  much  the  Lutherans  were  opposed 
to  him  by  reason  of  his  being  a  Calvinist  ;  moreover  he  was 
bound  to  consider  the  Emperor  because  the  Swedes  threatened 

^  Cf.  our  data  XIV.,  339. 

2  Chigi's  letter  to  C.  Pamfili,  December  15,  1645,  in  Ciampi, 
55.  The  text  of  the  *protest  (undated)  in  Cod.  A.  I.,  45,  p.  60^-61, 
Chigi  Lib. 

3  Meiern,  Acta,  II.,  522  seqq  ,  540  seqq.  ;  Gartner,  VII., 
237  seq. 


CATHOLICS    DIVIDED.  101 

his  interests  in  Pomerania.  Consequently  the  Protestant 
princes,  counts  and  towns  saw  themselves  compelled  to 
stand  up  for  their  demands  without  the  support  of  the  two 
Electors.  However,  the  advantage  the  Catholics  might  have 
derived  from  this  circumstance  was  neutralized  by  the  fact 
that  they  too  were  not  united  and  that  the  Swedes  gave  uncon- 
ditional support  to  all  the  demands  of  the  Protestants. 
Although,  in  the  great  question  as  to  how  far  they  might 
go  in  their  concessions  to  the  Protestants,  the  Catholics 
firmly  held  to  the  fundamental  principles,  in  regard  to  their 
application  to  German  conditons,  the  opinions  of  the  princes, 
Statesmen  and  theologians  diverged  considerably.'  The  more 
intransigent  clung  firmly  to  the  lofty  but  by  then  unattainable 
ideal  of  unity  in  the  Catholic  faith  and  they  condemned  any 
concession  of  importance  to  the  Protestants,  even  at  the  risk 
of  wrecking  the  peace.  This  group,  which  had  found  a  resolute 
spokesman  in  the  Dillingen  Jesuit  Henry  Wangnereck  and 
strong  backing  from  nuncio  Chigi,  included  in  the  first 
instance  the  Bishop  of  Osnabriick,  Franz  Wilhelm  von 
W'artenberg,  a  cousin  of  Ma.ximilian  of  Bavaria,  the  delegate 
of  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  Henry  von  Knaringen,  the  first 
Spanish  delegate.  Count  Pefieranda,  the  Benedictine  Adam 
Adami  who  represented  the  threatened  monasteries  of 
Wiirttemberg  and  the  delegate  of  the  Catholic  council  of 
Augsburg,  Dr.  Johann  von  Leuxselring. 

This  intransigent  group  was  faced  by  another  set  of  men 
more  opportunist,  yielding  and  conciliatory,  who,  taking 
into  account  existing  circumstances,  were  for  peace  at  any 
price,  even  that  of  wide  concessions  in  the  religious  sphere. 
This  view  was  defended  by  the  Elector  Maximilian  of  Bavaria, 
his  confessor,  the  Jesuit  Johann  Vervaux,  a  native  of  Lorraine, 
and  by  Count  Maximilian  von  Trauttmansdorff,  first  master 

'  Cf.  for  what  follows  the  work  (based  on  extensive  research 
in  archives),  of  L.  Steinberger,  Die  Jesititen  unddie  Fricdensjrage , 
1 635- 1 650,  Freiburg,  1906.  This  work  adds  considerably  to  our 
knowledge  ;  also  Ritter  in  Hist.  Zeitschr.,  C.  (igo8),  253  seqq. 
See  also  F.  Israel,  Adam  Adami  und  seine  Arcana  pads  VVest- 
falicae,   BerHn,    19 10. 


102  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

of  ceremonies  and  a  trusted  councillor  of  Ferdinand  III., 
who  arrived  at  Miinster,  on  November  29th,  1645,  at  the 
head  of  the  imperial  delegation  and  armed  with  the  most 
ample  powers. 

The  divisions  among  the  Catholics,  the  slow  progress 
of  the  negotiations,  Trauttmansdorff's  tendency  to  influence 
the  Swedes  by  satisfying  the  Protestants  so  as  to  isolate 
the  French,  the  great  dangers  for  the  German  Catholics  which 
became  increasingly  threatening,  and  lastly  the  unfavourable 
turn  of  the  war  after  the  battle  of  Alerheim  in  August,  1645, 
and  even  more  so  after  the  junction  of  the  French  army 
with  that  of  the  Swedes  which  was  effected  in  August  of  the 
following  year — all  this  filled  Chigi's  heart  with  bitter  grief. 
In  confidential  letters  to  friends  he  poured  out  his  heart. 
He  expected  no  good  from  this  peace,  he  wrote  to  Sforza 
Pallavicino  on  February  9th,  1646,  and  wished  himself  out 
of  Miinster.i  In  a  letter  of  April  6th  to  Francesco  Albizzi 
he  wrote  that  there  was  truth  in  what  the  people  were  saying 
just  then  ;  namely  that  hell  must  be  empty  since  all  its 
denizens  had  come  to  Miinster  to  prevent  a  true  peace. ^ 
Again  and  again  he  begs  Pallavicino's  prayers  ;  this  he  did 
with  special  insistence  duiing  the  conferences,  with  a  view 
to  a  compromise,  which  were  held  at  Osnabriick  from 
April  12th  to  May  5th,  1646,  between  the  representatives 
of  the  Catholics  and  the  Protestants.  Chigi  did  his  utmost 
to  induce  the  Catholic  delegates  to  oppose  a  determined 
refusal  to  the  Protestant  demands,  but  he  found  that  many 
of  the  adherents  of  the  ancient  Church  had  become  greatly 
dispirited.^  The  course  of  the  negotiations  was  such  that 
on  April  27th  the  nuncio  came  to  the  sorrowful  conclusion 
that  all  his  representations  and  protests  were  unvailing  to 
prevent  a  most  grievous  injury  being  done  to  the  Catholic 
religion.*   In  a  letter  of  the  same  date  Chigi  laments  the  great 

1  *Letter  in  Cod.,  A.  II.,  28,  Chigi  Lib. 

2  Ibid.,  *Cod.,  A.  I.,  22. 

'  Chigi's  *report  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  April  13,   1646,  in 
Paci,  20,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 
*  *Cod.,  A.  II.,  28,  loc.  cit. 


CONCESSIONS    TO    PROTESTANTS.  IO3 

readiness  with  which  people  spoke  of  the  necessity  of  throwing 
everything  overboard  to  save  what  remained.^  Chigi's  fears 
grew  when,  on  ]\Iay  19th,  Count  von  Trauttmansdorff  was 
charged  to  continue  the  negotiations  with  the  Protestants 
at  Osnabriick.  Tlic  Count  was  full  of  the  best  goodwill  in 
the  world  but  he  was  only  moderately  endowed,  credulous, 
timorous,  and  burning  with  a  misguided  keenness  for  a 
settlement  which  Chigi  sought  in  vain  to  moderate. ^  Trautt- 
mansdorff showed  excessive  readiness  to  yield — the  Bishop 
of  Osnabriick  was  one  of  those  who  bitterly  lamented  the 
fact — with  regard  to  the  definitive  cession  of  Catholic  dioceses 
to  the  Protestants.^  Chigi  had  hopes  that  on  this  point  the 
Elector  of  Bavaria,  Maximilian,  would  support  him  against 
the  imperial  delegate,  but  he  was  mistaken  :  about  the 
middle  of  May,  Maximilian  took  the  side  of  his  imperial 
brother-in-law  in  this  matter.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  both 
princes  based  their  conduct  on  the  judgment  of  their  respective 
spiritual  advisers,  Chigi  and  together  with  him  the  nuncio 
in  Vienna,  Melzi,  made  powerful  but  fruitless  efforts  to 
exorcize  from  the  courts  of  Vienna  and  Munich  this  excessively 
accommodating  spirit.*  The  French  delegates  had  promised 
to  support  Chigi  in  the  matter  of  the  dioceses,  but  from  the 
first  the  nuncio   felt  very  doubtful  whether,  in  view  of  her 

'  "  *La  prontezza  che  si  chiama  necessitate  a  far  gettito  per 
salvar  il  resto."    Cod.  A.  I.,  22,  loc.  cit. 

•  F.^LLAViciNO,  I.,  134  seqq.  Cf.  Chigi's  views  in  his  reports 
to  Rome  quoted  by  Steinberger,  58,  n.  10,  and  61,  n.  6.  The 
Spanish  reports  (Colecc.  de  docum.  ine'd.,  LXXXII  scq.)  depict 
Trauttmansdorff  as  a  man  of  sanguine  disposition  who  was 
all  too  easily  deluded  by  the  false  promises  of  his  opponents  and 
who  allowed  them  to  see  far  too  much  of  his  own  game.  Chigi 
wrote  in  his  *Diarium  :  "  Trauttmansdorff  e  Volmar  due  neofiti 
[both  had  been  Protestants]  non  si  curano  di  religione  che 
fredissimamentc,  solo  del  patrimonio  Cesareo  sono  zelanti," 
Chigi  Lib. 

'  Chigi's  *report  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  May  18,  1646, 
Pad,  20,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.    Cf.  Baur,  Sotern,  II.,  157. 

*  Steinberger,  60-2. 


104  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

close  alliance  with  the  Swedes,  France  would  be  able  to 
obtain  anything  in  the  face  of  their  opposition. ^  His  fears 
could  but  be  confirmed  when  he  had  to  witness  the  fact 
that  France's  representative,  the  Duke  of  Longueville,  who 
before  Chigi  posed  as  a  supporter  of  staunchly  Catholic 
principles,  simultaneously  endeavoured  to  bring  about  the 
nomination  to  the  coadjutorship  of  Paderborn  of  a  son  of  the 
Calvinist   Landgravine  Amalia.^ 

When  on  May  19th  the  Catholics  entrusted  to  Count 
Trauttmansdorff  the  task  of  continuing  the  negotiations 
with  the  Protestants  it  was  arranged  that  any  terms  arrived 
at  should  be  submitted  to  them  for  confirmation.  But  how 
did  the  imperial  delegate  act  ?  Without  consulting  the 
Catholics  he  guaranteed  to  the  Protestants,  for  a  hundred 
years,  the  possession  of  whatever  ecclesiastical  property  they 
had  held  since  1627.  This  weakness  so  whetted  the  appetite 
of  the  Protestants  that  they  promptly  renewed  their  demands 
for  possession  of  all  Church  property  held  by  them  since 
1618.^  "  The  danger  for  the  Church,"  Chigi  wrote  after 
presentation  of  the  Protestants'  demands  at  Osnabriick  on 
July  29th,*  "  grows  daily,  but  I  am  helpless ;  soon  no 
Catholic  will  be  able  to  feel  sure  that  his  nephews,  if  not  his 
sons,  will  not  become  Protestants,  so  bad  has  the  situation 
become.^ 

To  Chigi's  moral  sufferings  there  were  added  physical 
ones  for  he  suffered  from  the  climate  of  Westphalia.  He 
speaks  of  it  in  his  letters  as  early  as  1646,^  but  since  he  says 

1  "  *Non  so  gia,  se  quando  lo  vogliono,  lo  potranno  fare,  se 
gli  Suedesi  prevaglino  con  le  armi."  Letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  May  26,  1646,  Pad  20,  loc.  cit. 

2  Baur,   Sotern,   II.,   167. 
'  Israel,  Adami,  43  seq. 

■*  Chigi's  *report  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  June  29,  1646, 
Pad,  20,  loc.  cit. 

*  *Cod.  A.  I.,  22,  Chigi  Lib.  Cf.  ibid.,  A.  IL,  29,  *letter  to  the 
nuncio  in  Venice,   June  22,   1646. 

*  *Letter  to  Fr.  Albizzi,  July  13  and  27,  1646,  ibid.  Cf.  above, 
p.  94- 


MORE    CONCESSIONS.  I05 

nothing  about  German  cooking,  the  story  that  he  dispatched 
to  Rome  a  huge  loaf  bearing  this  inscription  :  Ecce  pants 
Westphalorum,  is  probably  an  invention. 

Whilst  the  real  peace  negotiations  were  in  a  state  of  stagna- 
tion during  the  summer  of  1646,  because  everyone  was 
waiting  for  the  issue  of  the  operations  in  the  field, ^  the 
imperialists  went  a  step  further  in  the  path  of  concessions 
upon  which  they  had  entered,  when  they  decided  to  con- 
sider as  the  norm  for  the  practice  of  religion  in  the  Cities 
of  Empire  and  the  ownership  of  ecclesiastical  property  the 
year  1621,  that  is,  a  year  in  which  the  restoration  of  con- 
fiscated Church  property  had  not  yet  been  enforced.  They 
were  prepared  to  leave  Church  property  in  the  hands  of  the 
Protestants  for  a  hundred  years,  before  the  lapse  of  which 
a  friendly  settlement  would  have  to  be  made.  Chigi  gave 
all  the  support  he  could  to  the  counteraction  of  the  intran- 
sigents,^  nevertheless  in  a  declaration  of  November  19th  the 
year  1624  was  conceded  to  the  Protestant  delegates  who  had 
come  over  to  Miinster.^  Chigi  was  beside  himself.  Notwith- 
standing all  the  assurances  with  which  Trauttmansdorff 
sought  to  calm  the  nuncio,  the  former  had  so  encouraged 
the  Swedes  in  the  course  of  his  private  negotiations,  that  they 
cherished  the  hope  of  retaining  the  Church's  property  not  for 
a  hundred  years  only  but  for  all  time  ;  as  a  matter  of  fact 
this  too  was  granted  by  the  Count  on  November  30th.  He 
started  from  the  point  of  view  that  peace  alone  could  save 
the  Catholic  Church  in  Germany,  hence  peace  must  be  secured 
at  any  cost,*  and  he  was  prepared  for  more  and  more  con- 
cessions. In  view  of  this  fact  Chigi  and  the  more  determined 
among  the  Catholics  sought  to  save  the  little  which  it  seemed 

'  Chigi 's  *reports  in  code  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  June  15 
and  July  27,  1646,  Pact,  20,  loc.  cit. 

*  Chigi's  *rcport  in  code  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  November  23, 
1646,  ibid.  Cf.  Chigi's  *Diarium  for  September  17,  1646, 
Chigi  Lib. 

^  Israel,  Adami,  45  seq. 

*  Chigi's  *report  in  code  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  November  30, 
1646,  Pad,  20,  loc.  cit. 


I06  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

possible  to  save.^  Chigi  never  ceased  to  warn  the  Emperor's 
representatives. 2  He  often  wondered  that  he  did  not  break 
down  under  the  weight  of  his  labours  and  an.xieties,  he  wrote 
on  December  7th. ^  His  one  comfort  was  that  Rome  was 
perfectly  satisfied  with  his  conduct.  Just  as  the  Secretary  of 
State  had  approved  his  timely  protest,*  so  he  repeatedly 
expressed  his  unreserved  satisfaction  with  his  line  of  action. ^ 
It  was  realized  in  Rome  that  the  nuncio  strictly  maintained 
the  point  of  view  of  the  Holy  See,  which  was  to  preserve 
established  rights  and  conditions  and  where  these  could  not 
be  saved,  at  least  not  to  sanction  their  loss.  Particular 
instructions  were  deemed  all  the  more  unnecessary  as  Chigi 
possessed  so  much  sound  judgment  and  such  wide  experience 
that  details  could  very  well  be  left  to  his  discretion.^ 

Rome  fully  shared  Chigi's  opinion  as  to  the  Emperor's 
deplorable  weakness.  With  him  the  Secretary  of  State  con- 
demned a  state  of  mind  which  caused  men  to  drop  that  for 
which  they  had  so  long  fought  arms  in  hand,''  and  that 
a  political  theology  sought  to  find  a  theoretical  justification 
for  this  ruinous  policy  of  concession.^  Chigi  was  under  no 
delusion  as  to  the  magnitude  of  the  peril  which  was  bound  to 
arise  out  of  a  peace  bought  at  any  price. ^    With  deepest  grief 

1  Chigi's  *reports  in  code  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  December  7 
and  14,  1646,  ibid. 

2  Chigi's  *Dwrium,  December  3,  1646,  Chigi  Lib. 

3  *Letter  to  Albizzi  in  Cod.  A.  I.,  22,  ibid.  On  the  same 
day  Chigi  wrote  to  Pallavicino  :  "  *Agli  Suedesi  offeriscono  gU 
imperiali  grandi  stati,  e  quel  che  peggio  e  a  costo  della  rehgione 
cattolica.  lo  grido  aJle  stelle  e  le  chiamo  a  vendetta  contro 
questi  pregiuditii."   Cod.  A.   II.,  29,  loc.   cit. 

"  *PamfiH  to  Chigi,  January  6,  1646,  Cod.  A.  II.,  47,  loc.  cit. 

^  Cf.  especially  Pamfili's  instructions  of  January  13  and  20, 
May  5,  June  30,  and  December  22,  1646,  ibid. 

•*  Pamfili  emphasizes  the  Pope's  confidence  in  Chigi  especially 
in  the  *instructions  of  December  15,  22  and  29,  1646,  loc.  cit. 

~   *Pamfili  to  Chigi,  August  11,  18,  25,  1646,  ibid. 

*  Pamfili  to  Chigi,  July  7,  1646,  in  Brom,  III.,  404. 

'  Cf.  Chigi's  *Diarium,  December  21,   1646,  loc.  cit. 


I 


CHIGI  S   WARNINGS.  IO7 

he  watched  the  continuous  dechne  of  the  CathoHc  Church 
which  was  about  to  lose  for  good  to  the  Protestants  three 
archbishoprics  and  thirteen  bishoprics,  that  is,  sixteen  large 
territories  with  thousands  of  churches,  monasteries  and  pious 
foundations.^  The  decision  was  drawing  near,  Chigi  wrote 
to  Pallavicino  on  December  14th,  perhaps  it  would  come 
suddenly  ;  as  long  as  it  had  been  possible  he  had  issued  his 
warnings  and  he  would  continue  to  do  so,  regardless  of 
persons  ;  since  the  cause  of  God  had  been  abandoned  by  all, 
he  could  only  grieve  and  protest. ^  Chigi's  indignation  against 
Trauttmansdorff  rose  so  high  that  in  a  moment  of  exasperation 
he  remarked  that  the  Count  would  give  up  St.  Peter's  in 
Rome  to  the  Protestants  should  they  ask  for  it.  In  the 
course  of  his  representations  the  nuncio  did  not  fail  to 
observe  that  the  policy  of  the  imperialists  was  a  mistake 
even  from  a  political  point  of  view,  inasmuch  as  the  endless 
concessions  merely  served  to  sharpen  the  Protestants' 
appetite.^ 

Chigi's  ceaseless  warnings  were  exceedingly  awkward  for 
Trauttmansdorff  ;  accordingly  he  attempted  to  silence  the 
tiresome  mentor  by  informing  him  that  his  elevation  to  the 
cardinalate  had  been  proposed  in  Rome  both  with  a  view 
to  doing  honour  to  the  Congress  and  to  rewarding  the  nuncio's 
labours  in  the  cause  of  a  general  peace.  Chigi  bluntly  replied 
that  he  would  not  hear  of  such  an  honour,  for  the  cause  of 
God  was  being  so  greatly  injured  by  the  proposed  peace  that 
he  would  consider  it  a  sacrilege  to  receive  any  recognition  of 
whatever  kind.  To  a  French  delegate  Chigi  observed  that 
what  he  deserved  was  not  reward  but  punishment  since 
he  had  achieved  nothing  on  behalf  of  the  Catholic  cause 
which  was  being  neglected  by  one  party  and  injured  by  the 
other.  In  Rome  the  nuncio  pleaded  for  his  recall  ;  after 
vainly  working  day  and  night  to  bring  about  a  tolerable  peace 
he  did  not  wish,  by  prolonging  his  stay,  to  create  an  impression 

'  Sec  letter  of  Dcccnibcr  11,  1646,  in  J3rom,  III.,  407. 

-  *Cod.  A.  II.,  28.  loc.  ciL 

^  Letter  of  December  19,   1646,  in  Brom,   III.,  407-8. 


I08  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

that  he  approved  a  settlement  which  inflicted  the  most  grievous 
wounds  on  the  Church.  Innocent  X.  refused  to  hsten  to  his 
pleading.  He  bade  him  hold  on  forasmuch  as  his  departure 
would  hearten  the  Protestants  whilst  his  presence  would  at 
least  lessen  the  evils  that  threatened.^ 

A  glaring  light  was  thrown  on  the  contrast  between  the 
intransigent  and  accommodating  parties  in  the  Catholic 
body  by  a  pamphlet  published  at  the  end  of  1646,  under  the 
signature  of  one  Ernestus  de  Eusehiis.  This  pamphlet  submits 
to  a  close  and  searching  analysis  the  question  how  far  one 
might  in  conscience  yield  to  the  demands  of  the  Protestants. 
For  a  time  the  identity  of  the  author  remained  a  secret  ; 
eventually  it  became  known  that  he  was  none  other  than  the 
Jesuit  Henry  Wangnereck  of  Lindau.  The  pamphlet  was  sent 
to  press  without  the  author's  knowledge,  probably  by  the 
Bishop  of  Osnabriick,  Franz  Wilhelm  von  Wartenberg,  as 
a  counterweight  to  the  concessions  in  the  question  of  the 
peace  by  the  Munich  and  Vienna  divines,  and  in  order  to 
rouse  the  conscience  of  the  Catholic  princes  by  means  of  an 
uncompromising  statement  of  the  principles  which  had  been 
considered  authoritative  during  the  era  before  the  religious 
divisions.  2 

The  publication  of  the  treatise  came  as  a  complete  surprise 
for  Chigi.  For  reasons  of  opportuneness  he  disapproved  of  its 
publication,  though  not  of  the  contents,  although  as  repre- 
sentative of  the  Church  he  rejected  more  than  one  con- 
cession accepted  by  de  Eusebiis.  With  a  view  to  preserving 
the  Holy  See  from  the  slightest  stain,  Chigi  had  striven  from 
the  first  to  prevent  even  such  concessions  as  the  strict  Catholic 
party  was  prepared  to  make.  He  was  anxious  thereby  to 
strengthen  their  attitude  as  much  as  possible,  for  he  knew 
only  too  well  how  ready  human  weakness  is,  in  circumstances 

1  Pallavicino,  I.,  143-4,  who  here  quotes,  in  part  textually, 
a  *letter  of  Chigi  of  December  15,  1646,  which  I  found  in  Cod. 
A.  II.,  28,  of  the  Chigi  Lib. 

2  Steinberger,  63  seq.  ;  Ritter  in  Hist.  Zeitschr.,  CI., 
265  seq.  ;    Sommervogel,  VIII.,  982  seq. 


\ 


ERNESTUS    DE    EUSEBIIS.  IO9 

of  such  difficulty,  to  be  content  with  what  seems  at  least 
tolerable.^ 

Chigi's  view  was  also  that  of  Rome.  The  Secretary  of 
State,  Cardinal  Panciroli,  expressed  the  hope  that  the 
pamphlet  would  strengthen  the  resistance  of  such  Catholics 
as  were  too  ready  to  yield  to  Protestant  demands.  When 
he  had  been  informed  of  the  contents  of  the  publication, 
Innocent  X.  expressed  his  approval  by  sending  his  blessing 
to  the  author. 2 

How  well  founded  Chigi's  misgivings  were  as  to  the  oppor- 
tuneness of  the  publication  was  soon  made  evident  when  the 
Swedes  began  to  use  it  in  order  to  rouse  Protestant  feeling. 
In  effect,  not  content  with  defending  the  Catholics'  claim  to 
the  ecclesiastical  possessions  of  which  they  had  been  robbed 
through  an  infraction  of  the  religious  peace  of  Augsburg, 
a  claim  which  could  not  be  legally  contested,  Ernestus  de 
Eusebiis  also  condemned  that  peace  itself,  and  from  this 
he  argued  that  it  was  morally  wrong  to  agree  to  a  fresh  con- 
firmation, not  to  speak  of  an  extension,  of  the  treaty.  The 
way  in  which  de  Eusebiis  sought  to  explain  away  the  awkward 
fact  that  even  Peter  Canisius  had  declared  it  lawful  to  tolerate 
the  religious  peace  of  Augsburg,  drew  down  on  him  the  just 
blame  of  a  highly  placed  member  of  his  Order. ^ 

^  See  Chigi's  letter  of  January  25,  1647,  to  Panciroli  in  Stein- 
BERGER,    196   seq. 

*  Steinberger,  75. 

'  Ibid.,  76  seq.  Wangnereck's  irreconcilable  attitude  as  an 
uncompromising  protagonist  of  canon  law,  is  severely  condemned 
by  the  historian  of  the  German  Jesuits.  This  shows,  he  says, 
"  the  confusion  and  disaster  which  the  upholding  of  medieval 
opinions  in  an  entirely  altered  situation  was  bound  to  cause. 
Where  there  existed  but  the  one  Catholic  religion,  such  principles 
might  have  been  defended  ;  but  once  the  force  of  circumstances 
had  secured  for  non-Catholic  confessions  vast  and  permanent 
possessions,  opinions  of  this  kind  could  no  longer  be  maintained, 
unless  there  was  a  willingness  to  declare  a  war  of  all  against  all 
and  so  to  put  weapons  into  the  hands  of  other  confessions  against 
Catholics.       If,    in    Wangnereck's   opinion,    it   was    unlawful    for 


no  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Naturally  enough  Count  Trauttmansdorff  was  exceedingly 
annoyed  by  de  Eusebiis'  pamphlet.  When  the  Protestants 
suggested  that  the  Inquisition  should  proceed  against  the 
unknown  author,  he  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  book 
was  only  scholastic  nonsense,  that  it  was,  in  fact,  an 
extravagance — Bachantenwerk.  His  colleague  and  successor 
Isaac  Volmar  described  all  such  writings  as  "  lauter  sofistische 
cavillationes  und  narrische  Traume  "—nothing  but  sophistries 
and  foohsh  dreams.  But  the  imperial  court,  where  the 
influential  Capuchin  Quiroga  condemned  the  pamphlet  in 
the  most  severe  terms,  ordered  the  learned  Abbot  of  the 
Cistercian  monastery  of  Prague,  Johann  Caramuel  y  Lobko- 
witz,  to  write  a  reply,  the  publication  of  which  Chigi  vainly 
strove  to  prevent. ^  De  Eusebiis'  pamphlet  had  had  an 
enormous  circulation  and  it  had  swept  many  fresh  adherents 
into  the  camp  of  the  intransigents  from  the  ranks  of  those 
Catholics  who,  until  then,  had  been  of  a  more  accommodating 
disposition, 2  but  neither  this  nor  any  other  literary  production 
produced  any  substantial  change  in  the  decision  of  Miinster. 

At  the  beginning  of  1647  Chigi  did  all  he  could  to  encourage 

Catholics  to  conclude  a  lasting  peace  with  Protestants,  the  latter 
were  bound  to  conclude  that  any  peace  might  be  broken  by  the 
Catholics  as  soon  as  they  were  strong  enough  to  oppress  the 
Protestants  with  some  prospect  of  success."  This  opinion  of 
DuHR  (II.,  I,  482)  refers  to  Wangnereck's  "  Responsum 
Theologicum  ",  written  against  the  Jesuit  Vervaux  and  printed 
at  the  beginning  of  1648  by  the  Bishop  of  Osnabriick,  though 
not  in  a  public  press  but  in  a  private  one,  so  that  it  only  circulated 
among  Catholics.  On  the  strife  between  the  Jesuits  of  moderate 
opinion  and  the  extremists,  in  which  the  moderates  were  in  the 
majority,  cj.  Steinberger,  76  seqq.  In  the  end  the  General  of 
the  Society  imposed  a  penance  on  Wangnereck  but  the  Curia's 
pressure  forced  him  to  revoke  it  [ibid.,  136). 

1  Steinberger,  78  seq.,  80  seq.  Steinberger  had  no  access  to 
the  Chigi  Library  ;  Cod.  A.  III.,  69,  contains  *Caramuers  letters 
to  Chigi  from  1647  to  1649,  which  cannot  be  further  considered 
here. 

2  Steinberger,  73. 


FURTHER    EFFORTS    BY   CHIGI.  Ill 

the  more  intransigent  Catholics  to  resist  the  imperialists' 
policy  of  concessions  so  as  to  save  at  least  some  of  the 
threatened  bishoprics.  The  cession  of  Bremen  and  \'crden 
was  to  be  condemned  for  its  own  sake,  he  said,  but  even  more 
so  because  of  the  deplorable  precedent  it  established.  In  his 
direct  appeals  to  Trauttmansdorff  the  nuncio  observed  that 
such  trafficking  with  bishoprics  was  an  infamy,  quite  as  much 
as  if  for  fear  of  the  Swedes  the  Emperor  were  to  deny  the 
Catholic  faith. ^  When  Trauttmansdorff  and  the  French 
promised  to  save  at  least  the  bishoprics  of  Osnabriick  and 
Minden,  the  nuncio,  who  was  accurately  informed  by  Warten- 
berg,  knew  only  too  well  the  value  of  such  comfort. - 

The  Catholic  position  became  worse  when,  at  the  negotiations 
which  opened  at  Osnabriick  on  February  7th,  1647,  not  only 
the  Catholics  yielded  to  the  imperialists  but  the  Protestant 
delegates  acted  in  the  same  way  towards  the  Swedes,  where- 
upon the  latter  took  charge  of  the  discussions  whilst  remaining 
all  the  time  in  close  touch  with  a  committee  of  Protestants. 

Chigi  had  persuaded  the  strictly  Catholic  deputies  to  go  to 
Osnabriick  in  order  to  restrain  the  imperialists  from  making 
concessions.^  He  remained  in  close  touch  with  them  through 
Wartenberg,'*  but  he  soon  learnt  that  they  were  able  to  do 
so  little  that  in  their  disappointment  they  had  withdrawn 
once  more.  In  effect,  on  March  9th  the  Swedes  renewed  their 
demand  for  the  unconditional  surrender  of  all  Church  pro- 
perty which  had  been  in  Protestant  hands  in  1624  ;  on  this 
they  insisted  with  the  utmost  obstinacy.^  Trauttmansdorff, 
for  his  part,  maintained  that  the  success  of  the  Franco- 
Swedish  arms  forced  him  against  his  will  to  give  way,  whilst 
he  pointed  out  that  by  their  treaties  of  neutrality  Cologne 
and    Bavaria    had    deserted    the    Emperor.^       The    Elector 

*  See  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  January  i8,  1647,  Pad,  21, 
Papal   Sec.   Arch. 

*  See  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  February  8,  1647,  ibid. 
'  Cf.  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  January  18,  1647,  ibid. 

*  Cf.  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  March  8,  1647,  ibid. 

*  RiTTER,  loc.  cit.,  263  ;    cf.  Israel,  Adami,  57  seq. 

*  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  March  8,  1647,  Pad,  zi,  loc.  cii. 


112  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

Maximilian  of  Bavaria  had  imagined  that  with  the  conclusion 
of  an  armistice  with  the  Swedes,  on  March  14th,  at  Ulm,  he 
was  furthering  the  cause  of  peace,  but  in  reality  that  treaty 
rendered  it  more  remote,  for  now  the  demands  of  the  Swedes 
and  the  Protestants  grew  beyond  all  bounds. ^  They  now 
hoped  to  wrest  from  the  Emperor  freedom  to  practise  their 
religion  for  the  heretics  of  the  Imperial  Hereditary  States, 
viz.  the  so-called  autonomy,  by  which,  according  to  a  remark 
of  the  Swedish  delegate  Salvius,  the  roots  of  Austria's  power 
would  be  gradually  eaten  into.^  This  danger  of  a  political 
order  did  not  escape  Trauttmansdorff ;  he  declared  that  he 
would  refuse  to  sign  a  contract  of  the  kind  even  if  he  were  a 
prisoner  at  Stockholm  ;  the  Emperor  could  not  possibly 
forgo  in  his  Hereditary  States  the  right  embodied  in  the 
axiom  :  Cujus  regio  ejus  religio,  to  which  even  the  most 
insignificant  lords  laid  claim. ^  When  the  Swedes  stuck  to  their 
demands,  Trauttmannsdorff  left  Osnabriick  for  Miinster  on 
April  24th.  However,  negotiations  were  not  broken  off.  In 
May  an  agreement  was  reached  concerning  the  religious 
situation  of  the  subjects  within  the  Empire.  In  the  first 
days  of  June  the  representatives  of  Sweden  and  the 
Protestants  repaired  to  Miinster  for  further  negotiations. 
The  draft  of  the  peace  treaty  which  the  imperialists  drew 
up  in  the  chancellery  of  Mayence  on  June  3rd,  represented 
their  definitive  concessions  to  the  Protestants  :  the  year 
1624  was  to  be  considered  as  the  norm  for  the  ownership  of 
Church  property.  The  eight  monasteries  in  Wiirttemberg 
and  the  diocese  of  Minden  which,  like  Osnabriick,  still  had  a 
Catholic  Bishop,  were  now  sacrificed  though  in  November 
they  had  been  excepted  from  the  cession  made  by  the 
Catholics.  Other  concessions  followed.  As  late  as  November 
the  right  had  been  insisted  upon  for  the  Catholic  authorities 
to   expel   their   Protestant    subjects.      This   right   was   now 

^  Steinberger,  98  seq. 

2  Odhner,  Dje  Politik  Schweden's  im  westfdl.  Friedenskongress, 
Gotha,  1877,  203  note. 

3  Menzel,  VIII.,  186  seq.  ;    Huber,  V.,  605. 


I 


A  FRESH  PEACE  DRAFT.  II3 

subjected  to  a  threefold  limitation  :  1°  Those  subjects 
who  had  had  the  exercise  of  their  rehgion  at  any  period  of  the 
year  1G24,  were  to  retain  it  ;  2°  those  who  uj)  to  the  year  of 
the  peace  had  been  subjects  of  Cathohc  princes,  without  the 
right  of  practising  their  rehgion,  were  to  enjoy  freedom  of 
conscience  but  without  the  practice  of  rehgion  ;  3°  those 
who  only  adopted  the  Protestant  confession  after  the  year  of 
the  peace,  or  who  came  into  the  country  as  Protestants, 
might  be  banished,  but  only  after  a  time  limit  of  ten  years 
which  in  cases  of  exceptional  difficulty,  could  be  prolonged 
for  a  further  period  of  five  years.  These  three  limitations  were 
not  to  apply  to  the  Imperial  Hereditary  States  and  the  whole 
agreement  was  to  be  in  force  not  only  until  the  restoration  of 
religious  unity  at  some  future  date,  but  "  for  ever  ".^ 

This  draft  was  submitted  for  examination  to  the  Catholic 
Estates  on  June  Tith.  The  more  intransigent  among  the 
Catholics,  headed  by  Wartenberg  and  Adami  and  warmly 
supported  by  Chigi,  naturally  refused  to  assent  to  the 
arbitrary  procedure  of  the  imperialists,  though  they  feared 
already  then  that,  as  at  Prague,  the  head  of  the  Empire 
would  force  them  to  yield.  Trauttmansdorff  declared  that 
his  master  was  the  Emperor  of  the  Protestants  as  well  as  of 
the  Catholics,  hence  he  was  bound  to  consider  his  non- 
Catholic  subjects. - 

Chigi's  efforts  to  strengthen  the  Catholics  in  their  resistance 
received  support  from  the  Spanish  ambassador,  and  even 
from  the  French.  The  latter  sought  to  delay  the  conclusion 
of  peace  until  such  time  as  the  Emperor  should  have  dropped 
the  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  promised,  not  only  as  Emperor  but 
as  Sovereign  of  Austria  also,  to' give  no  further  assistance 
to  the  Spaniards. 3 

If  all  Catholics  were  united,  Chigi  wrote  on  June  14th,  they 

•  RiTTER,  loc.  cit.,  275-6. 

*  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  June  14,  1647,  Pad,  21,  loc.  cit. 
Cf.  Adami's  *report  to  Chigi,  June  29,  1647,  in  Cod.  A.  III.,  69, 
Chigi  Lib. 

'  HuBKU,   v.,  605. 

VOL.  xx.\.  I 


114  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

would  influence  the  deliberations  to  a  considerable  degree  ; 
they  could  force  the  Portestants  to  drop  some  of  the  demands 
which  Trauttmannsdorff  had  already  conceded.^  Presently 
the  Count  himself  was  to  realize  whither  his  weakness  was 
leading  him,  when  the  Swedes  came  forward  with  fresh  and 
impossible  demands  as,  for  instance,  that  their  Queen  should 
be  given  the  first  place  on  the  secular  princes'  bench  and 
that  they  should  have  an  Elector  of  their  own.  They  likewise 
meant  to  insist  on  their  demand  for  private  Protestant 
services  in  the  Emperor's  Hereditary  States.  Thereupon 
Trauttmansdorff  threatened  his  departure,  a  step  for  which 
he  had  long  ago  obtained  Ferdinand  III.'s  permission. ^ 
From  Trauttmansdorff's  son  Chigi  learnt  that  the  Count 
had  remarked  that  he  would  not  be  able  to  show  himself  at 
court  unless  he  had  concluded  peace  ^ ;  accordingly  he  sought 
to  bring  pressure  to  bear  on  the  intransigent  Catholics  not 
only  by  means  of  promises  but  likewise  by  threats,  a  pro- 
ceeding to  which  Wartenberg  offered  strong  opposition.* 

On  July  16th  the  Count  carried  out  his  long  standing 
threat  to  take  his  departure.  The  Protestants  would  have 
liked  all  the  envoys  of  the  Electors,  princes  and  cities  to  press 
him  to  remain,  but  this  the  strict  Catholics  would  not  do  ^  ; 
the  latter  in  fact  now  began  to  hope  if  not  for  complete 
success,  then  at  least  for  a  considerable  lowering  of  the 
Protestant  demands,  a  thing  which  in  their  and  Chigi's 
opinion,  had  to  be  secured,  if  necessary,  by  force  of  arms. 
A  favourable  turn  for  the  Catholics  did  not  seem  impossible 
now  that  Cologne  and  Bavaria  stood  once  more  by  the 
Emperor's  side  and  the  Swedes  had  been  forced  to  evacuate 
Bohemia.  In  August  Chigi  exerted  himself  more  than  ever 
in  order  to  fan  the  opposition  to  the  Protestant  demands,  on 
the     basis     of     the     arguments     expounded     by     Ernestus 

1  *Paci,  21,  p.  274,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

-  HuBER,  v.,  605-6. 

3  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  June  14,  1647,  loc.  cit. 

^  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  June  28,  1647,  ibid. 

*  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  July  19,  1647,  ibid. 


FERDINAND    III.    AND    MAXIMILIAN    I.  IT 5 

de  Eusebiis  ;  these  efforts  were  eagerly  seconded  by  W'arten- 
berg  and  Adami.^  A  memorial,  in  the  drawing  up  of  which 
Adami  had  the  principal  share  and  which  the  Catholics 
presented  on  October  7th,  rejected  a  notable  part  of  the  con- 
cessions made  to  the  Protestants  up  to  that  time.^  "  More 
could  not  be  secured,"  Chigi  wrote  to  Rome,  "  because  the 
Catholics  are  not  united  and  are  no  less  threatened  by  their 
co-religionists  than  by  their  enemies."^  He  had  previously 
reported,  in  August,  that  the  delegates  of  the  Bavarian 
Elector  and  the  Bishops  of  Salzburg,  Bamberg,  Wiirzburg 
and  Fulda,  had  been  instructed  to  yield  to  the  imperialists 
as  much  as  possible.'*  The  Catholics  experienced  a  sensible 
loss  through  the  death,  on  October  9th,  of  the  Elector  of 
Mayence,  Anselm  Casimir  von  Wambold,  whose  repre- 
sentative, notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of  Bavaria,  had 
hitherto  sided  with  the  stricter  party. ^ 

However,  a  decision  could  only  be  brought  about  by  the 
attitude  adopted  by  the  Emperor  and  Bavaria.  On 
October  15th  Ferdinand  HI.  directed  his  envoys  Lamberg 
and  Crane  to  explain  to  the  Catholics  that  he  intended  to 
abide  by  the  concessions  already  made  ;  should  they  refuse 
to  yield  he,  as  head  of  the  Empire  and  in  virtue  of  his  supreme 
imperial  power,  would  take  such  steps  for  the  tranquillity  of 
the  Empire  as  he  would  be  able  to  answer  for  to  God  and  the 
world  ;  he  had  done  all  that  was  possible,  but  in  view  of  the 
superiority  of  the  enemy  it  was  necessary  to  give  way.  The 
Elector  Maximilian  was  of  the  same  opinion  ;  though  one  of 
the  chief  promoters  of  the  edict  of  restitution  he  now  threw 
away  all  the  advantages  it  had  hitherto  yielded.  He  counselled 
the  Emperor  to  come  to  terms  with  France,  Sweden  and  the 
Protestants,  assuring  him  that  the  more  important  among  the 
Catholic   Estates  would   side   with   hini.'^      In   a   subsequent 

'  Chigi's  *rcports  in  code,  August  9,   16,  23,   1647,  ibid. 

•  Israel,   Adami,   65. 

^  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  October  25,  1647,  Pad,  21,  loc.  cit. 

•  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  August  9,  1647,  ibid. 

'•  Meiern,  IV.,  816  seq.  ;    Israel,  Adami,  66  seq. 

•  Meiern,  IV.,  777. 


Il6  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

letter  to  Ferdinand  III.,  dated  October  21st,  Maximilian's 

exhortations  to  peace  were  mingled  with  undisguised  threats.^ 
When  the  imperial  plenipotentiaries  at  Miinster,  the  Count 
of  Nassau  and  Isaac  Volmar,  in  obedience  to  their  sovereign's 
command,  urgently  pleaded  with  the  Catholic  delegates  to 
yield,  they  pointed  to  the  fact  that  the  Catholic  fighting 
forces  were  hopelessly  inadequate,  notwithstanding  a  few 
isolated  successes,  and  that  if  they  continued  the  struggle 
they  would  have  to  expect  far  worse  conditions ;  since 
everybody  was  weary  of  the  war,  let  them  also  change  their 
minds,  else  the  Emperor  would  have  to  act  in  the  fulness  of 
his  personal  power. ^ 

Though  taken  by  surprise  by  this  declaration  the  stricter 
Catholic  party  did  not  lose  heart  and  maintained  its 
opposition.  The  representative  of  Cologne  declared  :  "  We 
are  subject  to  the  Emperor  in  worldly  matters  but  not  in 
ecclesiastical  questions."  ^  This  firm  attitude  infuriated  not 
only  the  Protestants  and  the  Swedes,  but  even  the  imperialists. 
Volmar  so  far  forgot  himself  as  to  exclaim  that  "  for  the  sake 
of  a  few  stinking  Abbots  "  one  could  not  delay  the  peace  any 
longer  !  *  On  November  14th  he  left  Osnabriick  for  further 
negotiations.  By  Chigi's  advice  the  Catholics  followed  him 
for  the  purpose  of  restraining  the  imperialists  from  making 
too  sweeping  concessions.^  However,  this  turned  out  to  be 
impossible.  Bavaria,  utterly  exhausted,  pressed  for  peace 
at  any  price  quite  as  much  as  the  Emperor,  for  both  Powers 
saw  the  hopelessness  of  any  attempt  to  reduce  the  demands 
of  their  opponents  to  more  reasonable  proportions  b}^  force 
of  arms.  For  all  that  the  intransigent  Catholics,  who  hoped 
for    a    favourable    turn    from    a    fresh    military    enterprise, 

1  Sattler,  Gesch.  Wurttenihergs,  VIII.,  Beil.  62.  Riezler 
(  v.,  647)  observes  :  "  Maximilian,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  sacrificed 
to  France  and  the  German  Protestants  both  his  national  senti- 
ments and  his  religious  convictions." 

2  Israel,  Adami,  67  seq. 

^  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  November  i,  1647,  loc.  cit. 

*  Israel,   Adami,   69. 

^  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  November  15,  1647,  Pad,  21,  loc.  cit. 


PEACE    AT   ANY    PRICE  II7 

continued  their  opposition.  To  compel  them  to  yield,  recourse 
was  had,  without  scruple,  to  any  means,  even  the  worst. 
When  threats  failed  Volmar  did  not  shrink  from  a  clumsy 
lie.  To  some  Catholic  delegates  he  declared  that  the  papal 
nuncio  was  not  against  concessions  being  made  to  the 
Protestants  !  ^ 

At  that  time  the  staunch  Catholic  deputies  Adami, 
Leuxselring,  together  with  Wartenstein  ironically  styled  the 
triumviri}  saw  themselves  threatened  even  in  their  personal 
safety :  the  Swedish  envoy  Salvius  declared  that  these 
zealots  might  be  silenced  with  a  musket-shot. ^  In  order, 
as  it  were,  to  add  weight  to  these  threats,  the  servants  of 
Adami  and  Leuxselring  were  subjected  to  severe  ill-treatment  ; 
after  that  the  intransigents,  feeling  no  longer  safe,  returned 
to  Miinster.*  It  was  an  evil  omen  for  them  that  at  that  time, 
through  the  influence  of  Bavaria,  the  Bishop  of  Wiirzburg, 
Johann  Philipp  von  Schonborn,  was  raised  to  the  archi- 
episcopal  see  of  Mayence,  for  Schonborn  was  exceedingly 
compliant  in  matters  of  religion. ^  Already  in  1643  his  repre- 
sentative, Vorburg,  had  said  at  Frankfort  that  the  ecclesi- 
astical reservation  must  be  allowed  to  lapse  in  regard  to  its 
retrospective  effects,  whereas  at  that  time  Maximilian  was 
ready  to  go  on  with  the  war  for  another  hundred  years  rather 
than  make  such  a  concession.^  Now,  however,  the  ruler  of 
Bavaria  told  Chigi  and  the  Pope  that  it  was  better  to  save 
what  could  be  saved  than  to  run  after  what  was  lost  at  one's 

'  Chigi's  *report  in   code,   November  29,    1647,   ibid. 

*  PuFENDORF,  De  rebiis  gestis  Frederici  Wilhehni  electoris 
Brandenburgensis.  Berolini,  1695,  i?^  ;  Mitteil.  des  Hist.  Vereins  zri 
Osnabrikck,  XII.,  328  ;    Odhner,  Schwedens  Friedenspolitik,  122. 

'  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  November  15,  1647,  loc.  cit. 

*  Israel,  Adami,  70,  73. 

*  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  December  6,  1647,  Pad,  21,  ibid.  ; 
CoNTARiNi  in  Pontes  rer.  Aiistr.  Dipl.,  XXVI.,  328.  Cf.  JMentz, 
Schonborn,  I.,  34  seq.,  41  ;    also  Pallavicino,  II.,   187. 

'  Mentz,  loc.  cit.,  34.  In  1646  Schonborn  was  also  in  favour 
(jf  abandoning  to  the  Protestants  what  had  been  conceded  to 
them  by  the  religious  peace  and  the  peace  of  Prague  ;    see  ibid. 


Il8  'HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

present  risk.^  At  the  beginning  of  May  the  Emperor  and 
Bavaria  had  the  support  of  the  Hectors  of  Mayence  and 
Treves  as  well  as  that  of  the  delegates  of  Salzburg,  Bamberg, 
Wiirzburg,  Liege,  Freising,  Miinster,  Ratisbon,  Hildesheim, 
Eichstatt,  Worms,  Bale,  Spires,  Paderborn  and  Fulda  ;  some 
others,  such  as  the  delegates  of  the  Teutonic  Knights  and  those 
of  Strassburg  and  Passau,  were  still  undecided.  The  only 
ones  who  remained  intransigent  were,  in  addition  to  Warten- 
berg  and  Adami,  the  envoys  of  Neuburg,  Augsburg,  Trent, 
Brixen  and  the  representatives  of  a  few  of  the  lesser  Catholic 
Estates  of  Empire. ^ 

After  the  Emperor's  command,  by  letter  of  February  loth, 
1648,  to  yield  all  along  the  line,  Chigi  too  felt  that,  humanly 
speaking,  there  was  no  longer  any  hope.^  In  November, 
1647,  he  had  written  to  a  friend  that  he  was  resigned  and  ready 
to  bear  with  patience  the  cross  God  laid  on  him,  however 
heavy  it  might  be.  However  keenly  he  longed  for  his  Tuscan 
home,  he  would  prefer  to  it,  if  it  were  God's  will,  the  swamps 
of  Westphaha  as  if  they  were  so  many  jewels.*  Without 
considering  the  protests  of  the  strictly  minded  Catholics  who 
had  returned  to  Miinster,  the  imperialists  negotiated  with  the 
Swedish  envoys  at  Osnabriick  from  February  28th  onwards, 
whilst  plenipotentiaries  of  the  Protestants  and  of  those 
Catholics  who  favoured  a  compromise  waited  in  an  adjoining 
room.^  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Swedes  displayed  great 
arrogance  and  threatened  to  have  recourse  to  arms,^  a  com- 
promise on  the  ecclesiastical  questions  was  arrived  at  already 
on  March  24th  :  this  deed  was  entered,  almost  unaltered,  in 
the  peace  treaty.  In  it  a  few  concessions  were  made  to  the 
Catholics.'    It  was  an  important  clause  that  in  the  Emperor's 

^  December,  1647  ;    cj.  Rietzler,  V.,  648. 
"  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  January  11,  1648,  Pad,  22,  loc.  cit. 
^  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  February  28,  1648,  ibid. 
^  Letter   of  November   22,    1647,    in   Campori,    CIII.   Lettere 
inedite  di  Sommi  Pontefici,  Modena,  1878,  47  seq. 
•'  Israel  Adami,  79  seq. 

^  Chigi,  *Dia'rinm  on  February  14,  1648,  Chigi  Lib. 
'  Ritter,  III.,  635  seq.  ;    cf.  Hist,  polit.  Bldttev,  LI.,  570  seq. 


CATHOLIC    LOSSES.  II9 

Hereditary  States  the  normal  year  was  not  to  be  in  force, 
whilst  for  Silesia  the  Peace  of  Prague  was  to  remain  sub- 
stantially operative.^  On  the  other  hand  a  serious  retreat 
of  the  Catholics  before  the  demands  of  the  Protestants  was 
implied  in  the  settlement  in  respect  of  parity  in  the  com- 
position of  the  Diet  of  deputies,  of  the  tribunal  of  the  Imperial 
Chamber  and  the  Imperial  Court  Council,  in  disputes  con- 
cerning questions  of  religion. ^  The  Catholics  could  view  with 
some  indifference  the  inclusion  of  the  Reformed  in  the  religious 
peace  which  was  carried  through  notwithstanding  the 
opposition  of  the  intransigent  Lutheran  element.^  But  an 
enormous  loss  for  the  adherents  of  the  old  faith  was  implied 
in  the  fact  that  with  regard  to  possession  of  ecclesiastical 
property,  the  year  1624  was  fixed  upon,  with  supreme 
arbitrariness,^  as  the  normal  year,  instead  of  the  Peace  of 
Passau  of  1552.  Thus  all  the  bishoprics,  abbeys  and  canonries 
which  the  Protestants  had  seized  up  to  that  date,  were 
irrevocably  lost.  Of  what  use  was  it  that  the  ecclesiastical 
reservation  was  recognized  as  operative  for  the  future  ? 
it  no  longer  had  any  practical  meaning. 

In  Rome,  Chigi's  conduct  met  with  complete  approval.^ 
Bitter  regret  was  felt  at  the  fact  that  Bavaria  pursued  its 
own  private  interests  in  preference  to  those  of  religion  and 
that  Ferdinand  and  Ma.ximilian  were  prepared  to  accept  a 
peace  which  did  such  grievous  injury  to  religion  when  together 
they  might  have  driven  the  Swedes  from  Germany.^ 

In  November,  1647,  Chigi  had  asked  for  copies  of  the 
documents    attesting    the    Holy    See's    protest    against    the 

'  Mf.nzel,  VI IL,  190  scq.  ;   Huber,  Y.,  607  5^^. 
-  RiTTER,   III.,  637. 

*  H.  RicHTER,  Die  V erhandlungen  iiber  die  Aiifnahme  der 
Reformierten  in  den  Religionsfrieden  auf  dent  Friedenskongress  zu 
Osnabriick,   1645-1648,   Berlin,    1906. 

*  Cf.  Hist.-polit.  Blatter,  LI.,  567. 

*  Cf.  the  *instructions  of  the  Secretary  of  State  of  1647  and 
1648  in  Cod.  A.  II. ,  47,  Chigi  Lib. 

*  Cf.  the  *  instructions  of  November  2  and  December  14,  1647, 
uiifl  March  28,  1648,  loc.  cit. 


120  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Interim  and  the  religious  peace  of  Augsburg.  He  evidently 
wished  to  make  use  of  them  for  the  protest  which  he  had 
prepared  long  ago ;  however,  the  documents  were  not  to  be 
found  in  Rome.^ 

After  the  compromise  on  the  religious  questions  in  the 
spring  of  1648,  the  Swedes  haggled  throughout  the  summer 
with  the  imperialists  about  the  payment  of  their  troops  and 
the  extension  of  the  amnesty  to  the  Emperor's  Hereditary 
States.  The  discussions  were  so  violent  that  time  and  again 
there  was  reason  to  fear  that  the  entire  work  for  peace  would 
be  wrecked  at  the  last  moment.  At  last,  on  August  6th,  an 
agreement  was  reached,  and  thus  the  treaty  of  peace  with 
Sweden  could  be  confirmed  at  Osnabriick,  with  a  handshake, 
by  the  representatives  of  the  Emperor,  the  Estates  of  Empire 
and  those  of  Sweden. ^  However,  Oxenstjerna  and  Salvius 
refused  to  sign  until  peace  should  have  been  made  with 
France  also.  In  this  respect  the  chief  difficulty  lay  in 
Ferdinand  UI.'s  unwillingness  to  leave  Spain  in  the  lurch. 
But  on  this  point  also  both  the  Elector  of  Mayence, 
Johann  Philipp  von  Schonborn,^  and  Maximilian  of  Bavaria 
pressed  him  to  yield  ;  they  even  threatened  to  come  to 
terms  with  the  Swedes  on  their  own  account  should  he  make 
difficulties.^ 

Thereupon,  on  September  22nd,  the  Emperor  commanded 
his  envoys  to  sign  the  treaty  immediately.  But  at  this  juncture 
the  representatives  of  France  and  Sweden  raised  fresh 
difficulties.  Only  after  these  had  been  cleared  out  of  the  way, 
did  it  become  possible  to  proceed,  on  October  24th,  1648, 
to  the  solemn  act  with  which  the  peace  negotiations  were  to 
be  closed,  namely  the  signing  and  exchanging  of  the 
documents.    Chigi  had  seen  to  it  that  neither  his  own  name 

*  *Instruction  of  December  14,  1647,  ibid. 

"  See  Chigi's   *letter  to  Abbate  Altoviti,  August  7,    1648,   in 
Cod.  A.  II.,  28,  Chigi  Lib. 
^  Mentz,  Schonborn,  I.,  39. 

*  This  was  communicated  by  Chigi  in  his  *report  in  code  of 
January  10,  1648,  loc.  cit.  On  the  pressure  exercised  by 
Maximilian,  cf.  Odhner,  281. 


THE    PEACE    OF   WESTPHALIA.  121 

nor  that  of  the  Pope  appeared  in  the  instrument  of  a  peace 
by  which,  as  he  lamented,  a  deep  wound  was  inflicted  on  the 
Catholic  religion  every  time  it  was  mentioned.^ 

It  was  not  only  the  compliance  of  the  Emperor,  Bavaria 
and  the  Elector  of  Mayence  which  caused  the  religious  and 
political  clauses  of  the  treaty  to  turn  out  to  so  great  a  dis- 
advantage for  the  ancient  Church.  Of  no  less  consequence 
was  the  fact  that  the  hopes  which  many  fervent  Catholics 
in  Germany  had  placed  on  Catholic  France  turned  out  to  have 
been  in  vain.-  In  this  connection  a  remark  of  the  French 
ambassador.  Longueville,  speaks  volumes.  When  there  was 
question  of  giving  the  rich  abbey  of  Hirschfeld  to  the  Land- 
gravine Amalia  of  Hesse-Kassel,  a  lady  who  was  the  object 
of  the  ambassador's  particular  goodwill,  Wartenberg  repre- 
sented to  him  that  it  did  not  redound  to  the  honour  of  the 
Most  Christian  King  to  rob  Christ  and  His  Mother  of  their 
garments  in  order  to  deck  out  with  them  a  heretical  woman. 
Longueville  replied  that  it  was  impossible  to  do  too  much 
for  so  virtuous  a  lady.^  The  French  diplomatists  only  thought 
of  their  political  interests  and  in  this  respect  they  secured 
nearly  all  they  wanted — the  Rhine  frontier,  the  utter  weaken- 
ing of  the  imperial  federation  and  the  reduction  to  impotence 
of  the  imperial  power.  The  fate  of  their  German  co-religionists 
left  them  cold.  The  Swedes  were  more  far-sighted  :  whilst 
pursuing  their  political  ends  no  less  keenly  than  the  French, 
they  at  the  same  time  lent  the  strongest  support  to  their 
Protestant  co-religionists. 

^  *Chigi  to  Marcello  Virgilio  Malvezza,  December  4,  1648, 
in  Cod.  A.  IL,  29,  Chigi  Lib.  Cf.  ibid.,  the  *letter  to  nuncio 
Bentivoglio  at  Florence,  November  13,  1648.  In  Cod.  A.  II., 
28,  p.  350  seq.  *Elegia  Chisii  super  pacem  Westphal,  sent  to 
Altoviti  on  September  18,  1648.  To  Albizzi  Chigi  wrote  on 
November  29,  1649  :  "  Del  resto  gli  fautori  dellinfausta  pace  .  .  . 
si  avvedran,  crcde,  di  aver  donate  piu  con  essa  agli  Svezzesi  x 
volte  tanto  di  quel  che  non  potevano  havere  con  la  guerra. ' '  [A  ccad. 
dei  Lincei.  Mem.,  class,  di  scienze  mor.  3,  Series  I  [1877],  395). 

"  Israel,  Adami,  60. 

^  See  Adami,  ed.  Meiern,  Lipsiac,  1737,  c.  27. 


122  HISTORY   OF    THE    POPES. 

The  Peace  of  Westphalia,  "  the  worst  humihation  Germany 
had  ever  experienced  nntil  then,"  ^  meant  the  definitive 
wreck  of  the  Cathohc  restoration  the  triumph  of  which  had 
seemed  so  near  at  hand  only  a  score  of  years  earlier.  It  set 
the  seal  on  the  system,  first  introduced  by  the  Protestant 
party,  of  the  princes'  dominion  over  religion  and  con- 
science.^ The  fresh  confirmation  of  the  so-called  religious 
peace  of  Augsburg  meant  the  solemn  recognition  of  the 
fundamental  principle  of  the  new  system  of  territorial 
Churches  :  "  Who  owns  the  territory  orders  the  religion," 
a  principle  with  no  other  check  except  the  basic  year  1624. 
Apart  from  the  fact  of  possession  guaranteed  by  this  time 
limit,  every  Estate  of  Empire,  even  the  smallest,  secured 
the  right  to  determine  the  faith  of  its  subjects  so  that  every 
Catholic  could  be  compelled  by  his  Protestant  lord,  every 
Protestant  by  his  Catholic  lord,  either  to  change  his  religion 
or  to  emigrate.  This  "  right  to  reform  ",  which  in  1555  had 
been  guaranteed  only  to  the  Catholic  Estates  of  Empire  and 
to  those  of  the  Confession  of  Augsburg,  was  now  extended  to 
the  followers  of  Calvin.  That  which  the  peace  treaty  secured 
for  the  victors,  the  Swedes  and  the  French,  in  the  political 
sphere,  viz.  an  extreme  weakening  of  the  Empire  through 
territorial  losses  and  its  disintegration  into  several  hundred 
small  States,  was  completed  by  the  religious  divisions.  The 
German  people,  once  so  strong  in  the  oneness  of  its  faith, 
was  now  definitely  split  up  into  Catholics,  Lutherans  and 
Calvinists  :  the  price  of  the  juridical  existence  of  the  new 
religion  was  the  impotence  of  the  Empire.^ 

An  enormous  injury  to  the  Church  and  her  rights  was 
implied  in  the  fact  that  the  peace  treaty  included  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty  of  Passau  and  the  religious  peace  of  Augsburg 
and  that  January  1st,  1624,  was  fixed  as  the  norm  for  the 
practice  of  religion  and  the  ownership  of  ecclesiastical  goods. 

^  Kaser,  Das  Zeitaltev  der  Reformation  und  Gegenrejormation, 
Gotha,   1922,   204. 

-  DoLLiNGER,  Kirche  und  Kirchen,  58  seq. 

2  Opinion  of  Stegemann,  Der  Kampf  itm  den  Rhein.,  Berlin, 
1925,  236. 


THK    CHURCH  S   LOSSES.  I23 

In  consequence  of  the  latter  disposition  only  the  following 
free  cities  remained  Catholic  in  their  entirety :  Cologne, 
Aix-la-Chapelle  and  a  few  small  towns  of  Empire  in  Swabia. 
As  against  this  the  Protestants  became  sole  masters  at 
Hamburg,  Liibeck,  Goslar,  Miihlhausen,  Nordhausen,  Worms, 
Spires,  Wctzlar,  Swiibisch-Hall,  Heilbronn,  Reutlingen, 
Wimpfen,  Schweinfurt,  Nuremberg  together  with  its  con- 
siderable territory,  Ulm  and  Lindau.  Frankfort  on  the 
Main  remained  almost  wholly  Protestant  but  the  Collegiate 
Church  of  St.  Bartholomew,  in  which  the  election  and 
coronation  of  the  Emperors  was  wont  to  take  place,  as  well 
as  a  few  other  churches,  were  left  to  the  Catholics.  The  same 
thing  happened  at  Ratisbon  where  Protestants  were  in  the 
majority.  In  the  religiously  mixed  Cities  of  Empire,  Augsburg. 
Dinkelsbiihl,  Ravensburg,  Biberach  and  Kaufbeuren,  the 
posts  of  councillors  and  other  offices  were  to  be  equally 
divided  between  the  Catholics  and  the  Protestants.^ 

Even  more  sensible  were  the  losses  of  the  Catholic  Church 
with  regard  to  ecclesiastical  property  with  which,  as  Chigi 
lamented,  the  congress  trafficked  in  a  manner  that  cried  to 
heaven, 2  so  much  so  that  a  contemporary  could  write  :  "To 
pass  the  time,  these  gentlemen  play  with  bishoprics  and 
monasteries  as  boys  play  with  nuts  and  marbles."  ^  Only 
the  four  archdioceses  of  Mayence,  Treves,  Cologne  and  Salz- 
burg were  saved  from  the  wreck,  together  with  the  dioceses 
of  Bamberg,  Wiirzburg,  Worms,  Eichstatt,  Spires,  Strass- 
burg,  Constance,  Augsburg,  Freissing,  Ratisbon,  Passau, 
Trent,   Brixen,    Bale,    Liege,   Chur,    Hildesheim,    Paderborn, 

'  Whilst  at  Augsburg  ^Maximilian  insisted  on  the  execution 
of  the  clauses  of  the  peace  treaty  concerning  religious  parity 
and  withheld  his  protection  from  recalcitrant  Catholics,  he 
resisted  with  the  utmost  energy  the  Swedish  demands  for  the 
free  exercise  of  their  religion  by  the  Protestant  subjects  of  the 
Upper  Palatinate  which  had  only  been  re-Catholicized  since 
January  i,  1624.  Riezler,  V.,  652  seq  ;  Doeberl,  I.  (1906), 
567  seq. 

•  ♦Chigi  to  Abbatc  Altoviti,  August  28,  1648,  Cod.  A.  II.,  28, 
Chigi    Lib.  ^  Adami,  ed.  Meiern,  c.  26. 


124  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Miinster  and  Osnabriick,  though  for  the  latter  place  the  truly 
monstrous  arrangement  was  made  that  the  see  should  always 
be  held  alternately  by  a  Catholic  and  a  Protestant  Bishop  !  ^ 
Of  the  abbeys  the  following  remained  in  Catholic  hands  : 
Fulda,  Stablo,  Korvei,  Priim,  Kempten,  Ellwangen,  Berchtes- 
gaden,  Weissenburg,  and  the  two  principalities  of  the  Teutonic 
Order  and  the  Order  of  St.  John.  On  the  other  hand  the 
Catholics  lost  besides  the  vast  bulk  of  the  "  mediate  "  ecclesi- 
astical possessions  which  had  been  appropriated  by  the 
princes  and  the  towns,  the  "  immediate  "  archbishoprics 
of  Magdeburg  and  Bremen  and  the  bishoprics  of  Liibeck, 
Halberstadt,  Verden,  Meissen,  Naumburg,  Merseburg,  Lebus, 
Brandenburg,  Havelberg,  Minden,  Kammin,  Schwerin,  the 
Abbeys  of  Hirschfeld,  Walkenried,  Gandersheim,  Quedlin- 
burg,  Herford  and  Gernrode. 

In  presence  of  these  gigantic  losses,  which  were  now  legally 
sanctioned  by  the  treaty  of  peace,  the  Pope  and  his  repre- 
sentative would  have  failed  in  their  duty  had  they  remained 
silent.  The  fact  that  Chigi  had  stayed  away  from  the  decisive 
negotiations  ^  achieved  as  little  as  did  the  protests  of  about  a 
score  of  Cathohc  Estates.^   Consequently,  foreseeing  what  was 

1  "  Scelerata  alternativa,"  Chigi  calls  these  dispositions  in 
his  *report  in  code  of  October  i6,  1648  (Papal  Sec.  Arch.).  Cf. 
F.  Freckmann,  Die  capitulatio  perpetua  ttnd  ihre  verfassungs- 
geschichtliche  Bedeutiing  filr  das  Hochstift  Osnabriick  (1648-1650), 
Osnabriick,  1906. 

-  See  Chigi's  *report  in  code,  October  25,  1648,  loc.  cit. 

^  Israel,  Adanii,  81  ;  Widmann,  Salzburg,  297  seq.  Chigi 
would  have  liked  the  Catholics  to  refrain  from  signing  ;  this  he 
says  himself  in  his  *report  in  code  of  October  16,  1648.  On 
October  30  he  wrote  to  Rome  :  "  Quanto  a  questa  soscrittione, 
io  nel  male  godo  che  tanti  buoni  cattolici  habbiano  protestato, 
i  quali  saranno  forse  due  dozzine.  Ho  obligatione  a  Monsignore 
vescovo  d'Osnaburgh,  che  ha  tenuto  saldo,  e  a  quel  di  Trento 
e  di  Brissenone,  che  son  dependuti  da  me  espressamente.  Ancora 
I'arciduca  Leopoldo  per  quello  di  Argentina  e  di  Alberstat,  ha 
rimesso  il  suo  agente  al  consiglio  di  Mgr.  vescovo  d'Osnaburgh, 
et  con  questo  ha  fatto  le  sue  proteste,  le  quali  tutte  si  puo  sperare 
in  Dio  che  gioveranno  in  qualche  tempo  .  .  ."  Chigi  Lib.,  loc.  cit. 


PAPAL    PROTESTS.  125 

to  come,  Chigi  had  drawn  up  from  the  bcginnirif^  a  general 
protest  against  every  injury  that  might  be  done  to  tlie  Church 
and  to  her  rights  ^  ;  its  definitive  form  had  been  left  to  his 
discretion  by  Rome.^  Even  before  the  conclusion  of  the 
negotiations,  on  October  14th,  1G48,  Chigi  made  a  solemn 
protest  which  he  repeated  on  October  26th. ^  In  it  the  nuncio 
called  to  witness  the  delegates  of  the  Catholic  Powers,  and 
Contarini  in  particular,  that  lest  by  his  presence  he  should  have 
seemed  to  give  some  kind  of  approval  to  the  negotiations, 
he  had  mostly  absented  himself  from  them  and  had  refused 
to  sign  them. 

The  first  protest,  that  of  October  1 1th,  was  approved  by 
the  Pope  as  soon  as  he  received  the  text  of  it,  in  fact  the 
Pontiff  exhorted  Chigi  to  repeat  it  publicly  on  some  future 
occasion  seeing  that,  as  a  result  of  the  deplorable  compliance 
of  the  Catholics,  the  agreements  were  doing  grievous  injury 


'  See  above,  p.  119. 

*  Pallavicino  I.,  137.     Cf.  Brom  III.,  451,  456. 

'  Both  protests  are  printed  in  Conring,  De  pace  perpetiia, 
Helmstadii,  1657,  ^^^  seqq.  ;  De  pace  civili,  ibid.,  1677,  371  seqq. 
The  protest  of  October  26,  1648,  in  Italian,  in  Pallavicino, 
I.,  138  seq.,  in  Latin,  in  Brom,  III.,  448  seq.,  and  previously  in 
PoLLiDORUS,  Vita  F.  Chisii,  in  A".  Raccolta  d'opusc.  scientifici, 
1\'.,  Venezia,  1758,  3:5  seq.  On  October  16,  1648  {decif.  Nov.  6) 
Chigi  reports  to  Rome  :  "  *PubIicandosi  assai  chiaramente 
i  pregiuditii  fatti  alia  religion  cattolica  dagli  Stati  cattolici  in 
Osnaburgh,  sotto  la  guida  del  Magontino  e  del  Bavaro,  ho  stimato 
bene  far  nuova  protesta  con  solenne  istromento  nella  forma,  che 
rappresentcra  la  copia  autentica  che  mando,  riserbandomi  a  fame 
altra,  se  qua  ancora  siano  i  medesimi  ratificati  o  soscritti,  come 
par  che  siano  pronti  a  fare."  On  30  Oct.  he  writes  :  "  *Mando 
i  fogli,  CO  quali  mando  anco  la  nuova  protestazione  che  ho  stimato 
bene  reiterare  per  altro  pubblico  instrumento  ch'e  I'unico  rimedio, 
che  dopo  ogni  opera  adoperata,  pcrch6  non  seguano  i  pregiuditii 
alia  s.  religione,  potiamo  adoperare  con  gli  huomini  che  per 
preservare  la  ragione  e  per  consolare  in  parte  il  zelo  sanctissimo 
(li  S.  B"^,  gia  che  per  altro  non  potra  godere  intiero  di  questa 
pace  .  .  ."  Pad  24,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 


126  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

to  the  Catholic  rehgion.^  For  these  reasons,  the  Secretary  of 
State  wrote  on  November  14th  and  21st  that  the  Pope  could 
derive  no  pleasure  from  the  settlement,  though  he  appreciated 
Chigi's  conduct  most  highly. ^  There  is  as  yet  no  mention  in 
these  Briefs  of  a  protest  by  the  Pope.  Rome  precipitated 
nothing.  It  was  only  in  January,  1649,  that  a  congregation 
of  Cardinals,  presided  over  by  the  Pope,  decided  that  Chigi's 
protests  should  be  confirmed  by  a  solemn  Bull  though  the 
nuncio  was  instructed  to  keep  this  document  secret  for  the 
time  being.^  Chigi  made  a  third  protest  on  February  19th, 
1649,  on  the  occasion  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of 
peace.*  All  three  protests  were  approved  in  Rome  by  all  the 
Cardinals,^  and  this  approval  was  renewed  in  March. *^ 

1  "  *E  alia  S'^  Sua  sommamente  deplorabile  il  danno  che  alia 
religione  cattolica  reca  la  facilita  de'  cattolici  nelle  continue 
cessioni  che  sempre  con  augmento  si  stabiliscono  a  favore  degli 
heretici  per  il  capitolato  della  pace  fra  le  corone  coUegate  e 
rimperio,  e  V.  S.  ha  corrisposto  al  desiderio  del  sue  ministerio 
nell'astenersi  dalla  mediatione  e  nel  fare  solenne  protesta  a 
pregiuditii  della  nostra  s.  fede.  Egli  dove  proseguire,"  etc. 
Panzirolo  a  Chigi,  dated  November  7,  1648,  Cod.  A.  II. ,  47, 
Chigi  Lib. 

~  The  *  letter  of  November  14,  1648,  in  Cod.  A.  II.,  47  {loc.  cit.)  ; 
that  of  November  21,  in  Brom,  III.,  449  seq.  The  peace  was  at 
once  universally  condemned  in  Rome,  see  Servantius,  *Diaria, 
Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  and  Deone,  *Diario,  1649,  Cod.  XX.  III.,  21, 
Bibl.  Casanat.  The  reproach  passivity  here  made  against  Chigi 
was  quite   unjustified. 

3  "  *Nella  congregazione  fu  col  parere  di  9  cardinali  deliberate 
da  S.  S'^  di  confermar  con  una  bolla  apostolica  in  amplissima 
forma  li  protesti  di  V.  S.,  questo  pero  finch e  non  si  mandi  ad 
effetto,  dovere  ella  tenerlo  in  se."  Panzirolo  a  Chigi,  January  9, 
1649,  Cod.  A.  II.,  47,  Chigi  Lib. 

■•  Text  in  Garampi,  94. 

^  "  *Nella  congregatione  di  stato  tenutasi  avanti  N.  S.  furono 
lette  le  proteste  fatte  e  reiterate  costi  e  commendate  da  tutti 
signori  cardinali,  come  prima  erano  da  N.  S.  state  approvate." 
Panzirolo  to  Chigi,  January  9,  1649,  loc.  cit. 

^  Panzirolo  a  Chigi,  *cifre  of  March  6  and  13,  1649,  Cod.  A.  II., 
47,   loc.   cit. 


CHIGI    LEAVES   MUNSTER.  I27 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  most  of  the  delegates,  even  Con- 
tarini  himself,  had  left  Miinster,  Cliigi  also  begged  to  be 
allowed  to  return  to  Italy.  Permission  was  given  him  on 
September  11th,  1649,  but  it  was  at  once  cancelled,^  inas- 
much as  the  French  desired  the  presence  of  a  papal  repre- 
sentative in  view  of  the  peace  negotiations  between  France  and 
Spain,  a  happy  issue  of  which  Innocent  X.  also  had  very  much 
at  heart.  Consequently  Chigi  decided  to  go  to  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
but  a  serious  illness  prevented  him  from  doing  so  at  the 
beginning  of  November,  as  he  had  intended,  so  he  only  got 
there  a  month  later. ^  In  consequence  of  the  peace  being  so 
unfavourable  to  the  Church,  he  left  very  quietly  on 
December  13th,  1649.^  The  famous  baths  and  the  mild 
climate  of  the  imperial  city  agreed  with  him  so  well  that 
he  decided  to  stay.  *  But  though  his  great  diplomatic  skill 
won  him  the  continued  confidence  of  both  hostile  Powers,  all 

'  P.M.L.AViciNO,  I.,  145  scq.,  where  thei^e  is  also  Chigi's  letter 
to  the  Emperor,  dated  May  7,  1649,  refusing  the  present  intended 
for  him,  since  it  was  a  principle  with  him  to  decline  even  the 
smallest  gift  ;  cf.  Brom,  III. ,454  seq.  Cf.  also  Chigi's  *letter  to 
M.  V.  Malvczzi,  dated  Aachen,  December  24,  1649,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  a 
letter  of  the  same  date  to  Albizzi  in  Atti  dei  Lincei,  Scienze 
Dior.   Mon.,   I.,   396. 

-  Macchia.  Relazioni  del  P.  Sforza  Pallavicino  con  Fabio 
Chigi,  Torino  1907. 

'  See  his  letter  of  December  24,  1649,  in  IMacchia,  loc.  cit., 
and  in  Ciampi,  Epistolario,  395.  Cf.  Reumont,  Fabio  Chigi 
(Papst  Alexander  VII.)  in  Deuischland,  Aachen,  1885,  15  seq. 

*  Cf.  besides  the  letters  published  by  Campori  [CIII.  Lettere, 
52  seq.),  Chigi's  *reports  to  Panciroh,  1650-1651,  in  Pad,  26-8, 
Papal  Sec.  Arch.  These  reports  substantially  supplement 
Keumont's  data  in  the  work  quoted  in  the  preceding  note,  who 
for  Chigi's  relations  with  Mazarin  and  the  Dane  Corfits  Ulfeldt 
also  uses  the  letters  in  Ciampi.  Chigi's  recall  to  Rome  only 
occurred  on  September  9,  1651  (Brom,  III.,  475).  Chigi  *reports 
on  his  journey  in  a  *letter  to  Albizzi,  dated  Frankfort,  October  14, 
1651.  Cod.  A.  I.,  22,  loc.  cit.  On  memories  of  Alexander  VII. 
at  Aachen  cf.  J.  Laurent,  Aachener  Stadtrechnungen  aiis  dcm. 
14  Jahrb.,  .Aaclicn,   1866,  45. 


128  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

his  efforts  to  reconcile  them  failed. ^  The  papal  intervention 
was  completely  put  in  jeopardy  when  Mazarin  requested  the 
Dutch  to  mediate. 2  Although  the  situation  looked  hopeless, 
the  Pope,  to  leave  nothing  undone,  issued  on  November  26th, 
1650,  a  fresh  exhortation  to  peace  to  the  Kings  of  France  and 
Spain,  to  Olivares,  Mazarin  and  other  influential  persona- 
lities.^ Chigi's  happy  solution  of  the  difficulties  in  connexion 
with  the  election  of  a  co-adjutor  for  Treves  was  a  fine  success 
for  him,*  but  his  pleasure  was  completely  spoilt  for  him  by 
his  having  to  witness  the  execution  of  the  fatal  peace  of 
Westphalia.  His  letters  of  the  period  are  full  of  bitter  laments 
over  the  "  tragedy  of  Germany  ",  an  ever  recurrent  theme 
in  them  being  his  grief  that  it  was  chiefly  Bavaria  which,  by 
its  readiness  to  yield,  induced  the  Protestants  to  demand  ten 
times  more  than  they  had  dared  at  first. ^ 

Meanwhile  the  Bull  protesting  against  the  peace  treaty  was 
still  being  withheld,  for  its  pubhcation  would  have  raised  grave 
dangers  so  long  as  the  Swedish  troops  remained  in  Germany. 
The  imperial  ambassador  Savelli,  in  defence  of  the  Emperor, 


^  Pallavicino,  I.,  148.  Cf.  Macchia,  65.  On  March,  1650, 
Chigi  *  wrote  to  L.  Allacci :  "  Dissi,  nisi  videro  et  tetigero.  Cosi 
e  stato,  perch e  dope  tre  mesi  non  se  ne  parla  piu  e  le  parti  non 
pensano  che  alia  campagna."    Arch,  of  Greek  College,  Rome. 

2  Brom,  III.,  465. 

^  *Epist.,  VII. -VIII.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  On  December  30, 
1653,  Innocent  X.  renewed  his  exhortations  to  peace  in  *Briefs 
addressed  to  the  Kings  of  France  and  Spain  (ibid.). 

*  Pallavicino,  I.,  150  seq.  ;  Baur,  Sotern,  II.,  286  seq., 
335  seq.  ;    Reumont,  loc.  ctt.,  28  seq. 

*  Cf.  Chigi's  *letters  to  Albizzi,  dated  Aachen,  January  14, 
March  12,  and  September  17,  1650,  Chigi  Lib.  On  June  24, 
1651,  Chigi  *vvrites  to  Albizzi  from  Aachen  {ibid.,  Cod.  A.  I.,  22)  : 
"  Quella  infame  pace  di  Munster  che  tanto  cede  agli  heretici, 
dopo  haver  essi  eseguito  eccessivamente  tutto  cio  che  era  a  lor 
pro,  e  dopo  haver  impedito  I'esecutione  di  quel  poco  che  era  a 
favor  dei  cattolici  restate,  ecco  che  hanno  rotta  sfacciatamente 
assalendo  Brandeburg  gli  stati  di  Giuliers  all'improvviso. 
O  tempora,  o  mores  !  "    On  July  29,  1651  he  writes  to  *Albizzi  : 


SAVELLI   EXCUSES   THE    EMPEROR.  I29 

pleaded  liis  diflicult  ])osition  ^  whilst  at  tiie  same  time  he 
drew  a  forceful  picture  of  the  strength  of  the  enemy  and  the 
weakness  of  the  Catholics  who,  he  told  Innocent  X.,  would 
presently  appeal  to  Rome  for  assistance.  In  order  to  get  the 
Bull  suspended  he  had  recourse  to  the  support  of  Cardinal 
Capponi  whom  the  Pope  held  in  high  esteem  at  that  time. 
The  Cardinal  drew  attention  to  the  advantages  which  would 
accrue  to  religion  in  the  Imperial  Hereditary  States  out  of  the 
peace  ;  these  would  outweigh  the  loss  of  the  North  German 
dioceses  which  could  only  be  held  by  means  of  an  endless  war. 
Savelli  believed  that  in  this  way  the  Pope  would  become 
reconciled  to  the  peace  treaty  for  the  unfavourable  clauses 
of  which  Bavaria  was  held  chiefly  responsible,  as  a  result  of 

"  Ho  fatto  una  solenne  risata  in  leggere,  che  si  trovasse  prelati, 
che  faccssoro  condoglienza,  con  la  S*^  di  Papa  Urbane  VHI. 
per  la  morte  del  Re  di  Suetia  parendomi  una  scempiaggine 
dcllo  stile  di  quelli  che  diceva  :  mi  Papezzo,  mi  Papezzo, 
e  non  \'oIendo  sospettare  di  altro  sense  maligne  che  havesse 
il  complimentatore  sotto  la  niaschera  di  quella  semplicita. 
Certo  e  che  io  trovai  in  Germania  12  anni  sono  religiesi  gravi 
che  havevano  prestato  fede  a  relationi  di  lioUanda,  che  ivi  si 
fosse  un  reggimente  cen  le  chiavi  e  con  le  api  :  tanto  seno  stolidi 
anco  i  men  mal  .sensati.  Ma  quanto  al  lodare  rimperatore  ed 
il  Duca  di  Baviera,  c  che  hanno  fatto  bene  a  far  questa  pace  e 
che  non  potevano  far  altrimenti,  e  che  Caramuel  parla  da  S.  Tom- 
maso,  si  sparge  che  siano  prelati  e  cardinali,  e  molti^  e  cosi  si 
scri\e  poi  in  Germania,  centre  le  quali  voci  ie  sgride  e  centradice 
piii  (li  prima,  come  ho  pur  accennato  a  Palazzo  piu  velte.  Sia 
liencdetto  il  cardinal  di  Cueva  che  si  serviva  di  vomitorie  il 
leggere  le  due  paci  di  Miinster."  On  October  25,  he  writes  : 
"  *ln  Francoforte  mi  scusai  di  dar  audientia  a  quei  deputati 
principali  auteri  della  pace  di  Munster."  On  Maximilian's  deter- 
mined attitude  towards  the  execution  of  the  peace  in  the  Upper 
Palatinate  and  at  Augsburg,  see  Rikzler,  V.,  651  scq. 

*  "  *Di  che  S.  11  se  ben  non  contenta  non  ha  ricusato  affatto 
di  appagarsene,  sapende  t|uant()  sia  il  zelo  di  \'.  M.  Ces.  e  di 
tutte  I'august.  sue  sangue  verso  la  religione  ct  rispetto  verso 
la  S.  Sede."  Savelli  to  Ferdinand  HI.,  dated  Rome,  March  6, 
1649,  State  Arch.,   \'ienna. 

VOL.  XXX.  K 


130  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

its  forcing  the  Emperor  to  yield. ^     Grave  accusations  were 
also  made  at  the  Curia  against  the  Elector  of  Mayence.^ 

After  the  evacuation  of  Germany  by  the  Swedes  had  begun, 
as  a  result  of  the  decree  for  the  execution  of  the  peace  treaty 
published  at  Nuremberg  on  June  26th,  1650,  the  Pope  gave 
orders,  on  August  20th,  for  his  protest  against  the  peace 
treaty  to  be  sent  to  all  the  nuncios  so  that  they  might  publish 
the  judgment  of  the  Holy  See.^  However,  this  was  not  done  in 
the  form  of  a  solemn  Bull,  as  had  at  first  been  intended,  but 
by  a  simple  Brief.*  Chigi's  proposal  of  the  publication  of  a 
fourth  protest  was  declined  by  Rome.^  The  Brief,  retrodated 
to  November  26th,  1648,®  did  not  condemn  the  peace  as  such, 
nor  all  its  articles,  but  only  those  which  injured  the  Church. 
The  agreements  and  decisions  arrived  at  at  Osnabriick  and 
Miinster,  the  document  states,  have  given  great  pain  to  the 
Pope  because  they  gravely  curtail  and  injure  the  Catholic 
religion  and  its  exercise,  the  Apostolic  See,  the  Roman  Church 
and  its  subordinate   Churches,   the  ecclesiastical   state,   the 

1  This  according  to  a  hitherto  unknown  *report  of  L.  Pappus  to 
Ferdinand  III.,  of  September  20,  1652,  in  State  Arch.,  Vienna. 

2  Deone  *Diario,  1649,  Cod.  XX.  III.,  21,  of  Bibl.  Casanat. 

3  Panciroli  to  Chigi,  August  20,  1650,  in  Brom,  III.,  463. 

*  The  frequently  made  statement,  the  most  recent  instance 
being  Mirbst  [Quellen,  202),  that  Innocent  X.  had  protested 
with  a  Bull,  is  erroneous  ;  the  document  is  a  Brief  dated  Romae  .  .  . 
sub  annulo  piscatoris. 

^  "  *Io  proposi  3  settimane  fa  di  fare  una  quarta  protesta 
contro  la  esecuzione  della  pace,  come  havevo  fatte  le  tre  ante- 
cedenti  contro  la  sottoscrittione  di  Osnabruk,  contro  altra  di 
Munster  e  contro  la  ratificazione  dei  principi  stessi,  e  ne  chiedeva 
la  formula  a  palazzo  ;  ben  e  vero  che  voleva  attendere  che  fossero 
gli  Suedesi  usciti  di  Germania  per  liberarne  che  doppo  essa  non 
facessero  renuntiare  gli  stati  cattolici  anco  a  questa,  come  ultima- 
mente  si  fecero  renuntiare  a  Norimberga  alle  altro  tre."  Con- 
fidential letter  of  Chigi  to  Albizzi,  assessore  del  S.  Officio, 
September  17,  1650,  Cod.  A.  I.,  22,  Chigi  Lib. 

*  Meieren,  Acta  pacts  execiit.  publ.,  II.,  Gottingen,  1737, 
781  seq.  ;  Bull.,  XV.,  603  seqq.  (with  several  misprints  which 
alter  the  meaning),  and  elsewhere  ;    see  Menzel,  VIII.,  242. 


THE    PAPAL    PROTEST.  I3I 

jurisdiction,  liberties,  privileges,  possessions,  goods  and 
rights  of  the  Catholic  Church.  They  surrender  for  all  time  to 
the  heretics  and  their  successors  the  property  of  the  Church 
seized  by  them.  In  a  number  of  localities  the  adherents  of  the 
Confession  of  Augsburg  obtain  the  free  exercise  of  their 
heretical  religion  and  the  right  to  erect  churches  ;  they  share 
with  the  Catholics  a  great  many  dioceses  and  other 
ecclesiastical  dignities  and  benefices  as  well  as  the  right  of 
first  requests  {jus  primarum  precum)  which  the  Apostolic 
See  had  granted  the  Emperor  Ferdinand.  As  against  this 
We  are  precluded  from  our  rights  in  regard  to  the  Annates, 
pallium  fees,  the  papal  months  and  reservations  in  the 
ecclesiastical  property  of  the  followers  of  the  Confession  of 
Augsburg  ;  confirmation  of  elections  or  postulations  to  the 
confiscated  archbishoprics  and  bishoprics  and  prelatures  is 
attributed  to  the  secular  authorities  of  the  aforesaid 
Confession  ;  many  archbishoprics,  bishoprics,  abbeys, 
bailiwicks,  commendas,  canonrics,  and  other  ecclesiastical 
benefices  and  properties  are  granted  in  perpetuity  as  secular 
fiefs  to  heretical  princes  and  their  heirs,  the  ecclesiastical  right 
of  nomination  being  revoked."  The  extension  of  the  College 
of  Electors  and  the  bestowal  of  a  new  electoral  title,  the 
eighth,  to  a  Protestant  prince,  is  disapproved  and  a  protest 
lodged  against  it  by  reason  of  its  having  been  done  without  the 
consent  of  the  Holy  See.  Finally  the  Brief  declares  null  and 
\oid  the  clause  by  the  terms  of  which  no  law,  be  it  ecclesiastical 
or  civil,  general  or  particular,  no  conciliar  decree,  monastic 
Rule,  oath,  concordat  with  the  Pope  or  any  secular  or 
ecclesiastical  decree,  dispensation,  absolution  or  exception  of 
any  kind  could  be  adduced,  heard  or  received  against  the  peace 
and  any  of  its  articles.^ 

Other  princes  also  raised  their  protests,  as  for  instance 
Duke  Charles  of  Mantua,  Duke  Charles  of  Lorraine,  the  King 
of  Spain,  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg  and  others.  All  these 
protests,  like  that  of  the  Pope,  had  not  for  their  object  the 

•  Research  in  the  archives  was  made  on  this  point  in  Rome  ; 
Arch.  Rom.,    HI.,   27  seq.,  30  seqq. 


I3!2  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

peace  itself  but  merely  some  of  its  clauses.  Since  these 
inflicted  so  enormous  an  injury  on  the  Church,  its  Head 
could  not  have  remained  silent  without  failing  in  his  duty, 
hence  the  blame  to  which  Innocent  X.  was  subjected  by 
reason  of  his  protest  ^  was  quite  unjustified  ^  and  even  non- 
Catholics  have  slowly  come  to  see  that  in  his  position  the 
Pope  could  not  have  acted  otherwise.^  The  papal  protest 
yielded  no  practical  result.  The  Emperor  Ferdinand  forbade 
its  publication,*  the  Archbishop  of  Treves  being  the  first,  but 
also  the  last  German  Bishop  to  pubhsh  it.^  A  number  of 
theologians  also  were  of  opinion  that  in  practice  the  papal 
condemnation  of  the  peace  amounted  to  no  more  than  a 
censure  or  a  disapproval.® 

^  List  of  polemical  writings  in  Conring,  loc.  cit.  ;  Schrockh, 
Kirchengesch.,  III.,  Leipzig,  1805,  402  seq.  The  Examen  Bullae 
of  John  Hoornbeeck  (Ultraiecti,   1653)  comprises  300  pages. 

2  Phillips,  Kirchenrecht,  III.,  450  seq.,  476  ;  Dollinger, 
Kirche  u.  Kitchen,  49  seq.  ;  Hergenrother,  Kirche  und  Staat, 
703-711  ;  Malet,  Hist.  dipl.  de  l Europe  au  17^  et  IS^  siecles, 
I.,  Paris,  161.  Cf.  also  Grauert,  Konigin  Christine,  I.,  251  seq. 
The  protest  was  likewise  justified  on  the  ground  that  since  the 
peace  there  existed  the  possibility  of  a  Protestant  Emperor  ; 
see  GxJNTER,  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXVII.,  380. 

^  K.  A.  Menzel  writes  (VIII.,  244)  that  "  the  Pope  was  only 
anxious  to  fulfil  the  duty  of  his  office  and  to  do,  as  Head  of  the 
Church,  what  no  head  of  any  other  body  could  have  omitted  in 
similar  circumstances  without  rendering  himself  liable  to  the 
reproach  of  neglect  of  duty."  Hiltebrandt  {Qiiellen  tmd  For- 
schungen,  XL,  321)  says  that  "  from  the  standpoint  of  view  of  the 
Curia  Innocent  X.'s  protest  was  a  natural  step."  See  also 
Erdmannsdorffer,  Deutsche  Gesch.,  I,  Stuttgart,  1892,  6  seq., 
and  Pflugk-Harttung,    Weltgeschichte,  Neiizeit,   II.,    loi   seq. 

*  Meiern,  VI.,  794.  When  the  Vienna  nuncio  handed  the 
protest  to  the  Emperor,  it  seemed  to  the  Venetian  ambassador 
"  che  non  malvolentieri  la  riceve  "  {Fontes  rer.  Austr.  Dipl., 
XXVI.,  395). 

'•  Baur,   Sotern,   I.,  291. 

«  Dollinger,  Kirche  iind  Kirchcn,  62  ;  Hergenrother, 
Kirchengesch.,   IIP  .,   744. 


PROTESTANT   GRIEVANCES.  I33 

Notwithstanding  the  enormous  gains  wliicli  the  Peace  of 
Westphaha  guaranteed  to  the  Protestants,  the  latter  remained 
unsatisfied.  They  regretted,  on  the  one  hand,  the  maintenance 
of  the  ecclesiastical  reservation  which  put  a  stop  to  further 
secularizations,  and  on  the  other  the  decision  in  regard  to 
the  Protestants  in  the  imperial  Hereditary  States.  When  the 
Emperor  began  to  carry  the  latter  into  effect  by  means  of  the 
edict  on  religion  of  January  4th,  1652,^  strong  complaints  and 
protests  were  raised  by  the  Protestant  party  and  these  came 
up  for  discussion  at  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon,  the  first  to  be  held 
after  the  conclusion  of  peace. 

The  Pope's  representative  at  that  assembly  was  the  new 
nuncio  in  Vienna  Scipione  d'Elce,  Archbishop  of  Pisa,  a 
splendid  man,^  whose  task  it  was  to  prevent  further  injury 
to  the  Catholic  cause.''  In  April,  1653,  a  warning  letter  in  the 
same  sense  was  dispatched  to  the  Emperor.*  Before  the 
Diet  opened  the  discussion  of  questions  of  religion,  the  nuncio, 
toward  the  end  of  August,  issued  yet  another  solemn  protest 
dated  May  17th,  165.3,  against  those  clauses  of  the  Peace  of 
Westphalia  which  were  to  the  disadvantage  of  Catholics.^ 

^  Wiedemann,  V.,  25  scq.  ;  Menzel,  VIII.,  277  seq.  ; 
Grunhagen,  II.,  318  scq.  ;  Stieve,  Abhandlungcn,  293  scq.  ; 
Lehmann,  Preitssen,  I.,  55  seq. 

*  Cf.  Ponies  rer.  Aiistr.  DipL,  XXVI.,  406.  Since  some  time 
already  Ferdinand  III.  had  kept  no  ambassador  in  Rome  ; 
relations  between  the  two  courts  were  not  lively  ;   see  ibid.,  395. 

'  Cf.  Elce's  *report,  dated  Ratisbon,  April  28,  1653,  Barb. 
61 1 2,  p.  41  seq.,  Vat.  Lib.  Copies  of  all  Elce's  *reports  from 
1652-1657  aLso  in  Cod.  33  D.,  19-20  of  Corsini  Library,  Rome 
[cf.  Lammer,  Zur  Kirchengcsch.,  170  seq.)  and  Barb.  6109-61 12, 
loc.  cit.  In  the  latter  codex,  p.  132  seqq.  :  *Osservazioni  hist, 
dclle  cose  piii  notabili  occorse  in  Germama  et  alia  corte  dell'impcratore 
durante  la  numiatura  di  Msgr.  arcivescovo  di  Pisa.  See  also 
Imuedensburg,  Regestcn,  VI.,  103,  105,  107,  no  seq.  Elce's 
*Diarium  nuntiat.  apud  imperatorem,  1652-1658,  in  Vat.  10423, 
p.  105-318,  Vat.  Lib.  ;  *Letters  of  Elce  during  his  nunciature  in 
\'at.    10440,   ibid. 

*  See  Elce's  *rep()rt  of  April  7,   1653,  Corsini  Lib. 

*  On    September    i,     1653,    IClcc    *reports    from    Ratisbon    to 


134  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Besides  the  situation  within  the  Empire,  rehgious  conditions 
in  Bohemia  and  Hungary  also  claimed  the  nuncio's  anxious 
attention  just  then.  In  Bohemia,  where  merchants  from 
Hamburg  sought  to  spread  Protestantism,  the  Capuchin 
Valerian  Magni  ^  and  the  Jesuits  showed  great  zeal,  in  the 
spirit  of  the  Catholic  restoration.  The  Jesuits  counselled 
gentleness  in  the  attempts  at  conversion  ;  so  did  Cardinal 
Harrach,  but  the  latter's  adviser,  Caramuel  y  Lobkowitz,  and 
the  lieutenants  were  for  stern  measures.  Though  the  Emperor 
Ferdinand  gave  his  approval  to  the  lieutenants'  proposals, 
he  nevertheless  substantially  altered  some  of  their  provisions. ^ 

Like  the  Peace  of  Westphalia,   the  religious  compromise 

Cardinal  Pamfili  :  '  Ancorche  non  si  sia  ancora  stabilito  in 
Dieta  il  punto  della  deputazione  per  le  cose  ecclesiastiche,  non- 
diraeno  potendo  essere  che  segua  ad  ogn'hora  e  si  dia  principio 
al  trattato  di  questa  materia,  stimai  bene  due  giorni  sono  di  fare 
la  mia  protesta  alia  presenza  di  due  notari  et  di  quattro  testimonii 
nella  forma  che  mando  qui  acclusa  a  V.  Emza  e  perche  mi  e 
state  confermato  da  molti  che  nelle  capitolazione  giurate  dal 
Re  de'  Romani  in  Augusta  e  non  pubblicate  pero  sin'hora  in 
Dieta,  vi  sia  stata  tra  I'altre  cose  aggiunta  Tosservanza  dell'instru- 
mento  della  pace  di  Munster  e  di  tenerla  per  leggi  fondamentali 
dell'imperio,  mi  e  parse  d'inserirvi  quelle  parole  che  I'Emza  Vra 
vedra  lineate,  senza  venire  a  maggier  specificatione  dell'atto 
cesi  consigliato  da  questi  bene  affetti  alia  Santa  Sede,  per  nen 
esservi  esempio  che  nelle  capitolatieni  passate  li  ministri 
apostelici  habbine  mai  interpeste  simili  proteste,  non  ostante  vi 
fussere  inscritti  punti  pregiuditiali  alia  religione.  Ma,  se  giudi- 
chera  bene  Vostra  Eminenza  che  se  ne  debba  fare  maggier 
dichiaratiene,  stare  attendende  i  suoi  comandamenti,  gia  che 
conserve  appresse  di  me  la  protesta,  senza  haveria  per  anche 
publicata.  Barb.  6112,  p.  66^-7,  Vat.  Lib.  Cf.  Lundorp,  VII., 
717  ;    F.  Garampi,  94. 

^  Lammer,  Zur  Kirchengeschichte,    170. 

2  ScMiDL,  v.,  661  seqq.,  668  seqq.,  672  ;  Rezek  in  Mitteil.  des 
Vereins  fiir  die  Gesch.  der  Deutschen  in  Bohmen,  XXXI.,  Lit.  16  ; 
Radda,  Zur  Gcsch.  des  Protestantismus  in  Teschcii,  Teschen, 
1885  ;  Redlich,  VI.,  219  seqq.  ;  Kross  in  Zcitschr.  fiir  Kath. 
Theologie,   XL.,   772   seq. 


THE  CHURCH  IN  HUNGARY.        I35 

realized  in  Hungary  by  means  of  the  Peace  of  Linz  and  the 
Recess  of  Empire  (Rcichsabschied)  of  1G17,  satisfied  neither 
Catholics  nor  Protestants.  It  guaranteed  to  the  Protestants 
and  Calvinists  a  legal  status  and  considerably  extended  the 
concessions  already  granted  to  them  but  failed  to  meet  all 
their  wishes  inasmuch  as  the  Catholic  Church  preserved  her 
dominant  position,  whilst  the  most  dreaded  of  their  enemies, 
the  Jesuits,  whom  it  had  been  hoped  to  uproot,  also  retained 
their  possessions  and  all  their  strong  positions.  The  clergy, 
trained  as  they  had  been  by  the  Jesuits,  co-operated  with  them 
whilst  the  Primate,  George  Lippay,  was  resolved  to  work  in 
the  spirit  of  Pazmany.  In  10  li)  Lippay  founded  a  general 
Seminary  for  the  Hungarian  clergy  at  Tyrnau,  its  direction 
being  entrusted  to  the  Jesuits.^  The  Jesuits  displayed  great 
acti\-ity  not  only  at  'I'yrnau,  the  heart  of  Catholic  Hungary, 
but  likewise  at  Pressburg,  Odcnburg,  Raab,  Warasdin,  Agram, 
Trentschin,  Neusohl,  Kaschau  and  I'ngvar.  Despite  every 
obstacle  they  were  indefatigable  in  strengthening  the  faithful, 
supporting  the  waverers  and  bringing  back  the  apostates. 
They  even  succeeded  in  getting  a  foothold  in  the  Turkish 
territory  of  Fiinfkirchen,  and  their  missionary  activity  also 
extended  itself  to  Moldavia.-  Innocent  X.  had  shown  his 
concern  for  the  Catholics  of  that  province  already  in  1()15  ^  ; 
he  also  supported  the  Franciscans  in  Wallachia.''  Amid  the 
appalling  misery  and  decay  (;f  the  ravaged  German  Empire, 
the  Jesuits,  with  undismayed  courage,  were  busy  rebuilding 
what  had  been  destroyed  and,  notwithstanding  e\-ery  difficulty, 
they    continued    their    pastoral,     educational    and    scientific 

*  Krones  in  Archiv.  fi'tr  ostcrr.  Gesch.,  I, XXIX  (1893),  281  seqq., 
307  seqq.  On  Lippay  sec  Frikdknsbukg,  Regesten,  V.,  68,  100, 
102. 

*  Krones,  loc.  cit.,  311  scqq.,  321  seqq.,  324  seq.,  339  scq., 
345  5^^.  Cf.  id.,  Zur  Gesch.  dcs  Jesiiitenordens  in  Ungavn  scit  dem 
Linzer  Frieden,  Vienna,  1893. 

^  *Brief  to  "  princeps  Moldaviae  ",  May  20,  1645,  Epist.,  I., 
Papal   Sec.    Arch. 

*  *I^ricf  to  "  i)rinc('p.s  Walachiac  ",  ^hly  20,  1646,  F.pist.,  I. 
loc.  cit. 


136  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

work.  The  most  recent  research  has  shown  liow,  true  to  their 
old  ideals,  wherever  they  laboured,  they  worked  most 
beneficially  for  the  well-being  of  a  generation  that  had  sunk  to 
a  very  low  level. ^ 

Innocent  X.  gave  particular  support  to  the  Jesuit  seminaries 
at  Braunsberg,  Vienna,  Prague,  Olmiitz,  and  Dillingen,^  for 
he  knew  how  much  depended  on  the  formation  of  a  well- 
trained  clergy.  With  a  view  to  a  general  regeneration  of  the 
German  clergy  he  addressed,  on  April  4th,  1652,  a  circular 
letter  to  the  German  Bishops,  exhorting  them,  by  means  of 
synods  and  visitations,  to  see  to  it  that  the  reform  decrees  of 
Trent  were  carried  into  effect.^  During  the  latter  stages  of  the 
Thirty  Years'  War  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  had  sought  to 
stem  the  moral  decay  of  the  population  by  means  of  popular 
missions  ^  ;  now  that  peace  had  been  restored,  missionaries, 
especially  Jesuits,  with  the  encouragement  of  the  Bishops, 
zealously  devoted  themselves  to  the  unobtrusive  and  exacting 
task  of  giving  such  missions.^  Ecclesiastical  restoration  began 
on  all  sides.  In  the  dioceses  of  Miinster,  Paderborn  and  the 
part  of  the  diocese  of  Cologne  situate  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Rhine,  the  Franciscans  established  new  convents  and  wherever 
this  was  at  all  possible,  they  likewise  founded  mission  stations 
in  the  Protestant  districts.^ 

1  See  the  documented  presentment  in  Duhr,  Geschichte,  III., 
660  seqq. 

-  *Chirografo  d'  Innocenzo  X.  con  Tordine  fermo  per  le  provi- 
sioni  de'  seminarii,  June  12,  1646,  Arch,  of  Propaganda  362,  p.  17. 

^Deutsche  Geschichtshldtter  by  Tille,  XVI,  (1915),  10  seqq. 
The  reform  was  also  furthered  by  the  efforts  of  the  Swiss  nuncios 
to  secure  for  the  stricter  Order  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  Canton  of 
Lucerne  some  of  the  rights  enjoyed  by  the  Cistercians,  which 
led  to  dissensions  that  brought  to  light  Innocent  X.'s  opposition 
to  France  ;  cf.  V.  Liebenau  in  Jahrbitcher  fiir  Schiveiser  Gesch., 
XI.  (1886),  167  seqq.,  184. 

*  Duhr,  Gesch.,  II.,  2,  38  seqq. 

5  Duhr  in  Hist.  lahrh.,  XXXVII.  (igi6),  601  ;  id.  Gesch., 
III.,  660  seqq. 

^  Hist.-poUt.  Blatter,  LXXXVII.,  312;  Woker,  Gesch.  der 
■novddeutschen    Franziskanermissionen,    Freiburg,    1880. 


CONVERSIONS.  I37 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  phenomena  of  the  period 
following  the  Peace  of  Westphalia  is  the  return  to  the  ancient 
Church  of  many  distinguished  and  influential  men  in  Germany. 
In  the  course  of  a  few  3'ears  the  following  were  converted  : 
the  Silesian  Christoj^h,  Count  of  Rantzau,  the  Westphalian 
Johann  von  der  Recke,  George  Christian,  Landgrave  of  Hesse, 
John  Frederick,  Duke  of  Brunswick-Liineburg,  Duke  Ulrich 
of  Wiirttemberg  and  his  daughter  Mary  Anne,  Ernest, 
Landgrave  of  Hesse-Rheinfels,  a  great-nephew  of  bigamous 
Philip  of  Hesse,  the  Governor  of  Silesia,  Count  von  Wetzhausen, 
George  Frederick  Philip  von  Griesheim,  Gustaf  Adolf,  Count 
zu  Nassau-Saarbriickcn,  the  Chancellor  of  Maj^ence,  Johann 
Christian  von  Boynebnrg,  the  archaeologist  and  historian 
Hcinrich  Julius  Blume,  the  Countesses  Palatine  Elizabeth 
.\malia  and  Anna  Sophia,  the  celebrated  poet  and  contro- 
versialist Angelus  Silesius,  author  of  the  lofty  didactic  poems 
of  the  "  Cherubinische  Wandersmann  ",  Count  Johann  Ludwig 
of  Nassau-Hadamar,  the  Lutheran  preacher  Heinrich  Schacht 
and  many  others.^ 

Thus  the  converts  were  for  the  most  part  highly  cultivated 
men  and  members  of  the  upper  clases,^  of  whom  many  lived 

^  Cf.  Rass,  VI.,  366  seq.,  401  seq.,  449  scq.,  456  seq.,  465  seq., 
501  seq.,  513  seqq.,  526  seqq.,  536  seqq.,  558  seqq.,  572  seqq.  ; 
VII.,  I  seqq.,  528  seqq.,  551  seq.  Also  Erdmannsdorfer,  I., 
480  seqq.  ;  Allgem.  Deutsche  Biogr.,  III.,  222  seq.,  X.,  187,  XIII., 
157  seq.,  XIV.,  177  seq.  ;  Heinemann,  Braiinschiveig,  III.,  130 
seq.  ;  Hist.-polit.  Blatter,  XCVII.,  790  seq.  ;  Kocher,  Gesch.  von 
Hannover,  I.,  351  seq.,  II.,  32  seq.  ;  W.  Kratz,  Landgraf  Ernst 
von  Hessen-Rheinfels  iind  die  deutschen  Jesuiten,  Freiburg,  1914  ; 
on  A.  Silesius  see  the  monographs  by  Lindemann  (1876), 
Seltmann  (1896),  Kralik  (1902),  and  G.  Ellinger  (1927). 
Cf.  RiCHSTATTER  in  Stimmeu  der  Zeit.,  CXI.  (1926),  377  seqq., 
and  in  Zcitschr.  fur  Aszese  und  Mystik,  III.  (1928),  79-85.  A 
Brief  of  September  13,  1651,  to  George  Christian  of  Homburg, 
Landgrave  of  Hesse,  congratulating  him  on  his  conversion,  in 
Friede.nsburg,  Regesten,  V.,  91  ;  ibid.,  114  on  the  Princess  of 
Darmstadt. 

-  Harnack   [Dogmengesch.,   III.,   691)   gives  as  one  reason  of 


138  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

in  circumstances  that  rendered  conversion  not  easier  but  more 
difficult  ;  thus  Alexander  Heinrich,  son  of  Duke  Alexander  of 
Sonderburg,  who  came  over  with  his  wife,  forfeited  his 
inheritance  and  became  so  destitute  that  he  had  to  appeal  to 
the  Pope  for  help.^  In  the  case  of  Boyneburg,  a  man 
distinguished  both  as  a  statesman  and  a  scholar,  it  was  the 
idea  of  the  necessity  of  the  unity  of  the  Church  that  led  to  his 
conversion  ^ ;  he  was  also  influenced  by  certain  efforts  to 
bring  about  reunion  such  as  those  pursued  at  that  time  by 
George  Calixt.  That  scholar  and  professor  at  the  University 
of  Helmstedt,  who  in  the  course  of  four  years'  travelling  for 
purposes  of  study,  had  become  personally  acquainted  with 
Catholic  countries  and  who  had  made  a  thorough  study  of 
Christian  antiquity,  no  longer  stood  on  the  platform  of 
orthodox  Lutheranism.  In  1645  he  openly  advocated  his 
views  at  the  peace  conference  convened  at  Thorn  by  Ladislaus, 
King  of  Poland  ;  they  were  to  the  effect  that  all  those  who 
held  fast  to  the  Scriptures  and  the  Apostles'  Creed,  or  more 
accurately  to  the  faith  of  the  first  five  centuries,  must  be 
considered  as  brethren  in  the  faith  and  cannot  be  excluded 
from  salvation.^  In  the  case  of  more  than  one  German  convert 
Prince  of  that  period,  especially  in  that  of  John  Frederick, 
Prince  of  Brunswick,  and  the  Landgrave  Ernest  of  Hesse- 
Rheinfels,  the  change  of  religious  conviction  was  furthered 
by  travel  in  Catholic  countries,  especially  in  Italy,  where 
they  saw  Catholic  personalities  and  Catholic  institutions  in  a 

these  conversions  the  fact  that  at  that  period  CathoUcism  kept 
better  pace  than  Protestantism  with  the  progress  of  cultivated 
circles. 

1  Friedensburg,  Regesten,  V.,  80. 

2  Mentz,  II.,  279,  who  insists  that  Boyneburg  was  moved  by 
real   conviction    and   not   by   any   personal   consideration. 

^  Cf.  E.  L.  Th.  Henke,  Georg  Calixt  nnd  seine  Zeit.,  Halle, 
1853-1860  ;  Freib.  Kirchenlex.,  IP.,  1711  seqq.  On  the 
colloquium  of  Thorn,  cf.  the  specialized  works  of  Ikier  (Halle, 
1889)  and  Iacobi  (Gotha,  1895).  Reasoned  decision  of  Pro- 
paganda on  disputations  with  Protestants  in  Collect.  Propag., 
I.,   30  seq. 


CONVERSIONS.  I39 

light  that  differed  greatly  from  wliat  they  had  been  taught  in 
tlicir  youth.* 

When  Prince  John  Frederick  of  Brunswick,  whom  the  Pope 
recommended  to  the  Emperor  in  a  special  Brief,^  informed  his 
brothers  in  a  letter  from  Rome,  dated  December  29th,  1652, 
of  his  reception  into  the  Catholic  Church  which  had  taken 
place  secretly  in  February,  1651,  he  gave  as  his  reason  his 
realization  of  the  unity  of  the  Catholic  Church,  a  Church  that 
was  in  agreement  with  the  ancient  teaching  of  the  Fathers  and 
the  Scriptures  in  her  moral  teaching,  her  customs  and  her 
Sacraments,  under  one  visible  supreme  Head,  whereas  in  the 
opposite  camp,  disunion  prevailed  and  each  day  witnessed 
fresh  divisions  which  were  bound  to  lead  to  the  utter  destruc- 
tion and  ruin  of  their  beloved  German  fatherland.  John 
Frederick  was  refused  permission  to  practise  the  Catholic 
religion  in  private  so  that  he  had  to  resign  himself  to  live 
abroad.^  In  like  manner  Landgrave  Frnest  of  Hesse-Rheinfels, 
intellectually  the  most  distinguished  prince  of  his  time,  was 
shaken  in  his  convictions  by  his  repeated  stays  in  Catholic 
countries,  though  he  had  been  brought  up  along  strict  Calvinist 
lines  and  his  tutor  had  taken  the  utmost  care  that  he  came 
under  no  Catholic  influence.  He  laid  his  scruples  before  three 
di\ines,  viz.  Calixt  of  Helmstedt,  Crocius  of  ^Marburg,  and 
Haberkorn  of  Giessen,  and  summoned  them  to  enter  into  a 
disputation  with  the  Capuchin  Valerian  Magni  on  some  of  the 
controverted  questions.  Haberkorn  alone  consented  to  do  so 
but  broke  off  the  discussions  because  of  Valerian's  attacks  on 
Luther.  Thereupon,  in  his  joy  at  luning  found  in  the  old 
Church  sure  teaching  as  against  the  divided  opinions  of 
Protestantism,  Ernest,  together  with  his  wife,  made  profession 

'  Menzel,  VI I r.,  208. 

^  Friedensburg,  Regcstcn,  V.,  95  ;  cf.  103,  on  the  bestowal 
of  canonries.  This  shows  the  erroncousness  of  Kocher's  assertion 
{Allgcm.  Deutsche  Biographe,  XIV.,  178)  concerning  Innocent  X.'s 
utter  indifference  towards  these  converts. 

'J.  K.  ScHLEGEL,  Kirchcngesch.  von  Norddcutschlaud,  HI., 
Suppl.  14  ;    KocHKR,  II.,  372  seq. 


140  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

of  the  Catholic  faith  on  Trinity  Sunday,  1652.^  He  wrote  to 
the  Pope  to  inform  him  that  he  had  openly  professed  the  faith 
from  which  his  fathers  had  strayed  and  that  he  had  returned 
to  the  Lord  to  whom  they  had  become  disloyal.  Innocent  X. 
congratulated  him  in  a  Brief,  exhorting  him  at  the  same  time  to 
persevere  in  his  resolve. ^  The  conversion  of  the  Landgrave, 
who  admitted  the  Jesuits  into  the  county  of  Katzenelnbogen, 
nearly  cost  him  his  territory  ;  though  he  escaped  this  extremity 
he  forfeited  his  rights  as  a  sovereign.^  The  nuncio  in  Vienna, 
Scipione  d'Elce,  energetically  intervened  on  behalf  of  Ernest.* 
These  conversions  could  have  no  substantial  bearing  on  the 
religious  situation  in  the  Empire,  were  it  only  that  since  the 
Peace  of  Westphalia  the  year  1624,  which  had  been  agreed 
upon  as  the  norm,  had  force  of  law.  Landgrave  Ernest  told  the 
celebrated  Lukas  Holste  in  February,  1654,  that  his  efforts  to 
bring  the  Lutheran  and  Calvinist  preachers  to  a  better  frame 
of  mind  had  proved  fruitless  ;  alone  Georg  Calixt  had  deigned 
to  send  a  reply.  The  Landgrave  nevertheless  resolved  to  get 
his  confessor  to  publish  a  book  entitled  Invitation  to  the  Catholic 
Faith.  He  was  however,  of  opinion  that  the  Holy  See  should 
concede  Communion  under  both  kinds  as  well  as  the  marriage 
of  priests  after  the  manner  of  the  Greeks.  In  his  letter  he 
likewise  expressed  the  hope  that  the  King  of  Denmark  and 
the  Queen  of  Sweden,  "  both  potentates  of  extraordinarily 
high  gifts,"  would  come  to  see  the  futility  {inept ias)  of  the 
Protestant  teaching.^  In  the  case  of  Queen  Christina  of  Sweden 
that  hope  was  fulfilled  but  Innocent  X.  lay  on  his  death-bed 
when  news  of  that  event  reached  Rome. 

1  Strieder,  Hessische  Gelehrtcn-Gcschichte,  III.,  Gottingen, 
1783,  413  seq.  ;  Menzel,  VIII.,  301  seq.  ;  Rommel,  Leibnitz  und 
Landgraf  Ernst  von  Hessen,  2  vols.,  Frankfort,  1847  ;  Rass, 
VI.,  465  seq.,  and  especially  Kratz,  loc.  cit. 

-  Brief   of    February    17,    1652,    in    Friedensburg,    Rcgestcn, 

v.,  98. 

'  Mentz,  II.,  205. 

^  Seethe  *Osservazioni,  188, Vat.  Lib.,  quoted  above,  p.  133,  n.  3. 

5  Original  of  *letter,  dated  Rhcinfels,  February  16,  1654,  in 
Barb.  3631,  n.  64,  Vat.  Lib. 


CATHOLICS  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS.    I4I 

On  January  .'JOth,  1(1 1<S,  a  peace  treaty  between  Spain  and 
the  United  States  of  the  Netherlands  was  signed  at  Miinster, 
but  that  settlement  was  so  disadvantageous  for  the  Catholic 
Church  in  Holland  that  on  this  occasion  also  the  nuncio  lodged 
a  protest  in  the  name  of  the  Pope.^  The  Spaniards  had  almost 
completely  kept  the  negotiations  from  the  knowledge  of  the 
representative  of  the  Holy  See,^  because  they  could  obtain  no 
advantage  for  religion.  As  a  matter  of  fact  Spain  ended  by 
renouncing  its  full  sovereignty  over  the  almost  wholly  Catholic 
parts  of  Brabant,  Flanders  and  Limburg,  which  it  ceded  to 
the  States  General,  and  for  its  own  territory  it  consented  to 
silent  toleration  of  Protestantism.  This  situation  was  ruthlessly 
exploited  by  the  States  General.  Scarcely  had  the  Treaty  of 
Miinster  been  signed  when  the  Bishop  of  Ghent  saw  his  diocese 
swept  by  a  flood  of  preachers,  whereas  at  the  very  same  time 
Holland  refused  to  admit  Spanish  priests,  even  though  they 
were  duly  provided  with  passports.^  Already  in  May,  1648, 
an  order  of  the  States  General  had  been  issued  throughout  the 
newly  acquired  provinces  for  the  removal  from  the  churches  of 
images,  statues  and  other  ornaments.  At  BoisTe-Duc  all 
Church  property  was  confiscated  and  the  expulsion  of  priests 
and  religious  was  a  daily  occurrence.  All  the  remonstrances 
of  the  Spanish  Government  on  the  subject  proved  as 
unavailing  *  as  the  protest  against  the  illegal  oppression  of  the 
Catholics  in  the  county  of  Lingen.  Nevertheless  nuncio  Chigi 
continued  to  work  in  favour  of  the  Dutch  Catholics  by 
diplomatic  means  •''  but  the  results  amounted  to  next  to 
nothing. 

In  July,  1648,  a  synod  of  Dutch  preachers  expatiated  on  the 
dangers  threatening  from  Rome  and  demanded  fresh  measures 
against  the  Catholics,  but  the  States  General  declared  that  the 

'  This  protest,  which  was  .strictly  kept  secret  for  the  sake  of 
llie  Dutch  Catholics  who  were  already  hard  pre.ssed  enough, 
has  only  become  known  through  Brom  (III.,  437  seq.),  ibid.,  489. 

-  Brom,   III.,  425  seq. 

'    HUBKRT,    I  13,    158. 

*  HuBF.RT,  115  ;    cf.  Brom,  439  seqq. 
'  Brom,  IIL,  446  srq.,  451  seq. 


142  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

ordinances  of  August  30th,  1G41,  were  adequate,  in  fact  they 
agreed  to  a  few  "  mitigations  "  of  the  decisions  taken  at  that 
date  :  thus  collections  for  Catholic  purposes  were  no  longer  to 
be  punishable  by  death  and  arrested  Jesuits  were  not  to  be 
whipped  out  of  the  country  ;  they  were  merely  banished.^ 
In  1651  the  preachers  raised  fresh  cries  of  alarm  on  the  plea 
that  there  was  reason  to  fear  that,  as  in  Ireland,  the  Catholics 
were  planning  a  massacre  of  the  Protestants  ;  accordingly  they 
demanded  the  withdrawal  of  the  few  privileges  still  enjoyed  by 
the  former  as  well  as  new  penal  laws  and  compulsory 
attendance  at  Protestant  services.  However,  the  States 
General  rejected  these  measures  as  impossible  of  execution. 

Though  the  preachers  never  ceased  to  clamour  for  the 
destruction  of  the  Catholics,  the  Government  refused  to  stir  ; 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  was  due  to  consideration  for 
the  interests  of  trade. ^  The  condition  of  the  Catholics  in  the 
Dutch  Republic  nevertheless  remained  an  anxious  one  and  it 
became  increasingly  difficult  to  minister  to  their  spiritual 
needs.  When,  in  1649,  James  de  la  Torre,  Archbishop  of 
Ephesus  and  Coadjutor  of  Rovenius,  the  Vicar  Apostolic, 
wished  to  hold  a  confirmation  at  Zijdewind  in  North  Holland, 
the  Catholics  had  to  guard  him  from  insults.  The  consequence 
was  the  banishment  of  the  Archbishop  and  the  Catholic 
priest,  the  destruction  of  the  chapel  and  a  fine  of  8,300  florins 
for  the  burgher  who  had  called  upon  the  Catholics  to  protect 
their  chief  pastor.^  The  tribulations  of  the  Dutch  Catholics 
continued  during  the  ensuing  years.* 

(2.) 
Far  worse  were  the  sufferings  of  the  Catholics  in  many 
parts    of    Great    Britain,    but    there   also  they    maintained 

1  Even  the  representative  of  the  pro\-ince  of  Holland  protested 
against  this  measure  ;    cf.  Knuttel,  I.,  251. 
-  Hubert,  250,  253  seq. 

*  See  Bijdragen  voor  de  geschiedenis  van  het  bisdoni  Haarlem, 
HI.,  161  seqq.  On  Jesuit  missions  in  Holland,  cf.  Poncelet, 
Les  Jesuites  en  Belgique,  33  seqq. 

*  Block,  V.,  53,   133. 


CATHOLICS    IN    ENGLAND.  I43 

themselves  with  "  wonderful  fortitude  ".^  In  the  first  years  of 
Innocent  X.  that  unhappy  monarch,  Charles  I.,  had  given  his 
Catholic  subjects  some  hope  of  religious  toleration,  as  he  had 
done  under  Urban  \'III.  On  one  occasion,  in  the  year  1646,^ 
he  observed  to  his  Catholic  wife  that  if  the  adherents  of  the 
old  faith  would  stand  by  him  with  all  their  hearts,  he  would 
promise  them  freedom  of  conscience  on  his  royal  word.  At 
the  beginning  of  June,  1647,  he  caused  a  letter  to  be  presented 
to  Innocent  X.  through  Somerset,  in  which  he  prayed  for 
pecuniary  assistance  and  hinted  at  recognition  by  himself  both 
of  papal  supremacy  and  the  Catholic  faith. ^  The  Pope  replied 
that  since  his  assistance  was  chiefly  given  to  Catholic  princes, 
he  prayed  that  God  would  enlighten  the  King  so  that  he  might 
find  the  way  to  the  true  Church.^  When  a  rapprochement  took 
place  between  Cromwell  and  the  King,  Charles  I.  and  his 
army  were  inclined  to  extend  the  general  religious  freedom  to 
those  Catholics  also  who  were  prepared  to  take  a  modified  oath 
of  allegiance.  A  draft  for  an  oath  of  this  kind,  after  it  had  been 
examined  by  some  Catholic  theologians,  was  dispatched  to 
Rome  for  the  Pope's  approval,  together  with  a  petition  bearing 

>  This  is  the  opinion  of  tlie  strict  Protestant  Mevkk  {Propa- 
ganda, II.,  g). 

-  March  12,  164C,  Gardixf.r,  Civil  War,  II.,  443. 

'  LiNGARD,  X.,  418  seq.  In  1645  Glamorgan  showed  to  the 
Irish  nuncio  Rinuccini  the  heading  of  a  rojal  letter  which  reads 
thus  :  "  Beatissimo  Patri  Innocentio  Decimo  "  (AiAZZi,  81). 
A  royal  letter  of  recommcndantion  for  Glamorgan  to  Rinuccini 
of  April  30,  1645,  ibid.,  82.  Already  on  May  10,  1645,  the  nuncio 
of  Naples  was  told  in  a  *letter  that  the  English  oath  was  being 
studied  by  the  Inquisition  [Nunziat.  di  Xapolt,  39  A.,  Pap.  Sec. 
Arch.).  A  letter  from  London,  July  19,  1647,  according  to  which 
the  Independents  were  ready  to  grant  limited  religious  liberty 
also  to  the  Catholics,  is  found  in  Rankk,  Eiigl.  Gcsch.,  IIP.,  281. 

*  ♦Brief  of  June  29,  1647,  in  Innocentii  X.  Epist.,  II. -III., 
188,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch.  The  hope  of  the  conversion  of  Charles  is 
also  expressed  in  Servantius,  *Diaria  of  March  12,  1649,  Pap. 
Sec.  Arch.  The  Catholic  zeal  of  the  Duchess  of  Buckingham 
is  commended  in  a  *Brief  of  June  24,  1647,  in  linwccutii  X. 
Fpist..  II.    III.,   186,  xfnd. 


144  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  signatures  of  fifty  laymen.^  Rome,  however,  could  not 
countenance  the  fact  that  laymen  should  presume  to  decide 
whether  in  certain  circumstances  the  Pope  could  absolve 
subjects  from  their  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  secular  power, 
hence  the  Roman  Congregation  rejected  the  petition. ^ 

On  the  other  hand  after  Urban  VIII. 's  death,  Charles  I. 
no  longer  counted  so  far  as  the  destiny  of  England  was 
concerned.  Shortly  before  Innocent  X.'s  elevation  the 
battle  of  Naseby,  June  14th,  1G45,  had  dealt  a  decisive  blow 
to  English  kingship.  From  that  moment  Cromwell  gradually 
became  the  real  master  of  the  country  and  though  he  lacked 
the  royal  title,  he  gathered  more  power  in  his  hand  than  any 
English  King  had  ever  wielded  ^  ;  in  fact  the  title  "  Emperor 
of  the  British  Isles  "  was  actually  suggested  as  an  appropriate 
one.* 

Cromwell's  conduct  after  his  victory  could  but  fill  the 
Catholics  with  anxious  forebodings.  On  October  14th,  1645, 
his  victorious  army  stood  before  the  magnificent,  strongly 
fortified  castle  of  Basing  House.  Its  owner,  the  Catholic 
Marquis  of  Winchester,  had  remained  loyal  to  the  King  ; 
"  Loyalty  House  "  was  the  Marquis'  favourite  name  for 
his  castle  whereas  his  enemies  nursed  a  particular  hatred  for 
it  as  "  a  nest  of  Romanists  "  ;  as  for  Cromwell,  he  looked  upon 
himself,  during  the  siege,  as  God's  champion  against  the 
powers  of  darkness,  against  the  idolaters  sheltering  behind 
these  walls  with  their  idols.  "  Let  them  that  make  them  become 
like  unto  them,  and  all  such  as  trust  in  them,"  he  quoted  from 
the  psalm,  in  order  to  justify  what  followed  the  storming  of 
the  place.  After  the  fall  of  the  place  there  was  no  longer 
question  of  sparing  the  lives  of  either  men  or  women.  Six 
out  of  the  ten  priests  who  had  found  a  refuge  in  the  castle 
were  killed  on  the  spot,  the  others  were  reserved  for  the  gallows 
and  the  knife  and  about  a  hundred  of  the  defenders  of  the 

^  Gardiner,  Civil  War,  III.,  187. 

-  Gardiner,  Commonwealth,  I.,  90  ;    Reusch,  Index,  II.,  335. 
'  Sagredo  in  Lingard,  XL,  55. 

*  A.  D.  Meyer,  in  Quellen  xmd  Forschttngen  aus  italienischen 
Archiven,  X.,  Rome,  1907,  235. 


CATHOLICS    IN    ENGLAND.  I45 

castle  were  massacred.^  A  contemporary  newspaper  says  that 
"  the  enemy  desired  no  quarter  and  I  beheve  that  they  had 
but  httle  ollercd  them  ;  you  must  remember  what  they  were  ; 
they  were  most  of  them  Papists  ;  therefore  our  muskets  and 
our  swords  did  show  but  httlc  compassion  " ? 

On  the  other  hand  tlie  fears  to  wliich  these  events  were 
bound  to  give  rise  were  only  partially  realized  in  the  sequel. 
In  1G4G  three  priests  were  indeed  executed  because  of  their 
priesthood  but  after  that,  up  till  1()79,  only  the  years  1G51 
and  1654  witnessed  the  death  of  one  priest  each,  out  of  all  the 
Catholic  clergy.^  But  the  position  of  the  Catholics  remained 
an  exceedingly  diihcult  one.  To  what  extent  they  had  been 
impoverished,  as  a  result  of  the  plunderings  and  violences  of 
the  Civil  War,  is  shown  by  an  appeal  addressed  by  the  English 
Jesuits  to  the  other  Provinces  of  the  Order  in  IGlo.  Their 
friends,  we  read,  had  been  robbed  by  Parliament  either  of  a 
large  part  of  their  property  or  even  of  the  whole  of  it,  so  that 
they  were  no  longer  in  a  position  to  give  the  assistance  on 
which  they  had  to  depend  both  at  home  and  in  Flanders  ; 
though  200  Jesuits  still  exercised  their  sacred  functions, 
as  best  they  could,  from  their  hiding  places  and  amid  great 
privations,  there  was  no  possibility  of  i)ro\-iding  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  remaining  eighty  ;  hence  the  foreign 
Provinces  were  asked  to  find  employment  for  them  either  as 
teachers  or  in  ministering  to  English  Catholics  abroad.* 
Ten  years  later,  in  the  year  of  Innocent  X.'s  death,  we  learn 
from  a  Jesuit  report  from  Lancashire  and  Staffordshire  that  the 
Fathers  could  be  sure  neither  of  revenue  nor  alius,  by  reason 
of  the  bad  times  and  because  the  Catholics  were  ruined.^ 
^'et,  as  another  report  informs  us,  notwithstanding  the 
inhuman  robberies  committed  by  the  heretics,  and  the 
utter  destructi(jn  of  tlicir  possessions,  the  faithful  continued 

1  Gardiner,  Civil  War,   IT.,   344-7. 

*  Ihid.,  347,  n.  2. 

'  Spili.mann,   I\".,   3o<),  319,  320  scqq. 

*  Foley,   \1I.,    i  ;    ("XLIIL,  seq. 
^  Ibid.,  CXL\I1. 

VOL.    .X.XX.  L 


146  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

most  loyally  to  do  their  duty  to  God  and  His  ministers.^ 
In  1G53  the  College  of  Saint-Omer  ^  still  numbered  126  pupils, 
mostly  from  the  best  families,  "  so  little  do  English  Catholics 
allow  themselves  to  be  deterred  by  the  unhappy  times  from 
procuring  the  best  education  for  their  children." 

Meanwhile  the  religious  divisions  among  the  Protestants 
were  taking  the  most  ominous  forms.  "  At  this  time  of  law- 
lessness," Baillie  wrote  in  1643,  "  the  disunion  of  the  people 
grows  week  by  week.  The  party  of  the  Independents  is  on  the 
increase,  that  of  the  Anabaptists  is  even  more  so,  and  both 
are  surpassed  by  that  of  the  Antinomians."  ^  A  publication  of 
the  time  enumerates  the  following  contemporary  sects : 
the  Independents,  Brownists,  Millenarians,  Antinomians, 
Anabaptists,  Arminians,  Libertines,  Familists,  Enthusiasts, 
Seekers,  Perfectists,  Socinians,  Arians,  Antitrinitarians, 
Antiscripturists,  Sceptics.*  As  early  as  1641  ^  the  Venetian 
ambassador,  Giovanni  Giustiniani,  expressed  the  opinion  that 
in  point  of  fact  the  religious  disorders  could  hardly  grow  worse  ; 
persons  from  the  dregs  of  the  populace  and  even  women 
appeared  in  the  pulpit  ;  there  were  as  many  religions  as  there 
were  heads  and  any  opinion  is  tolerated  so  long  as  it  is  not 
Catholic.  The  idea  of  universal  toleration  was  bound  to  arise  ^ 
but  it  is  characteristic  that  a  publication  which  went  furthest 
in  its  demand  for  religious  freedom  nevertheless  excludes 
Catholics,  and  this  on  the  plea  that  they  were  idolaters,  though 
the  writer  was  in  favour  of  the  fines  for  non-attendance  at 
Anglican  services  being  remitted.'  Among  all  the  contemporary 
advocates  of  liberty  of  belief  Jeremy  Taylor  is  the  only  one  to 

1  Ibid. 

^  Annual  report,  ibid.,  11 69. 

^  Gardiner,  Civil  War,  I.,  314. 

*  LiNGARD,  X.,  192  note. 
'^  Brosch,  Cromwell,  211. 

*  A.  D.  Meyer,  Der  Toleranz  gedanke  im  England  der  Stuarts  : 
Hist.  Zeitsch.,  CVIII.  (1912),  254-294  ;  Gardiner,  I.,  324-344  ; 
II.,    136-140. 

''  Thus  the  author  of  Liberty  of  conscience  or  the  sole  means  to 
obtain  peace  and  truth,  in  Gardiner,  I.,  342. 


CROMWELL   AND    RELIGIOUS    FREEDOM.        I47 

concede  to  Catholics  a  qualified  toleration.'  In  1G49  General 
Fairfax  and  his  officers  demanded  from  Parliament  the 
abolition  of  all  penal  laws  in  connection  with  religion,  with  the 
exception,  however,  of  Catholics,  Anglicans  and  such  sects 
as  despise  God  or  His  word  ;  however,  a  petition  of  Cromwell 
of  the  same  period  makes  no  mention  of  a  limitation  of  this 
kind.2 

There  are  other  reasons  for  thinking  that  in  point  of  fact 
Cromwell  was  by  no  means  opposed  to  the  concession  of 
liberty  of  religion. ^  Even  as  a  military  commander  he  had  for 
ever  the  name  of  God  and  Scripture  texts  on  his  lips,  after  the 
manner  of  the  Puritans,  but  if  a  man  could  serve  his  purposes 
he  did  not  narrowly  inquire  into  his  religious  opinions.* 
On  one  occasion,  in  1652,  he  observed  that  he  would  rather 
see  Islam  tolerated  than  a  child  of  God  persecuted,^  though  it 
is  not  clear  what  he  understood  by  a  child  of  God.  This 
observation  was  made  by  him  during  the  discussion  of  a  bill 
which,  contrary  to  custom,  did  not  expressly  mention 
Catholics  and  Anglicans  as  excluded  from  religious  toleration. 
However,  the  bill  was  conceived  in  the  spirit  of  John  Owen  who 
was  unwilling  to  grant  to  Catholics  the  right  of  freely  holding 
religious  assemblies.^  In  order  to  calm  Protestant  excitement 
which  had  arisen  in  consequence  of  rumours  of  fresh 
conspiracies  by  the  Catholics,  Cromwell  had  a  priest  executed 
in  1654,  precisely  because  of  his  priesthood,'  and  on  occasion 
he   would   indulge   in    violent    language   against    the    Pope.^ 

*  Meyer,  he.  cit.,  269.  To  the  question  of  his  opponent 
Cheyncll,  whether  he  admitted  that  anyone  can  be  saved  whether 
he  Hves  and  dies  as  a  Turk,  a  Papist  or  a  Socinian,  ChiHingworth, 
the  champion  of  Tolerance  answers  :  That  he  neither  condemned 
nor  absolved.    Gardiner,  I.,  332. 

*  Gardiner,  Commonwealth,  I.,  192. 
=•  Ibid.,  II.,  223  ;    III.,  107. 

*  Gardiner,   Civil  War,   II.,   217  scq.,  295. 
'  Ibid.,  30. 

*  Gardiner,  Civil  War,  II.,  26. 

'    Ibid.,   462  ;     LiNGARD,   XL,   23. 

*  LiNGAKD,  XL,  79,  108. 


148  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  on  more  than  one  occasion  his  words  and 
actions  behed  all  he  had  said  in  favour  of  religious  toleration.^ 

Whatever  may  have  been  Cromwell's  personal  opinions, 
Parliament  refused  to  grant  toleration  to  the  adherents  of  the 
old  religion.  When  after  Charles  I. 's  defeat  a  compromise  had  to 
be  negotiated  between  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Independents, 
Cromwell  brought  in  a  bill  which  the  House  of  Lords  passed 
on  October  13th,  1647  ;  by  its  terms  Presbyterianism  was  to 
have  a  privileged  position  though  in  such  wise  that  those  who 
held  other  opinions  were  not  interfered  with,  so  long  as  they 
did  not  disturb  the  peace,  but  even  so  toleration  was  withheld 
from  those  who  professed  the  "  popish  religion  ",  all  those 
who  did  not  take  the  standpoint  of  the  Apostles'  creed  and  the 
adherents  of  doctrines  whom  the  law  barred  from  the  Com- 
munion. The  lines  for  non-attendance  at  Church  were  to  be 
maintained.^ 

The  bill  failed  to  pass  through  the  Lower  House,  though  it 
gave  rise  to  a  curious  discussion. ^  The  Independent  Selden 
demanded  toleration  even  for  Catholics,  since  they  too  believed 
in  Jesus  Christ,  whilst  his  sympathizer  Marten  asked  why 
Catholics  should  not  be  tolerated,  seeing  that  the  Presbyterians 
were.  They  were  told  that  Catholics  were  idolaters  and 
acknowledged  a  foreigner  as  their  Head.    Whereupon  Selden 

^  W.  HoLDEN  HuTTON  {The  English  Church  from  the  accession 
of  Charles  I.  to  the  death  of  Anne,  London,  1903,  150  seqq.)  thus 
judges  the  tolerance  of  Cromwell  :  "  It  is  difficult  to  avoid  the 
dilemma  of  either  convicting  him  of  gross  inconsistency  or 
regarding  him  as  a  pure  opportunist.  Passage  after  passage 
from  his  letters  and  his  speeches  may  be  quoted  to  show  his 
assertion  of  the  right  to  complete  freedom  in  belief.  .  .  .  But,  on 
the  other  side,  there  are  words  as  strong  and  acts  much  stronger. 
.  .  .  The  possession  of  religious  ideals  different  from  his  own  was 
an  intolerable  crime  in  his  eyes.  He  could  never  really  allow 
freedom  of  belief  to  Irish  Romanists,  or  Scottish  Presbyterians, 
or  English  Churchmen.  .  .  .  The  Puritan  position,  as  he  himself 
saw  it,  was  the  only  real  Christianity  for  him." 

2  Gardiner,  Civil  War,  III.,  210  seqq. 

3  Ibid.,  212  seq. 


SEEMING   TOLERATION.  I49 

observed  on  the  next  day  that  veneration  of  Saints  was  not 
the  same  thing  as  adoration  of  Saints,  whilst  Marten  told  the 
Presbyterians  that  he  preferred  a  single  tyrant  in  a  distant 
country  to  one  in  every  parish  and  that  the  Protestant  clergy 
fought  the  Catholic  clergy  solely  because  of  their  superior 
morality.^  It  goes  without  saying  that  these  arguments  proved 
unavailing.  The  Catholics,  who  had  flocked  in  large  numbers  to 
the  sitting,  had  presented  a  petition  in  which  they  sought  to 
refute  one  of  the  most  odious  calumnies  against  their  religion, 
that  is,  they  protested  against  the  accusation  that  according 
to  Catholic  teaching  it  was  lawful  to  resist  or  to  kill  an 
excommunicated  King.  The  petition  was  not  even  accepted.^ 
Nevertheless  some  hope  seemed  to  dawn  for  the  adherents 
of  the  ancient  faith  when  on  September  27th,  1650,  Parliament 
repealed  the  penalties  for  non-attendance  at  Protestant 
services.  Henceforth  no  one  was  to  be  fined  for  such  neglect, 
provided  he  attended  some  religious  service  or  other  on 
Sundays  and  on  holy  days  established  by  law,  but  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  the  prohibition  of  the  Mass  was  maintained,  this 
alleviation  could  not  be  of  any  great  value  for  Catholics.^ 
In  February  of  that  year  the  oaths  of  supremacy  and  allegiance 
were  replaced  by  an  assurance  of  loyalty  to  the  Republic  but 
the  oath  of  1643  was  maintained  ;  by  this  oath  all  those 
doctrines  were  denied  which  were  considered  as  specifically 
Catholic  dogmas,  namely  the  Pope's  supremacy,  transubstan- 
tiation,  Purgatory,  adoration  of  the  Host,  veneration  of  the 
crucifix  and  the  Saints,  justification  by  good  works.'*  When  the 

^  That  the  Protestant  clergy  detested  the  Catholic  priests 
simply  on  account  of  their  superior  chastity.    Ibid.,  212. 

*  Ibid. 

'  Gardiner,  Commonwealth,  I.,  396. 

*  "  I,  A.  B.,  do  abjure  and  renounce  the  Pope's  supremacy 
and  authority  over  the  Catholic  Church  in  general,  and  over 
myself  in  particular.  And  I  believe,  that  there  is  not  any  Trans- 
substantiation.  .  .  .  And  I  do  also  believe,  that  there  is  not  any 
Purgatory,  or  that  the  Consecrated  Host,  crucifixes  or  images 
ought  to  be  worshipped.  .  .  .  And  I  also  believe,  that  salvation 
cannot  be  merited  by  works  ;    and  all  doctrines  in  affirmation 


150  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

royalists  attempted  a  rising,  a  proclamation  of  April  26th, 
1655,  demanded  the  oath  not  only  from  the  laity  but  from  the 
priests  also  and  the  Jesuits  ;  anyone  refusing  it  was  held  to 
be  a  papist,  forfeited  two-thirds  of  his  property  and  nearly  all 
civil  rights.^  Consequently  it  was  of  no  advantage  that  the 
laws  against  non-attendance  at  church  no  longer  existed 
since  the  Catholics'  money  was  taken  from  them  on  the  ground 
of  their  refusal  to  abjure  papal  authority.^  In  1650  the 
Government's  revenue  from  confiscated  Catholic  property 
amounted  to  £62,000,  the  revenue  from  thirteen  districts  not 
being  included  in  this  total. ^  The  possessions  of  the  Catholics 
were  considered  a  fruitful  source  from  which  the  Government 
might  relieve  its  need  of  money.*  By  a  law  of  the  same  year, 
1650,  the  same  reward  was  promised  for  the  discovery  of 
priests  or  Jesuits  and  those  who  sheltered  them  as  for  the 
capture  of  a  highwayman.  Judges  and  accusers  were  once 
more  busy  ;  Catholics  might  have  their  houses  searched  at 
any  hour  of  the  day  or  night  ;  however,  only  one  of  the 
arrested  priests,  Peter  Wright,  died  at  the  executioner's  hand, 
the  others  were  deported.^  In  1655  a  fresh  decree  ordered  all 
priests,  under  pain  of  death,  to  leave  the  Kingdom,  and  all 
Catholics  were  banished  to  within  twenty  miles  of  the  capital.^ 
In  the  so-called  "  Instrument  of  Government  "  which  estab- 
lished Cromwell's  Protectorate  in  1653,  the  adherents  of  the 
old  religion  were  excluded  from  toleration  ' ;  the  same  applies 
also  to  the  Constitution  of  1657.^ 

of  the  said  points,  I  do  abjure  and  renounce,  without  any  equivoca- 
tion, etc."  RusHWORTH,  Historical  Collections,  V.,  141  ;  The 
Month,  LXXXIV.  (1895),  191  ;  Aiazzi,  482-6.  Cf.  Pollen 
in  The  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  XL,  179  ;  Bridgett  in  The  Month, 
loc.  cit.  ;  Gardiner,  Commonwealth,  II.,  322  ;   Lingard,  X.,  128. 

1  Gardiner,  loc.  cit.,  III.,  225  ;   Lingard,  X.,  393. 

2  Gardiner,   Commonwealth,   III.,   224. 

3  Lingard,  X.,  399. 
^  Ibid.,  397. 

*  Ibid.,  399. 

«  Ibid.,  XL,  53. 

7  Ibid..  18.  »  Ibid.,  97.    Cf.  Hughes,  II.,  55. 


CHARLES  II.  AND  THE  CATHOLICS.     151 

When  after  a  ten  years'  inlciru{)tion,  Venice  sent  an 
ambassador  to  London,  from  September,  1(555,  till  February, 
1G5G,  the  latter  reported  home  that  the  intention  of  the 
l^nglish  Government  was  to  rob  the  Catholics  of  their  property 
whilst  letting  them  have  as  many  Masses  as  they  might  wish 
for.^  Thus  under  ("romwell's  Government  the  situation  of  the 
Catholics  seemed  to  have  become  somewhat  easier.  In  the 
following  year  ^  the  French  ambassador,  Bordeaux,  inferred 
from  the  forbearance  of  the  Government,  the  number  of 
priests  in  London,  the  crowds  that  attended  the  Embassy 
chapels,  that  it  appeared  that  under  the  Protector,  Catholics 
were  better  treated  than  under  the  governments  that  had  gone 
before.  This  did  not  prevent  the  arrest,  on  one  occasion,  of 
100  Catholics  as  they  left  the  Venetian  Embassy  ChapeL^ 
Inroads  into  the  possessions  of  Catholics  continued  even 
beyond  Innocent  X.'s  pontificate.  When,  in  1657,  they  were 
threatened  with  a  fresh  enforcement  of  the  laws  of  1655,  they 
ended  by  offering  to  buy  themselves  off  with  a  gift  of  ;^50,000 
a  year  ;  however,  Cromwell  demanded  ;^80,000.* 

After  the  execution  of  Charles  I.,  his  son,  the  future 
Charles  II.,  disputed  the  Protector's  power  for  some  time. 
Towards  the  Pope  and  the  Catholics  he  adopted  at  that  time 
the  same  attitude  as  his  father.  In  1649  he  dispatched  to 
Rome  Robert  Meynell,  with  letters  of  recommendation  ^ 
to  all  such  persons  as,  in  his  judgment,  might  further  his  hope 
of  recovering  the  throne.  In  a  letter  of  Lord  Cottington  to 
Cardinal  Capponi,  the  young  prince  promised  to  show  favour 
to  his  Catholic  subjects  if  the  Pope  were  willing  to  lend  him 
pecuniary  assistance  ;  as  a  matter  of  fact  he  also  hoped  to 
influence  the  Catholic  Powers  in  his  favour  through  the  Pope.* 

^  Sagredo  in  Gardinkr,  loc.  cit.,  225. 

-  October  5  (September  25),  1656,  ibid.,  226. 

'  Ibid.,  225. 

*  The  successor  of  the  \'enetian  ambassador  Sagredo,  the 
agent  Giavarina,  on  October  5,  1657,  i"  Brosch,  Cromwell, 
429,    note. 

"  Of  July  28  (August  7),  1649,  in  Gardiner,  I.,  79. 

»  Ibid.,  219. 


152  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

However,  these  efforts  proved  unfortunate  for  the  young 
pretender,  for  a  memorial  apparently  addressed  to  Innocent  X. 
by  Meynell,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  republicans  and  its 
publication  ^  could  not  but  grievously  damage  the  royal  cause 
in  the  eyes  of  the  Protestants. ^  The  document  stated  that  it 
was  a  well-known  fact  that  Charles  had  cherished  sincere 
leanings  towards  the  Catholic  faith,  even  whilst  his  father  was 
alive  ;  he  had  accordingly  promised  to  the  Irish  Catholics 
not  only  freedom  to  practise  their  religion  but  even  the 
restoration  of  their  property.^  At  that  time  the  young  prince 
was  under  the  most  diverse  influences  and  it  cannot  be  said 
that  he  stood  like  a  rock  among  these  contrary  currents. 
In  1650  the  royalists  of  London  advised  him  to  give  to  the 
Catholics  a  secret  promise  of  religious  freedom  *  whilst  the 
Scottish  divines  described  such  a  step  as  sinful.^  Charles  fell 
back  on  equivocations  :  to  the  Cavaliers,  who  took  up  his 
cause,  he  promised  freedom  of  conscience  ^  but  to  the  Scots 
the  execution  of  the  anti-Catholic  laws,  with  the  exception 
of  the  agreements  with  the  Irish.''  After  his  defeat  by  Cromwell 
at  Worcester  in  1651  and  during  his  flight,  he  had  some 
discussions  with  a  Catholic  priest  to  whom  he  gave  to  under- 
stand that  he  would  return  to  the  ancient  Church  if  the 
Pope  would  take  up  his  cause.  Innocent  X.  did  not  allow 
himself  to  be  deluded,  though  Charles  renewed  his  promise  to 
protect  the  English  Catholics  and  the  Irish,  if  the  Pope 
and  the    Catholic   Powers   would   intervene   on  his   behalf.^ 

1  On  July  i6,  1650. 

2  Gardiner,  Comynonivealth,  L,  299  seq.  On  the  authenticity 
of  the  document,  ibid.,  300,  note. 

*  LiNGARD,  XL,  70  seq. 

*  Gardiner,  I.,  217  seq. 
5  Ibid.,  220. 

«  Ibid.,  221. 

->  Ibid.,  226. 

8  Ibid.,  II.,  95.  Cf.  Lingard,  XL,  70,  note.  According  to  the 
contemporary  testimony  of  the  archfeologist  Thomas  Blount 
{ob.  1679),  it  was  the  Catholics  who  helped  the  young  King 
on  his  adventurous  flight  for  safety  :    "To  which  I  shall  add 


CHARLES   I.    AND    THE    IRISH.  I53 

Even  before  this  he  had  held  out  similar  promises  to  the 
CathoHcs.^ 

(3.) 

The  opening  years  of  Innocent  X.'s  reign  were  decisive 
ones  both  for  the  fate  of  Charles  I.  and  for  Catholic  Ireland. 
Until  then  the  fortune  of  arms  had  smiled  on  the  Irish  ; 
apparentl}'  little  was  to  be  feared  from  a  divided  England,  and 
Catholic  worship  was  once  more  publicly  celebrated.  But 
instead  of  commanding  England's  respect  by  a  firm  and 
decided  attitude  and  thus  compelling  her  to  concede  religious 
liberty,  as  the  Old-Irish  and  the  papal  envoy  Scarampi 
desired,  recourse  was  had  to  the  weakly  contrivance  of 
negotiations  with  the  King  and  the  Viceroy.-  These  negotia- 
tions continued  even  after  the  armistice  of  Castlemartin  in 
1643.  At  Oxford  Charles  I.  had  only  given  vague  promises, 
and  on  September  6th,  1644,  the  negotiations  were  resumed  at 
Dublin  with  his  representative,  the  Viceroy  Ormond.     The 

but  this  one  circumstance,  that  it  was  performed  by  persons  for 
the  most  part  of  that  religion  which  has  long  suffered  under  an 
imputation  (laid  on  them  by  some  mistaken  zealots)  of  disloyalty 
to  their  sovereign."  Blount,  Boscohel,  I.,  edit,  by  C.  G.  Thomas, 
London,  1894,  78.     Cf.  The  Month,  CXLVII.  (1926),  212. 

^  Gardiner,  I.,  270. 

*  Cf.  Vol.  XXIX.,  337  seqq.,  of  this  work  and  the  Report  of 
Rinuccini,  in  Aiazzi,  391-3.  Ibid.,  on  p.  397  we  read  :  "  lo 
trovai  nel  ingresso  le  cose  spirituali  in  buonissimo  termine  e 
I'esercizio  della  religione  splendido  e  bene  ordinato."  Cf.  "  *Rerum 
Hibernicarum  ab  initio  postremi  belli  gestorum  et  praesentis 
status  epitome  ad  Innocentium  X.  auctore  Carolo  Francisco 
Invernitio  Mediolanensi,"  1645,  Barb.  2242,  Vatican  Library. 
There  it  is  stated,  p.  51 1',  that  after  the  cessation  of  the  persecu- 
tion a  great  many  religious  returned  to  Ireland  :  1,000  (?) 
Franciscans,  400  Dominicans,  40  calced  and  20  discalccd  Carme- 
lites, 40  Capuchins,  80  Augustinians,  10  Benedictines,  60 
Cistercians  ;  the  Jesuits  worked  with  great  success,  especially 
among  the  young.  The  Pope  is  asked  to  help  Ireland  ;  he  would 
sufier  great  loss  if  Parliament  and  the  Scots  were  victorious. 


154  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Irish  demanded  the  repeal  of  all  the  laws  against  theit 
religious  freedom  and  against  appeals  to  Rome,  as  well  as  the 
suppression  of  the  Statute  of  Praemunire.  Meanwhile  one 
party  headed  by  Muskerry  was  of  opinion  that  the  anti- 
religious  laws  would  fall  into  abeyance  of  their  own  accord 
once  Charles  I.  had  again  a  free  hand,  hence  all  they  demanded 
was  a  guarantee  for  the  safety  of  Irishmen's  life  and  propert}'. 
Thereupon  Charles  instructed  Ormond  to  promise  that,  to 
begin  with,  the  penal  laws  would  not  be  applied  and  as  soon 
as  he  should  have  recovered  his  throne,  with  the  help  of  the 
Irish,  he  would  abolish  them  altogether,  but  the  Statute  of 
Praemunire  would  have  to  remain.^  Ormond  did  not  relish 
the  risk  of  acting  as  a  go-between  in  negotiations  of  this 
kind,  consequently  he  offered  his  resignation  to  the  king,  but 
all  that  Charles  would  consent  to  was  to  appoint  Herbert, 
Earl  of  Raglan,  as  his  assistant.  With  Raglan  a  fresh 
personality  appears  on  the  stage  which  once  more  involved  the 
Pope  in  the  Irish  complications. 

Raglan,  since  the  beginning  of  1G45  Earl  of  Glamorgan, 
was  a  fervent  Catholic  and  like  his  father,  the  Marquis  of 
Worcester,  an  enthusiastic  champion  of  the  King,  convinced 
as  he  was  that  in  serving  the  latter,  he  was  defending  a 
righteous  cause  against  the  forces  of  revolution.  To  free  his 
Church  from  the  fetters  of  anti-religious  laws,  to  equip  an 
Irish  army  for  the  support  of  the  King  in  England,  to  arm 
half  Europe  on  his  behalf — these  were  Glamorgan's  chivalrous 
plans,  or  rather  dreams.  Charles  I.  approved  his  efforts  : 
through  this  Catholic  mediator  he  hoped  to  win  the  confidence 
of  the  Irish  and  once  they  were  won  over  by  his  promises,  his 
Irish  regiments  would  be  free  for  employment  in  England. 
For  the  realization  of  his  plans  Glamorgan  set  his  hopes  on  the 
Pope  and  the  Catholic  princes,  for  Charles  I.  himself  had  no 
money  for  such  far-reaching  plans.  However,  if  the  King's 
position  was  hopeless,  were  it  only  because  of  his  lack  of 
money,  it  was  made  worse  by  the  circumstance  that  the  task  of 
raising  an  Irish  army  was  entrusted  by  him  to  Ormond,  who 

1  Gardiner,  Civil  War,  II.,  114  seq. 


CHARLES    I.    AND    THE    IRISH.  I55 

was  hopelessly  unequal  to  the  task,  as  well  as  by  his  constant 
fear  of  offending  the  English  by  his  reliance  on  the  Irish. 
This  was  made  evident  shortly  before  Urban  VIII. 's  death. 
On  May  13th,  1644,  the  commander  of  the  English  and 
Scottish  troops,  Monroe,  had  taken  Belfast.  To  oppose  him 
the  supreme  council  of  the  allied  Catholics  placed  the  whole 
of  its  fighting  power  at  the  disposal  of  the  Viceroy  Ormond, 
but  the  latter  did  not  dare  to  accept  the  offer  without  being 
ordered  to  do  so  by  the  King  and  Charles  lacked  the  courage 
to  give  the  order. ^  Thus  were  the  Irish  taught  that  they  had 
nothing  to  hope  from  negotiations  with  the  King. 

On  April  1st,  1044,  under  the  Great  Seal,  Charles  I.  appointed 
Glamorgan  commander  of  three  armies  which  were  to  consist 
of  Englishmen,  Irishmen,  and  foreign  mercenaries.  He  was 
authorized  to  raise  money  from  the  royal  domains  and  to 
bestow  titles  of  nobility  at  his  discretion,  his  son  was  to  be 
given  the  hand  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  with  a  dowry  of 
three  hundred  thousand  pounds,  whilst  Glamorgan  himself 
would  become  Duke  of  Somerset  and  a  member  of  the  highest 
Orders.  For  his  negotiations  with  the  Pope  and  the  Catholic 
princes,  who  would  have  to  contribute  thirty  thousand  pounds 
a  month  for  the  maintenance  of  the  army,  Glamorgan  was 
given  royal  letters  in  which  he  himself  was  to  insert  the  names  : 
this  precaution  would  enable  the  King  to  deny  his  servant, 
should  the  affair  come  to  light,  a  subterfuge  of  which  Charles 
did  c\cntually  avail  himself.^  On  January  12th,  1645,  the 
King  granted  an  even  wider  concession  :  any  faculty,  even  if 
conveyed  by  word  of  mouth  alone,  was  to  have  the  same 
efficacy  as  if  it  had  been  given  under  the  Great  Seal,  even  if  it 
should  go  beyond  the  letter  of  the  law.^  The  Supreme  Council 
of  the  Irish  Confederates  were  satisfied  with  these  powers  : 
at  Kilkenny,  on  August  25th,  1645,  they  entered  into  a 
secret  understanding  with  Glamorgan  which  guaranteed  to  the 
Irish  Catholics  freedom  of  religion  and  the  possession  of  all 

'  Ibid.,  109-iir. 

-  Ibid.,  iiy  seqq.  ;    Ling.vkd,  X.,  1O3,  410. 

3  LiNGARD,  X.,  411. 


156  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

churches  not  actually  in  the  hands  of  the  Protestants  ;  in 
return  they  bound  themselves,  and  that  openly,  to  raise  ten 
thousand  men  for  the  King  and  to  devote  two-thirds  of  the 
Church's  property  to  his  defence.^ 

It  is  possible  that  when  he  made  these  concessions  Glamorgan 
exceeded  his  powers  ^ ;  however,  be  this  as  it  may,  they  would 
not  be  considered  adequate  in  as  much  as,  for  one  thing,  they 
rested  on  a  secret,  not  a  public  treaty  and,  secondly,  because 
they  did  not  settle  the  burning  question  of  the  Church's 
property.  Moreover  Ormond  raised  objections  against  the 
agreement  which  led  to  the  further  concession  that  future 
royal  guarantees  in  respect  of  religion  would  be  considered  as 
an  integral  part  of  the  agreement  just  conduded  and  that 
instead  of  any  formal  guarantees  the  Irish  should  be  satisfied 
with  Ormond's  written  assurance  that  the  Catholics  would  not 
be  molested  in  their  possession  of  the  churches  they  held  at  the 
time,  until  Parliament  should  give  a  definitive  judgment. ^ 
The  papal  envoy  Scarampi  attached  no  value  to  these  agree- 
ments, on  the  contrary  he  now  despaired  of  the  possibility  of 
obtaining  anything  for  the  Catholics  by  political  action  ; 
accordingly  he  made  it  his  chief  concern  to  further  the  religious 
life  in  Ireland,  and  this  he  did  with  success.*  In  Rome  also 
the  agreement  was  criticized  on  the  ground  that  it  only  bore 
the  King's  signature.^ 

Meanwhile  the  situation  had  undergone  a  change  in  so  far 
as  the  Pope's  influence  in  Irish  affairs  had  become  more 
effective.  On  the  other  hand  Queen  Henrietta's  pleadings  with 
Innocent  X.  met  with  but  small  success.  From  Paris  she  did 
all  she  could  for  her  husband,  pleaded  with  Queen  Anne  and 
Mazarin  for  support,  promised  freedom  of  conscience  to  the 
English  and  Irish  Catholics  in  Charles  I.'s  name  and  dispatched 

*  LiNGARD,  X.,  166  ;    Bellesheim,  Irland,  II.,  403. 

-  According  to  Gardiner  (II.,  119)  the  plenipotentiary  powers 
did  not  refer  to  the  conclusion  of  peace  but  to  the  negotiations 
with  the  Pope  and  the  Catholic  Powers. 

3  LiNGARD,  X.,   167. 

*  Bellesheim,   II.,   405. 
5  Ibid.,  425. 


RINUCCINI    ON    IRELAND.  157 

Kenclm  Digby  to  tlic  Pope  as  her  personal  envoy.  In  R(^me, 
Digby  raised  hopes  of  the  King's  conversion,  but  all  he 
obtained  from  the  Pope  was  twenty  thousand  crowns  to  buy 
ammunition  for  the  army.^  The  Irish  were  more  successful ; 
already  at  the  end  of  16-14  they  had  dispatched  Richard  Bellings 
to  Rome  to  request  the  Pope  and  Propaganda  ^  to  send  a 
formal  nuncio  to  Ireland.  Thereupon  Scarampi  was  recalled 
on  May  5th,  1045,  though  at  the  Pope's  request  he  remained 
until  the  middle  of  164G  as  adviser  to  Battista  Rinuccini, 
Archbishop  of  Fermo,  who  had  been  appointed  nunrio.^ 

Rinuccini  set  out  in  the  first  days  of  April,  1(545,  but  he  only 
landed  on  Irish  soil  on  21st  October.  He  was  detained  for  a 
long  time  in  Paris  where  Queen  Henrietta,  advised  as  she  was 
by  friends  of  Ormond  and  full  of  prejudices  against  the  Irish, 
refused  to  give  audience  to  the  papal  representative,  whilst 
Mazarin  put  off  paying  the  subsidies  destined  for  the  Irish. ^ 
Twelve  days  before  his  departure  from  France  the  nuncio 
dispatched  to  Ireland  a  ship  with  a  cargo  of  arms,  whilst  he 
personally  took  charge  of  considerable  sums  of  money. ^ 
Later  on,  too.  Innocent  X.  supplied  the  Irish  with  considerable 
subsidies  ®  and  Spain  also  lent  them  aid.'' 

*  Gardiner,  II.,  121,  127,  378. 

-  On  November  23,    16^4,  Bellksmeim,   II.,  409. 
'  Ibid.,  406. 

*  Ibid.,  415  seqq.  About  Rinuccini.  Cf.  G.  Ai.^zzi,  Numiatura 
in  Irlanda  di  Monsignor  G.  B.  Rinuccini,  Firenze,  1844.  His 
Instruction  (Aiazzi,  XXXV.  seqq.,  LIII.,  seqq.)  was  written 
by  Albizzi,  as  the  latter  inforrned  *Chigi  on  July  7,  1644  (Bibl. 
Chigi,  Rome,  A.  III.,  55).  *Letters  of  recommendation  for 
Rinuccini  to  the  Bishops  and  clergy  of  Ireland  in  the  Epist., 
I.,  p.  18,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch.,  to  the  Governor  of  Belgium  of  March  2, 
1645,  ibid.  It  was  feared  in  Rome  that  Queen  Henrietta  would  not 
accept  the  present  of  the  Golden  Rose  (the  Secretary  of  State  to 
Rinuccini,   July  3,    1645,   Rospigliosi   .\rcliives,   Rome). 

'  Bellesheim,  II.,  420. 

'  Ibtd.,  440,  450.  Cf.  Aiazzi,  X\'.  On  the  readiness  of  the 
I'ope  to  support  Ireland  see  *Brief  of  March  25,  1644,  to  the 
Spanish    imncio   in    Sitnziat.    di    Spagna,    347,    Pap.    Sec.    Arch. 

*  See  p.    158. 


158  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Rinuccini's  reports  give  a  very  clear  idea  of  the  Irish 
situation  ;  they  draw  a  gloomy  picture  of  division  and  discord. 
Two  parties  stood  face  to  face  :  on  the  one  hand  the  Old- 
Irish,  keenly  religious  and  putting  all  their  hopes  solely  on 
decisive  action  and  the  exploitation  of  the  successes  so  far 
achieved  ;  on  the  other  hand  there  were  the  Anglo-Irish,  that 
is,  the  descendants  of  Englishmen  who  had  come  into  the 
country  during  the  Middle  Ages,  had  acquired  Church  property 
during  the  period  of  the  religious  troubles  which  they  were 
afraid  they  would  have  to  surrender  should  the  Church  in 
Ireland  be  once  more  publicly  recognized.  Englishmen  in 
thought  and  feeling,  what  they  wanted  before  all  else  was 
peace  and  reconciliation,  and  their  influence,  Rinuccini 
reports,  was  great.  The  Supreme  Council  of  the  Confederates 
consisted  almost  exclusively  of  Anglo-Irishmen  ;  it  was  due 
to  their  influence  that  the  armistice  came  about  during  which 
the  war  fever  abated,  though  in  its  place  the  strife  between  the 
two  parties  raged  all  the  more  fiercely  in  meetings,  sermons 
and  pamphlets.  One  of  the  two  leading  Irish  generals,  Eugene 
O'Neill,  was  on  the  side  of  the  Old-Irish  whilst  the  other, 
Preston,  sided  with  the  Anglo-Irish.^ 

The  arrival  of  the  nuncio,  though  seemingly  so  ardently 
longed  for,  came  as  a  heavy  blow  for  the  less  intransigent 
party,  so  much  so  that  Bellings,  whose  secret  instructions 
ordered  him  to  request  the  dispatch  of  a  nuncio,  remained 
almost  speechless  for  several  days  on  hearing  that  a  nomination 
had  actually  been  made.-   On  the  other  hand  the  real  cause  of 

The  *Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Rinuccini  on  July  3, 
1645,  lays  stress  on  the  fact  that  the  Pope  does  not  pursue 
political  aims  in  Ireland,  but  "  solamente  la  propagazione  della 
religione  cattolica  senza  un  minimo  pensiero  di  pregiudicare  al 
dominio  temporale  di  chi  si  sia  ".  Rospigliosi  Archives,  Rome. 
'  Bellesheim,  II.,  450. 

1  Report  of  Rinuccini  after  his  return  from  Ireland  in  Aiazzi, 
391-4.  Limerick  remained  outside  the  Catholic  confederation  ; 
ibid.,  LV.  Innocent  X.  *commends  the  city  on  March  19,  1646, 
for  giving  up  its  neutrality.   Epist.,  II. -III.,  31,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

2  AiAZZi,  394  seq. 


RINUCCINI    ON    IRELAND.  I59 

the  dissensions  had  been  fully  grasped  in  Rome  and  the 
nuncio  was  accordingly  empowered  to  drop  the  restoration  of 
Church  property.^  However,  a  great  many  Irishmen  were  not 
interested  in  dispensations  and  spiritual  favours.  The  Old- 
Irish,  Rinuccini  wrote,  saw  in  the  nuncio  the  minister  of  God 
and  the  Young-Irish  the  dispenser  of  a  prince's  money  ^  and 
they  would  rather  have  had  papal  subsidies  than  a  papal 
lumcio.  They  did  not  dare  to  publish  the  armistice  with 
Urniund  till  after  Rinuccini's  arrival  for  fear  the  papal  envoy 
might  return  at  once  to  Rome  with  the  money  of  which  he 
was  the  bearer.^ 

Another  serious  difticulty,  according  to  Rinuccini,  arose  out 
of  the  fact  that  the  Supreme  Council  of  the  federated  Irish 
included  forty  persons,  unanimity  of  votes  was  required  for  the 
validity  of  its  decisions,  and  small  matters  as  well  as  big  ones 
were  submitted  to  its  decisions,  with  the  result  that  its  members 
were  overwhelmed  with  work,  and  since  the  Council  was 
bound  to  deal  with  Ormond,  it  showed  a  tendency  to  send  as 
envoys  men  that  were  acceptable  to  him,  hence  only  friends 
of  Ormond  were  admitted  into  the  Council ;  in  consequence  of 
this  conduct  the  Old-Irish  were  further  irritated  and  the 
cleavage  between  the  two  parties  grew  steadily.* 

On  reaching  Ireland  the  nuncio  had  some  serious  representa- 
tions  to  make,  in  connection  with  the  peace  negotiations. 
To  the  Supreme  Council  he  pointed  out  what  a  bad  impression 
would  be  made  throughout  the  whole  world  if,  in  the  published 
peace  conditions,  the  Catholic  Irish  did  little  more  than 
liglitly  allude  to  religion.^  He  found  Glamorgan  willing  to  fall 
in  witli  liis  views.    The  Earl  was  prepared  to  promise  in  the 

*  "  Per  istimolare  viepiii  i  cattolici  alia  concordia  e  proseguire 
ncirimpresa,  assicuri  tutti  colore  che  posseggono  beni  ecclesiastici, 
che  non  li  verranno  tolti,  nc  per  motivo  di  essi  soffriranno  veruna 
molcstia,  nia  anzi  saranno  loro  confermati  .  .  ."  Secret  Instruc- 
tion of  Rinuccini  in  Aiazzi,  LV.  ;   cf.  XL\  11. 

"  Ibid.,  395. 
»  Ibid.,  396. 

*  Report  of  Rinuccini  of  .March  i,  1646,  ibuL,  io.\  sccj. 
^  RcjKirt  of  December  23,   1O45,  ibui.,  76  se(f. 


l60  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

name  of  the  King  that  in  future  the  Viceroy  of  Ireland  would 
always  be  a  Catholic,  that  the  Bishops  would  sit  in  the  Irish 
Parliament,  and  many  more  things  of  this  kind.^ 

However,  the  conversations  soon  came  to  an  unexpected 
termination.  This  was  due  to  the  agreement  with  Glamorgan 
coming  to  the  knowledge  of  the  English  Parliament.  About 
the  middle  of  October,  1G45,  the  titular  Archbishop  of  Tuam 
was  killed  in  an  affray.  In  his  carriage  was  found  a  copy  of 
the  agreement.  To  save  appearances  Ormond  had  the  Earl 
arrested,-  whilst  in  a  message  to  both  Houses  of  Parliament, 
Charles  I.  told  the  falsehood  that  he  had  given  Glamorgan  no 
powers  beyond  the  levying  of  troops,  nor  authorized  him  to 
enter  into  any  negotiations  without  Ormond's  knowledge;  that 
he  acknowledged  no  agreement  with  the  Irish  Catholics  and  had 
ordered  proceedings  to  be  taken  against  Glamorgan.  When 
Ormond  reminded  him  of  the  wide  powers  granted  by  him  to 
the  Earl  of  Glamorgan,  the  King  replied  that  he  had  no 
recollection  of  his  having  done  so  ;  he  may  possibly  have 
accredited  Glamorgan  with  the  Irish  but  he  had  never 
authorized  him  to  enter  into  negotiations  without  Ormond's 
knowledge.^ 

Whilst  this  letter  was  being  written  by  the  King  to  Parlia- 
ment, Glamorgan  had  already  been  set  at  liberty  on  bail. 
In  order  to  justify  himself,  he  made  public  a  secret  clause  of 
the  treaty  which  stated  that  the  King  was  not  to  be  bound 
beyond  his  own  good  pleasure. 

Even  now  Glamorgan  continued  to  negotiate  with  the 
nuncio.  The  discussions  turned  round  a  peace  project  devised 
by  Kenelm  Digby,  Queen  Henrietta's  envoy,  and  Innocent  X.* 
The  draft  demanded  for  the  Irish  complete  freedom  to  practise 
their  religion,  restoration  of  Church  property,  an  independent 
Parliament    and   the   admission   of   Catholics   to   all    offices. 

1  Ibid.,  76  ;    Gardiner,  Civil  War,  II.,  406  scq. 

-  Rinuccini,  January  i,  1646,  in  Aiazzi,  85  ;  Bellesheim, 
IT.,  424  seq.  ;    Lingard,  X.,  167. 

^  Lingard,  X.,  171  scq.  ;  cf.  40S-419,  where  the  proofs  of 
Charles'  duplicity  are  grouped  together. 

*  Aiazzi,  459  seqq.,  462  seq.  ;    cf.  96. 


FAILURE    OF   GLAMORGAN'S    PLANS.  l6l 

A  yearly  subsidy  was  guaranteed  to  the  King  but  religious 
liberty  was  likewise  demanded  for  English  Catholics. 
Glamorgan  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  to  withdraw 
his  draft  in  favour  of  that  of  the  Poi)e,^  in  fact  he  even  wished 
to  go  to  Rome  in  order  to  lay  the  Irish  situation  before  the 
Pontiff.^  Meanwhile,  no  decisive  result  could  be  reached  in 
Glamorgan's  negotiations  with  the  Supreme  Council,  because 
Rinuccini  was  not  in  possession  of  the  original  text  of  Digby's 
peace  plan  ;  none  the  less  the  Supreme  Council  insisted, 
notwithstanding  the  nuncio's  arguments  to  the  contrary,^  on 
concluding  peace  before  the  arrival  of  the  papal  formula.* 

On  March  18th,  1046,  Glamorgan  learnt  that  the  King  had 
publicly  disavowed  both  his  person  and  his  peace  proposals.^ 
Thus  there  was  an  end  to  his  role  as  a  mediator  even  though 
for  the  time  being  he  himself  did  not  take  the  King's  declaration 
too  seriously.  In  any  case  there  could  be  no  question  of 
sending  an  Irish  army  to  England  as  Glamorgan  had  planned.' 
The  King  had  practically  lost  all  authority,  so  that  nothing 
was  left  to  Ormond  except  to  choose  whether  to  throw  in  his 
lot  with  the  Puritans  in  England  or  the  Catholics  of  Ireland. 
He  adopted  the  latter  alternative  ;  accordingly,  on  March  28th, 
1046,  peace  was  concluded  between  him  and  the  Irish  Supreme 
Council.  By  its  terms  the  Catholics  were  relieved  from  the  oath 
of  supremacy  and  from  all  such  penalties,  fines  and  such 
disadvantages  as  profession  of  the  Catholic  faith  entailed. 
Thus  was  peace  at  last  realized  after  endless  discussions  and 
plannings,  but  it  was  a  peace  that  could  not  gi\-e  universal 
satisfaction.  The  concessions  in  the  religious  sphere  only 
eased  the  situation  of  individual  Catholics,  as  a  body.  Catholics 
were  not  guaranteed  the  possession  of  their  churches  and  other 
Churcli  ])r(;perty,  in  fact,  the  final  settlement  of  the  religious 
question  was  deferred  until  a  message  should  have  come  from 
the  King.  It  is  easy  to  .see  the  reasons  why  such  a  peace  was 
kept  secret,  especially  from  the  nuncio  ;    it  was  only  made 

'    Ibid.,  ij4  SCI].  ;    cf.  <M . 

-  Ibid.,  159  ;    Gahdinkk,  1L,  421. 

*  AiAZzi,  99.  *  Ibid.,  98.  '  Gardimcr,  IL,  422. 

•  Ibid.,  423,  425  scq. 


l62  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

public  on  July  3()th,  11)16,  when  it  was  criticized  from  all 
sides. ^ 

The  disappointment  of  the  clergy  was  all  the  more  bitter 
as  during  the  whole  of  1646  the  Catholic  cause  had  prospered 
and  as  recently  as  June  5th,  1646,  O'Neill  had  won  a  brilliant 
victory  over  the  Scotch  at  Benburb  in  Ulster.-  The  Archbishop 
of  Dublin  and  Cashel,  together  with  six  Bishops  and  six 
Provincials  of  Orders  lamented  the  event  in  a  letter  to 
Louis  XIV.  who  had  sent  important  contributions/'  The  Irish 
people  would  not  allow  the  treaty  to  be  read  and  the  clergy 
refused  to  pay  its  taxes. 

In  view  of  such  a  situation  the  Supreme  Council  had 
to  make  very  large  promises  in  the  hope  of  winning  over 
Rinuccini,^  but  it  was  in  vain  that  it  invoked  the  help  of 
Ormond,  now  its  confederate.  Kilkenny  indeed  gave  the 
Viceroy  a  solemn  reception,  but  the  assembly  of  nobles 
convened  at  Cashel  refused  to  admit  him,  and  Clonmel  shut 
its  gates  against  him.  On  the  other  hand  the  nuncio  entered 
Kilkenny  at  the  head  of  an  army,  the  peace  treaty  was 
declared  null  and  void,  the  Supreme  Council  thrown  into 
prison  and  another  elected  in  its  place  on  26th  September.^ 
This  attitude  of  the  Catholics  was  to  a  large  extent  the  result 
of  a  convention  of  the  clergy  which  had  opened  at  Waterford 
on  12th  August  ;  that  assembly  declared  that  the  peace 
treaty  was  incompatible  with  their  previous  oath,  namely 
that  they  would  do  all  that  was  in  their  power  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  religion.  Rinuccini  dispatched  his  auditor,  Massari, 
Dean  of  Fermo,  to  Rome,  to  report  to  the  Pope.^ 

1  Gardiner,  II.,  540  ;  Report  of  Rinuccini  about  the  peace, 
Waterford,  August  16,  1646,  in  Aiazzi,  153-7. 

2  Bellesheim,  II.,  433.  Rinuccini  sent  the  captured  standards 
to  Rome  where  they  remained  in  St.  Peter's  till  the  pontificate 
of  Alexander  YII.  ;    ibid.,  434. 

*  Ibid.,  427. 

*  Gardiner,  II.,  541  seq. 

'•  Ibid.,  543  seq.  ;    Aiazzi,  158. 

^  Rinuccini,  August  16  and  September  12,  1646,  in  Aiazzi, 
155  seq.  ;    Bellesheim,  II.,  435. 


ormond's  treaty.  163 

Thus  was  Ormond  forced  to  realize  that  his  attempt  to  lean 
on  the  Catholics  had  failed.  Accordingly  he  passed  over  to  the 
parliamentary  side,  ready  either  to  prosecute  the  war  or  to 
withdraw  from  his  post  at  a  sign  from  Parliament,  should  the 
King  consent  to  his  resignation.  This  clause  delayed  his 
retreat  for  a  considerable  time.^ 

If  in  1646  the  position  of  the  Irish  was  a  favourable  one,^ 
it  grew  steadily  more  and  more  desperate  in  the  following 
year.  It  was  a  bad  omen  when  an  advance  on  Dublin  failed 
in  December,  1646,^  and  this  not  least  in  consequence  of  the 
lack  of  concord  between  the  two  army  leaders  Preston  and 
O'Neill,  in  fact  the  former  went  so  far  as  to  contemplate 
sending  O'Neill  and  the  nuncio  as  prisoners  to  Dublin.^ 
A  grave  danger  likewise  arose  out  of  the  fact  that  since 
February  6th,  1647,  Ormond  was  negotiating  with  the  English 
Parliament  with  a  view  to  surrendering  to  the  latter  Ireland's 
strong  places.  On  June  28th,  1647,  he  surrendered  Dublin  to 
the  enemies  of  his  King  in  return  for  a  large  sum  of  money  ; 
having  done  so  he  left  Ireland.  Henceforth  Catholics  were 
forbidden,  under  pain  of  death,  to  spend  were  it  only  one 
night  in  the  Irish  capital,  and  death  and  confiscation  of 
property  was  to  be  the  penalty  for  harbouring  a  Jesuit  or  a 
priest.^  To  fill  the  cup  of  misfortune  Preston  suffered  a  defeat 
near  Trim  in  the  second  half  of  the  year  ;  Taafe  was  defeated 
at  Knocknamus  *  and  the  Province  of  Munster  was  ravaged 
with  fire  and  sword  by  the  parliamentary  troops  under 
Inchiquin.  Appalling  horrors  marked  the  storming  of  Cashel  ; 
after  the  fall  of  Cork  all  Catholics  were  forced  to  leave  the  city 
and  none  might  buy  the  right  to  stay  even  at  the  price  of 
apostasy.'    To  save  itself  the  Supreme  Council  conceived  the 

'  Gardinkr,  II.,  545  seqq. 
"  Rinuccini  in  Aiazzi,  287. 

'  Report  on  this  of  December  29,  1646,  in  Aiazzi,  177-183. 
Cf.  Gardiner,  II.,  576;   Lingard,  X.,  191. 

*  Bei-I-esheim,  II.,  437. 
'  Ibid.,  440,  442. 

•  Ibid.,  442,  447. 

'   Ibid.,  442  scqq.,  444  seq. 


164  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

idea  of  looking  for  a  patron  abroad.  To  this  end  it  was  decided 
to  dispatch  envoys,  of  course  in  vain,  to  Innocent  X., 
Louis  XIV.  and  Phihp  IV.  Rinuccini  neither  favoured  nor 
discountenanced  the  plan  of  papal  patronage,  but  the  Secretar}' 
of  State  instructed  him  ^  that  in  view  of  the  jealousies  of  the 
Princes,  the  great  distance  and  the  exhaustion  of  the  pontifical 
exchequer,  the  plan  could  not  be  carried  out.  The  Ormondists 
desired  a  French  protectorate  in  the  hope  of  bringing  over  to 
England  the  Prince  of  Wales  who  was  staying  with  Queen 
Henrietta  in  France,  and  to  whom  Ormond  would  have  acted 
as  companion  and  guide. ^  Rinuccini  was  but  little  pleased 
with  the  choice  of  the  envoys  who  were  to  go  to  France 
because  two  of  their  number,  Muskerry  and  Browne,  were 
opponents  of  his  and  only  the  third,  Antrim,  belonged  to  his 
party  ;  however,  he  obtained  a  promise  from  the  General 
Assembly  that  no  decision  affecting  religion  would  be  made 
without  the  Pope's  consent.^ 

Meanwhile  Muskerry  and  Browne  were  pressing  Queen 
Henrietta  to  appoint  Ormond  lieutenant  without  waiting  for 
the  Pope  and  to  sanction  an  understanding  between  Inchiquin 
and  the  Confederates.  The  Queen  gave  her  consent  and  pawned 
jewels  to  the  value  of  thirty  thousand  pounds  for  the  support 
of  Ormond.*  Shortly  before  this  Inchiquin,  until  then  a  bitter 
enemy  of  the  Irish,  had  unexpectedly  gone  over  to  the  King's 
side  :  accordingly  Ormond's  party  resolved  to  conclude  an 
armistice  with  him.  Vainly  did  the  opposite  party  urge  that 
this  was  precisely  the  right  moment  for  attacking  Inchiquin 
and  rendering  him  harmless  ;  if  this  were  done  the  other 
commanders  of  the  parliamentary  troops  would  not  be  able 
to  hold  the  field  for  long.    Rinuccini,  who  was  unwilling  to  be 

^  On  July  22,  1647,  in  Aiazzi,  475  seq. 

-  Bellesheim,  II.,  447. 

^  Gardiner,  III.,  355,  413.  The  nuncio  did  not  expect  any- 
thing from  the  Queen  :  "  Quanto  alia  Regina  non  bisogna  sperar 
mai  de  lei  se  non  concetti  perniciosi  alia  religione,  poiche  e 
totalmente  in  mano  di  Germen  [Jermyn],  di  Digby  e  d'altri 
eretici."   January  29,  1648,  in  Aiazzi,  294. 

*  Gardiner,  III.,  414. 


DISCORD   AMONG    THE    IRISH.  165 

present  at  the  negotiations  at  Kilkenny,  vainlj'  urged  his 
objections  in  writing  :  the  fatal  treaty  was  concluded,  which 
four  Irish  Archbishops  and  ten  Bishops  described  as  the 
ruination  of  the  Catholic  religion  and  their  native  land.  The 
Supreme  Council  countered  their  further  declaration  that 
the  armistice  could  not  be  observed  with  a  safe  conscience  by 
ordering  General  Preston  to  take  forcible  proceedings  against 
the  recalcitrants.^ 

The  course  of  events  made  it  evident  that  the  ruin  of  Ireland 
could  not  be  long  delayed.  None  of  Rinuccini's  counsels  and 
warnings  had  borne  fruit  ;  believing  his  personal  safety 
threatened,  he  took  to  flight  and  on  May  27th,  1648,  he 
pronounced  a  sentence  of  e.xcommunication  and  interdict 
against  the  adherents  of  the  armistice. ^  The  Supreme  Council 
appealed  against  this  sentence,  the  immediate  result  being 
that  the  national  defect  of  the  Irish,  lack  of  unity,  broke  out 
into  enmities  which  created  irretrievable  confusion.  Seven 
of  the  Bishops  supported  the  nuncio,  seven  were  against  him, 
some  defended  the  justice  of  the  censures  whilst  others 
condemned  them.  The  dispute  spread  to  the  Orders  ;  divines 
and  canonists  argued  for  and  against  the  nuncio  whilst  the 
common  people  no  longer  knew  whom  to  believe.^  Rinuccini 
had  to  flee  a  second  time  from  Preston  ;  he  crossed  the 
Shannon  by  night  in  disguise  and  sought  a  refuge  in  Galway.^ 
His  attempt  to  convene  a  synod  there  was  frustrated  by  the 
Supreme  Council  who  barred  the  roads  and  threatened  him 
with  imprisonment.^  Galway  had  to  endure  all  the  horrors  of 
a  siege  until  it  surrendered,  and  its  besieger,  Clanricarde, 
withdrew  after  payment  of  a  ransom.®  In  addition  to  all  this 
Irishmen  now  turned  their  weapons  against  Irishmen.  O'Neill 
concluded  an  armistice  with  the  parliamentary  generals, 
Jones  and  Monk  respectively,  in  Dublin  and  I'lster,  Preston 

1  Belleshf-IM,  II.,  451  scq. 

2  Ibid.,  452. 

3  Ibid.,  452-S. 

*  Ibid..  453. 
»  Ibid.,  457. 

•  Ibid.,  458  ;    LiNG.xRi),  X.,  289. 


l66  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

allied  himself  with  Inchiquin  in  support  of  the  Supreme 
Council  against  O'Neill,  in  fact  things  came  to  such  a  pass  that 
the  ablest  of  all  the  Irish  generals,  O'Neill,  was  denounced  as  a 
rebel  and  a  traitor.^ 

The  Holy  See  had  good  grounds,  in  a  Brief  of  August  18th, 
1648,  to  exhort  the  Supreme  Council  to  concord.^  An  embassy 
composed  of  the  Bishop  of  Ferns  and  Count  Nicolas  Plunkett 
which  had  set  out  for  Rome  in  February,  brought  this  message 
from  Rome  to  Ireland  towards  the  end  of  November.  It  came 
much  too  late,^  the  ground  was  prepared  for  Ormond.  On 
September  29th,  1648,  the  latter  returned  to  Ireland.  At 
Kilkenny  he  was  solemnly  received  by  the  Archbishops  of 
Tuam  and  Cashel  and  by  them  installed  in  his  office  as  Viceroy.* 
Rinuccini,  who  had  been  ordered  by  the  Supreme  Council  to 
leave  Ireland,  now  announced  that  since  the  Holy  See  kept 
no  nuncios  with  Protestant  rulers,  his  nunciature  was  at  an 
end.  He  left  Ireland  on  March  2nd,  1649  ^  :  his  mission  had 
been  a  complete  failure.  Innocent  X.  nevertheless  gave  him 
a  kindly  reception  ^  whilst  a  few  Irish  Bishops  proposed  him 
for  the  cardinalate  '  and  the  Bishop  of  Clonfert  described 
him  to  the  Pope  as  "  the  luminary  and  pillar  of  the  struggUng 
Irish  ".^ 

On  January  19th,  1649,  the  Catholic  Confederates  concluded 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  Ormond  in  which  the  latter  guaranteed 
liberty  of  conscience  and  an  independent  Irish  Parliament. 
In  return  the  Confederates  were  to  furnish  Ormond  with  an 
army  of  fifteen  thousand  foot  and  five  hundred  horse,  to  be 
employed,  in  the  first  instance,  in  the  conquest  of  Dublin.^ 

1  LiNGARD,  X.,  289. 

2  *Epist.,  IV. -VI.,  n.  41,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 
^  Bellesheim,  II.,  459  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  458. 

^  Ibid.,  459,  461. 

*  Ibid.,  462  ;   cf.  466. 
'  Ibid.,  468  seq. 

8  Ibid. 

°  Gardiner,  Commonwealth,  I.,  14  seq.,  23  ;  Lingard,  X., 
290. 


CROMWELL    IN    IRELAND.  167 

Of  the  rifjhts  of  the  Church  in  Ireland  there  is  no  mention  in 
the  treaty  ;  all  that  it  grants  to  the  Catholics  is  the  possession 
of  their  churches  until  such  time  as  the  King  would  give  a 
definitive  judgment.  The  Archbishop  of  Tuam  and  seven  other 
Bishops  forthwith  proclaimed  the  peace  by  means  of  pastoral 
letters.^ 

Thus  the  whole  of  Ireland  had  taken  sides  against  Parlia- 
ment and  in  favour  of  the  King.  The  commanders  of  the 
parliamentary  army,  Jones  at  Dublin,  Monk  at  Belfast,  Coote 
in  Londonderry,  were  almost  completely  confined  within  the 
area  of  these  towns,  nearly  the  whole  of  the  rest  of  Ireland 
stood  by  the  King  and  a  considerable  army  was  about  to  be 
j^laced  under  the  command  of  the  royal  lieutenant.  The 
Prince  of  Wales  was  invited  to  cross  over  to  Ireland  and  he 
seemed  not  unwilling  to  accept  the  invitation. - 

The  English  Parliament  anxiously  watched  these  develop- 
ments. In  close  pro.ximity  to  England  a  dangerous  Power 
seemed  to  be  rising  and  the  threatening  spectre  of  the  invasion 
of  the  country  by  the  hated  bands  of  wild  Irishmen  appeared 
to  take  a  tangible  form.  The  peril  had  to  be  conjured  and 
Ireland  so  utterly  crushed  that  she  would  never  rise  again. 
Parliament  indeed  adopted  a  resolution  that  the  natives  of 
Ireland  were  neither  to  be  exterminated  nor  deprived  of  their 
possessions,^  but  the  mere  fact  that  such  a  resolution  was 
deemed  necessary  speaks  only  too  eloquently.  For  the  sub- 
jection of  Ireland  choice  was  made  of  England's  most  tried 
military  captain,  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  Cromwell  was  pre- 
pared for  every  violence,  nor  did  he  for  a  moment  entertain 
the  notion  of  restoring  peace  by  means  of  negotiations  and 
treaties  with  the  Irish  Catholics.  He  assumed  the  supreme 
command  on  March  30th,  1649,  but  refused  to  embark  until 

'  Bellesheim,  II.,  460. 

-    LiNGARD,    X.,    201. 

'  Gardiner,  I..  30. 


l68  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

he  had  assured  himself  that  adequate  suppHes  had  been  pro- 
vided for  his  troops.  This  entailed  a  delay  of  several  months 
during  which  Parliament,  by  a  series  of  negotiations,  prevented 
the  Irish  from  striking  an  immediate  blow.  A  Catholic  of 
the  name  of  Winter,  who  was  loyal  to  the  King,  was  dispatched 
to  the  Confederates  with  promises  of  freedom  of  religion  on 
condition  that  they  rejected  the  Pope's  claim  to  intervene 
in  secular  matters  and  raised  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men 
for  the  RepubHc.i  The  proposals  of  the  envoy  of  the  Catholics 
of  Ulster,  the  Cistercian  Abbot  Crelly,  got  at  least  a  hearing, 
though  in  the  end  Parliament  rejected  the  proposal  of  religious 
toleration  for  the  Irish  Catholics. ^  So  the  decision  was  left 
to  the  sword.  On  August  15th,  1649,  Cromwell  landed  at 
Dubhn  ^  ;   Ireland's  doom  was  about  to  be  sealed. 

Shortly  before  this  time  the  royalists,  under  Ormond, 
had  undertaken  an  attack  on  the  Irish  capital,  but  they  were 
defeated  in  the  neighbourhood,  at  Rathmines,  by  the  parlia- 
mentary general  Jones.*  However,  Ormond  did  not  despair. 
In  order  to  keep  open  the  road  to  Dublin,  he  strengthened  the 
garrison  of  Drogheda,  hence  Cromwell's  first  blow  was 
directed  against  that  unhappy  town.  At  the  third  assault  his 
troops  penetrated  into  the  city  after  promising  to  spare  the 
lives  of  all  who  surrendered.^  However,  once  the  place  was 
in  their  power,  and  whilst  a  remainder  of  the  garrison  was 
climbing  the  near-by  hill,  Cromwell  ordered  a  general  massacre. 
Thereupon  sword  and  pike  raged  against  the  dense  masses  of 
the  fleeing  garrison.  About  a  thousand  fell  near  St.  Peter's 
church  whilst  eighty  sought  refuge  in  the  tower.  Fire  was  set 
to  the  tower  when  some  thirty  unhappy  men  perished  in  the 
flames  whilst  the  rest,  who  had  escaped  to  the  roof,  met  with 
a  violent  end  there.  The  heads  of  the  friars  in  particular  were 
smashed  indiscriminately.  It  is  not  known  how  many  among 
the  civilian  population  fell  under  the  sword.     Even  on  the 

1  LiNGARD,  X.,  292  ;   Gardiner,  I.,  92. 

2  Gardiner,  I.,  92  seq.,  104. 

3  Ibid.,  118. 

*  Ibid.,  113  seq. 
'  Ibid.,  131,  note. 


MASSACRE    OR    DROGHEDA.  169 

following  day  a  few  surviving  officers  were  massacred  in  cold 
blood.*  Cromwell  justified  these  horrors  with  the  plea  that 
such  severity  would  deter  others  from  offering  resistance  and 
thus  bloodshed  would  be  avoided,  moreover  this  butchery  was 
a  judgment  of  God  on  those  who,  in  1641,  had  killed  so  large 
a  number  of  Protestants. ^  Howev'er,  so  appalling  a  slaughter 
was  calculated  to  fill  the  rest  with  a  stronger  determination 
than  ever  to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as  possible.^  In  the 
opinion  of  a  weighty  historian,*  "  it  is  most  unlikely  that  even 
one  of  the  defenders  of  Drogheda  had  had  a  share  in  the  Ulster 
butchery."  Some  of  the  survivors  who  had  sought  a  refuge 
in  two  towers  were  more  mildly  treated  by  Cromwell.  When 
they  were  at  last  forced  to  surrender  only  the  officers  of  one 
of  the  towers  were  put  to  death  whilst  every  tenth  man  of 
the  rest  and  the  entire  garrison  of  the  second  tower  were 
shipped  to  the  Barbados  islands.^ 

After  this  Cromwell  turned  to  the  coastal  town  of  Wexford 
whose  inhabitants  had  inflicted  severe  damage  on  English 
maritime  trade.  After  the  capture  of  the  town  the  horrors  of 
Drogheda  were  repeated.  At  Wexford  priests  and  friars  were 
massacred  without  pity  and  a  general  butchery  followed 
which  Cromwell  and  his  officers  refused  to  stop.  A  number 
of  the  unhappy  people  sought  to  escape  by  water  but  the 
overcrowded  boats  overturned  and  three  hundred  of  the 
helpless  fugitives  were  drowned.  In  his  revolting  Puritan 
jargon  Cromwell  threw  the  responsibility  for  his  deeds  of 
horror  on  divine  justice.^ 

Cromwell  then  turned  South,  to  Munster,  where  the 
Protestants    were    strong    whilst    Inchiquin's    trnojis    only 

'  Ibid.,   131-7. 

=  Ibid.,  138  seq. 

'  Cf.  ibid.,  140,  175. 

*  Ibid.,  139. 

*  Ibid.,  134  seq.  On  the  evidence  of  Anthony  Wood,  ibid.,  135, 
note  I. 

*  Ibid.,  140-8.  "  The  horrors  of  the  Irish  war  turn  the  judg- 
ment of  even  well-meaning  biographers  against  the  general," 
says  Woi.F  Mever-Erlach  (Croniwell,  Munich,  1927,  28). 


170  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

reluctantly  fought  by  the  side  of  their  Catholic  allies  and 
many  officers  had  a  traitorous  understanding  with  Cromwell. ^ 
The  first  place  he  encountered  in  his  advance  was  the  small 
town  of  New  Ross.  Its  commander  declared  his  willingness 
to  admit  him  on  condition  that  the  garrison  might  freely 
withdraw  together  with  such  citizens  as  chose  to  accompany 
them,  and  that  those  who  remained  should  enjoy  freedom  of 
conscience.  "  I  don't  meddle  with  anyone's  conscience," 
Cromwell  replied,  "  but  if  by  freedom  of  conscience  is  meant 
freedom  for  the  Mass,  there  can  be  no  such  liberty  wherever 
the  Parliament  of  England  is  in  power." 

When  Cromwell  left  Ireland  on  May  26th,  1650,  the  subjuga- 
tion of  the  whole  island  was  only  a  question  of  time.  The 
English  were  amply  provided  with  everything  whereas 
the  Irish  lacked  indispensables  ;  thus,  for  instance,  during  the 
siege  of  Clonmel  the  Irish  garrison  fought  heroically  but  in 
the  end  it  had  to  make  its  escape  under  cover  of  the  night 
because  its  stock  of  powder  was  exhausted. ^  Moreover  on 
November  6th,  1649,  the  Irish  lost  their  best  general,  O'Neill, 
by  death. ^  Cromwell's  successor  Ireton,  and  after  the  latter's 
death  on  December  2nd,  1651,  Ludlow,  took  one  strong  place 
after  another,  and  by  the  beginning  of  1653  nearly  all  the  Irish 
army  leaders  had  surrendered.'*  By  then  Ireland  had  suffered 
the  loss  of  a  third  of  its  population  not  only  by  the  sword  but 
probably  quite  as  much  through  lack  of  food,  a  situation 
which  was  systematically  brought  about  ^  by  the  English 
cutting  down  the  growing  corn  in  the  fields  :  on  one  occasion 
eighteen  thousand  sickles  were  dispatched  to  them  for  that 
purpose.^ 

Besides  hunger  and  pestilence  England's  mightiest  ally  was 
the  lack  of  unity  among  the  Irish.  Their  one  rallying  centre 
was  the  Bishops  but  even  they  were  divided  in  consequence 

1  Gardiner,  I.,  105  seq. 

2  Ibid.,  174. 

3  Ibid.,  155  seq. 

*  Ibtd.,  II.,  36-63. 
5  Ibid.,  62. 

*  Bellesheim,  II.,  532. 


SUBJUGATION    OF    IRELAND.  I7I 

of  tlicir  attitude  for  or  against  Rinuccini.  In  the  long  run 
the  prelates  could  not  fail  to  realize  the  disastrous  consequences 
of  such  a  situation,  hence  at  a  meeting  at  Clonmacnoisc  they 
issued  a  manifesto  to  the  nation  ^  in  which  they  declared  that 
henceforth  there  would  be  no  discord  among  them  where  the 
rights  of  the  Church  were  concerned,  and  that  in  future  they 
would  stand  as  one  man  for  the  King  and  their  people. 
Shortly  before,  the  assembly  had  warned  the  i)eople  against 
("romwell  as  the  latter  aimed  at  no  less,  so  they  declared, 
than  the  destruction  of  the  Catholic  religion  by  means  of 
massacre,  banishment  and  expropriation  of  the  Catholics. 
By  the  terms  of  a  parliamentary  resolution  their  possessions 
were  already  forfeit  and  it  was  only  a  question  of  carrying 
the  decision  into  effect  ;  for  considerations  of  prudence  the 
common  people  were  being  spared  for  the  time  being,  but 
once  the  conquest  was  completed,  they  too  would  be  dis- 
placed by  English  immigrants.  The  number  of  those  who 
had  been  transported  to  Barbados  provided  an  eloquent 
commentary  on  the  last  point.- 

No  one  knew  better  than  Cromwell  that  this  language  was 
the  plain  truth,  without  any  exaggeration  whatever,  but 
perhaps  for  that  very  reason  he  decided  "  to  enlighten  a 
deluded  and  misguided  people  "  by  means  of  a  public  explana- 
tion.^ According  to  him  the  English  were  peaceful  lambs 
who  had  come  over  to  Ireland,  bringing  with  them  nothing 
but  blessings.  Profound  peace  had  reigned  in  the  land  until 
the  wild  natives  suddenly  fell  upon  and  massacred  their 
benefactors  and  thus  brouglit  upon  Ireland  all  the  calamities 
that  have  befallen  it  e\er  since. 

Whether  by  such  phrases  Cromwell  succeeded  in  cpiieting 
his  own  conscience  is  an  idle  question  ;  words  from  his 
mouth  had  long  ceased  to  impress  the  Irish  and  to  this  day 
his  name  is  held  in  execration  in  Ireland."*    Unfortunately  the 

*  Of  December  13,  1649,  ibid.,  486;  Gardiner,  Connnonwcallh, 
I.,  162. 

*  Ibid. 

'  In  January,  1650,  ibid. 

*  Bonn,  II..  21. 


172  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

words  of  the  Bishops  remained  hkewise  without  effect.  Once 
again  the  prelates  intervened  in  the  destinies  of  Ireland  when 
at  an  assembly  at  Jamestown,  on  August  12th,  1650,  they 
dealt  with  the  evil  genius  of  the  Irish  rebellion,  Ormond,  the 
equivocal  representative  of  the  King,  by  forbidding,  under 
pain  of  excommunication,  all  intercourse  with  him.^  In 
effect  Ormond  was  compelled  to  give  up  his  post  and  to  leave 
the  country,  his  place  being  taken  by  Lord  Clanricarde,  a 
Catholic. 2  However,  this  change  of  personnel  could  no  more 
alter  the  fate  of  Ireland  than  the  appeals  for  help  to  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine.^  The  subjection  of  Ireland  went  on  apace 
and  on  its  completion  there  took  place  what  the  Bishops  had 
predicted  for  the  unhappy  land. 

As  the  prelates  had  reminded  their  flocks,  a  parliamentary 
resolution  had  been  passed  in  the  course  of  the  year  following 
the  rising  of  1641,  by  the  terms  of  which  two  and  a  half 
million  acres  of  Irish  soil  were  declared  forfeit  in  favour  of 
the  men  who  would  advance  money  to  the  Government  for 
the  conquest  of  Ireland.*  As  the  triumph  of  Parliament  was 
drawing  near,  the  execution  of  this  measure  was  being  studied.^ 
On  April  17th,  1652,  a  meeting  of  officials  and  citizens  prayed 
that  action  be  taken,  otherwise  they  would  have  to  fear  the 
anger  of  God  inasmuch  as  England  had  treated  the  Irish  too 
leniently.®  Accordingly,  on  August  12th,  1652,  Parliament 
passed  an  act  of  expropriation  '  which,  assuredly,  was  well 
calculated  to  allay  all  the  scruples  of  these  tender  consciences. 
The  act  was  Ireland's  death  warrant.  It  divided  its  inhabitants 
into  eight  classes  ;  the  first  five  included  all  those  who  had 
been  in  any  way  concerned  in  the  rising  and  the  bloodshed  of 
1641  ;   as  such  the  following  were  singled  out  before  the  rest  : 

1  Gardiner,  loc.  cit.,  II.,  40. 

2  Ibid.,  44. 

'  Ibid.,  44  seq.  ;    Bellesheim,  498  seqq. 
*  Bonn,  II.,  7. 

^  Since  1651  ;    Gardiner,  III.,  297. 
^  Ibid.,  303. 

'  Table  of  contents,  ibid.,  298  seqq.  ;  Bonn,  II.,  29  seqq.  ; 
text  in  Lingard,  X.,  422-8. 


IRELAND  S    DOOM.  I73 

the  members  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Kilkenny,  the 
Jesuits  and  other  priests  instigated  by  the  Pope  and  a  list  of 
others  mentioned  by  name.  Other  classes  included  those  who 
had  killed  or  had  had  a  share  in  the  killing  of  any  man,  not 
in  battle,  especially  if  the  victim  was  an  Englishman,  and 
lastly  those  who  did  not  lay  down  their  arms  within  twenty- 
eight  days.  These  five  classes  were  condemned  to  lose  life 
and  property  ;  in  this  way  sentence  of  death  was  passed  in 
cold  blood  on  over  one  hundred  thousand  persons.^  Of 
persons  not  included  in  these  five  classes  a  small  number, 
who  had  held  higher  ofhces,  were  condemned  to  banishment 
and  the  loss  of  two-thirds  of  tlveir  landed  property  ;  in 
exchange  for  the  remaining  third,  land  of  equal  value  would 
be  assigned  to  their  families  at  Parliament's  pleasure.  The 
soldiers  of  the  regular  army  were  also  allowed  to  exchange 
the  third  of  their  property  in  the  same  way,  on  condition 
that  they  laid  down  their  arms.  Persons  who  had  resided  in 
Ireland  since  the  rebellion  and  had  not  taken  sides  with 
Parliament  between  August,  1649,  and  March  1st,  1650,  were 
assigned  land  in  some  part  of  Ireland  to  the  value  of  two- 
thirds  of  what  they  had  owned  until  then.  Lastly  there  came 
a  milder  disposition  for  those  whose  possessions  amounted  to 
less  than  ten  pounds.  They  were  to  forfeit  neither  life  nor 
goods  provided  they  did  not  fall  into  any  of  the  above  classes 
and  that  they  laid  down  their  arms.  The  preamble  of 
the  Act  contains  the  not  superfluous  remark  that  it  was  not 
Parliament's  intention  to  destroy  the  whole  Irish  nation  and 
that  this  was  the  reason  why  the  common  people  were  more 
leniently  dealt  with. 

However,  considerations  such  as  these  could  scarcely  benefit 
anyone  except  those  whose  only  crime  was  that  they  had 
served  in  the  Irish  army.^  But  it  was  precisely  these  people 
whom  it  was  hoped  to  get  rid  of  by  the  offer  of  emigration. 
In  effect  some  34,000  Irish  soldiers  chose  to  leave  a  country 

*  "  No  such  deed  of  cruclt)'  was  ever  contemplated  in  cold  blood 
by  any  State  with  pretence  to  civilization,"  says  Garuinek 
(III.,  299).    Bonn  tries  to  find  excuses  (II.,  31  note). 

*  Gardiner,  III.,  302. 


174  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

wliicli  was  no  longer  theirs  and  to  take  service  with  the 
armies  of  France,  Spain,  Austria  and  Venice.^  On  January 
6th,  1653,  a  decree  was  pubhshed  ordering  all  priests  to 
leave  the  country  within  twenty  days,  under  pain  of  being 
treated  as  traitors.^  A  reward  of  five  pounds  was  promised  to 
anyone  capturing  a  priest.  "  Three  beasts  we  have  to  destroy," 
Major  Morgan  observed  in  Parliament  in  1657,  "  the  first  is 
the  wolf,  the  second  the  priest,  the  third  the  Tory."  ^  The 
name  "  Tory  "  was  given  to  those  Irishmen  who,  when 
driven  from  their  own  homesteads,  withdrew  into  the  bog 
and  joined  forces  with  robber  bands  ;  they  became  objects 
of  such  terror  for  those  who  had  deprived  them  of  their 
property  that  a  price  of  fifty  pounds  was  placed  on  the  head 
of  a  Tory.^  In  order  to  get  rid  of  yet  more  Irishmen,  they 
were  packed  in  large  numbers  on  boats  that  carried  them  off 
to  the  West  Indies,  more  particularly  to  Barbados.  From 
a  Government  ordinance  of  March  4th,  1655,  we  learn  that 
in  the  course  of  the  four  previous  years  6,400  men,  women 
and  children  were  taken  across  seas  ;  poor  people,  we  read 
in  this  document,  should  be  attracted  into  lonely  places  and 
then  taken  aboard  ship  by  force. ^  Ostensibly  only  tramps 
and  beggars,  workless  and  unemployed  were  to  be  transported 
to  America,^  but  a  similar  fate  befell  even  persons  of  the  more 
privileged  classes.'  Once  arrived  in  the  colonies  the  victims 
of  transportation  were  first  compelled  to  work  for  some  years 
in  order  to  pay  for  the  cost  of  the  voyage  ^  ;  after  that  they 
were  put  out  to  service,  but  for  a  time  at  least  their  lot  was 
worse  than  that  of  real  slaves.^     Recourse  was  had  to  yet 

1  Ihid.,  297  ;    LiNGARD,  X.,  365  seq. 
-  Bellesheim,  II.,  517. 

2  Ihid.,  519. 

*  LiNGARD,    X.,    369. 

^  Bellesheim,  II.,  530  seqq. 

"  Gardiner,  III.,  331  seq. 

'  Bellesheim,  loc.  cii. 

*  Gardiner,  III.,  332. 

'  Ibid.,  162,  note.     Gardiner  denies  that  those  thus  deported 
could  be  regarded  as  slaves  ;    but  from  the  texts  quoted  by  him 


TRKT.AND  S    DOOM. 


/.I 


another  means  with  a  vit'w  to  iirocuring  a  preponderance  of 
Protestants  and  Jtnf^hshnicn  in  Ireland.  In  1654  all  the 
Catholic  inhabitants  of  Kilkenny,  Wexford  and  Clonmel,  with 
few  exceptions,  were  compelled  to  take  up  their  abode  outside 
the  city  walls.  In  IGf)."}  a  decree  was  published  ordering  all 
"  papists  and  other  superfluous  Irishmen  "  to  be  driven  from 
Dublin,  and  in  the  same  year  every  healthy  Irishman  was 
ordered  to  leave  the  city  of  Galway.^  In  addition  to  all  this 
the  greater  part  of  the  cost  of  the  subjection  of  Ireland, 
which  amounted  to  .'i, 509,390  pounds,  namely  the  sum  of 
1,942,548  pounds  was  to  be  raised  by  the  Irish  themselves, - 
that  is,  by  the  Irish  who,  on  the  Royal  Commission's  own 
evidence,^  were  reduced  to  feed  on  herbs  and  carrion  in  their 
uncultivated,  ravaged  land,  who  died  of  hunger  on  the  high- 
ways, and  whose  abandoned  children  fell  a  prey  to  the  wolves. 
"  Taxation,"  a  contemporary  writer  of  the  name  of  Gookin 
reports,*  "  takes  all  they  possess,  and  when  want  has  turned 
them  into  robbers  and  '  Tories  ',  they  are  hunted  with  fire 
and  sword.  Failure  to  denounce  a  Tory  leads  them  to  the 
gallows  at  the  hands  of  the  English,  denunciation  brings  them 
death  at  those  of  the  Irish,  and  if  anyone  with  a  heart  in  his 
breast  shows  them  the  small  meed  of  pity  that  the  law  allows, 
he  is  accused  of  favouring  the  Tories." 

For  a  time  the  colonization  law  of  1652  presented  the 
English   Statesmen   with  almost   insuperable  difficulties.      It 

{ibuL,  i6i,  note  z)  it  is  clear  that  traders  sold  Irishmen  in  America 
whom  they  had  bought  in  Ireland  at  20  shillings  per  head  (Bellf.s- 
HEiM,  II.,  527).  Richard  Bagwell  {Encyclopaedia  Britannica, 
XIV.",  778)  reckons  that  9,000  Irishmen  were  deported  to  the 
West  Indies  "  practically  into  slavery  ".  The  texts  in  Belleshkim 
prove  nothing  as  to  the  conditions  beyond  seas,  but  they  do 
prove  the  atrocities  committed  by  the  Government  in  Ireland. 

'  Gardiner,  III.,  335.  "  To  weaken  Papists  and  to  strengthen 
Protestants  was  tiie  chief  object  of  the  Government  in  Dublin 
and  Westminster,"  .says  Gardint.r  {ibid.,  335  !^eq.). 

-  Ibid.,  30O  scq. 

'  Ibid.,  307  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  307. 


176  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

was  easy,  on  paper,  to  condemn  one  hundred  thousand 
people  to  the  gallows,  but  it  was  not  possible  to  carry  out  the 
sentence  in  practice.  A  tribunal  was  set  up  for  the  purpose 
of  punishing  those  involved  in  the  murders  of  1641,  and  this 
body  shed  blood  enough  on  its  tour  of  the  country, ^  though 
it  is  unlikely  that  the  number  of  the  victims  went  much 
beyond  a  few  hundreds. ^  Colonization  itself  made  no  progress 
until  Cromwell  took  the  matter  into  his  own  hands.  Besides 
the  "  Knights  of  fortune  "  it  was  necessary  to  provide  land 
for  the  soldiers  of  the  British  army  which  was  breaking  up  ; 
to  make  room  for  them,  the  natives  of  Ulster,  Leinster  and 
Munster  were  to  be  transported  to  barren  Connaught  and 
Clare,  in  the  West  of  Ireland. ^  However,  this  plan  also  could 
not  be  carried  into  effect  for  Connaught  and  Clare  could  not 
absorb  such  a  multitude  of  exiles  and  though  the  new 
proprietors  from  England  were  afraid  of  their  Irish  neighbours, 
they  had  to  admit  that  without  native  labour  there  could 
be  no  agriculture  in  Ireland  ;  accordingly  the  authorities 
contented  themselves  with  settling  in  Connaught  the  Irish 
landowners  and  the  few  remaining  soldiers  of  the  Irish  army,^ 
though  this  was  no  real  solution  of  the  problem.  The  ghost 
of  murdered  Ireland  was  about  to  haunt  the  murderer  for 
centuries  to  come.^ 

1  Ibid.,  296  seq.    Lingard,  X.,  364  seq. 

2  Perhaps  "  200-300  notorious  criminals  ",  says  Gardiner  (III., 

3  Acts  of  Parliament  of  September  26,  1653.  Gardiner,  III., 
311  ;    Bonn,  II.,  45  seqq. 

*  Gardiner,  III.,  306-341. 

5  Since  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages,  says  Kattenbusch  in 
Studien  iind  Kritiken,  the  story  of  Ireland  is  the  "  story  of  great 
miser}',  of  the  gradual  but  conscious  destruction  of  an  ancient 
and  rich  civilization  by  a  people  in  whose  way  that  ci\'ilization 
stood  ". 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Innocent's    Work    Within    the    Church — The    Jubilee 

Year. 


'1.1 


With  regard  to  Innocent  X.'s  purely  spiritual  activities^ 
mention  must  be  made,  in  the  first  instance,  of  his  efforts  on 
behalf  of  the  religious  Orders.  The  reform  of  the  Benedictine 
Congregation  of  Montccassino  falls  into  the  opening  period  of 
his  pontificate.'  The  Society  of  the  Clerics  Regular  of  the 
Pious  Schools  founded  by  Joseph  Calasanzio  was  subjected 
to  a  visitation  and  approved  as  an  Association  of  secular 
clerics.  In  1647  Innocent  dissolved  the  union  between  the 
Doctrinarians  and  the  Somaschans  so  that  the  former  became 
once  more  an  independent  body.^  The  Pope  also  approved 
the  reform  of  the  Calced  Carmelites  of  Monte  Santo  in  Sicily. 
In  France  he  united,  in  1646,  the  Congregation  of  Val  des 
Ecoliers  with  that  of  St.  Genevieve  of  Paris.  In  1647  he 
approved  the  Congregation  of  Priests  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament 
founded  in  1623  by  Christoph  d'Authier  at  Marseilles  ;  these 
priests  devoted  themselves  to  the  work  of  popular  missions 
and  the  conduct  of  Seminaries.    The  founder  of  the  Eudists, 

'  About   the   additions   of   feasts   in    the   Calendar   made   by 
Innocent  X.,  see  Baumer,  Brevier,  511. 

«  See  Bt<//..  XV.,  329. 

'  See  Heimbucher,  II.,  274,  341.  On  April  14,  1646,  the  nuncio 
in  Poland  was  informed  that  the  measure  concerning  the  Scnole 
pie  had  been  taken  by  a  Congregation  after  mature  consideration  ; 
on  June  9,  1646,  the  Secretary  of  State  writes  that  the  Jesuits 
have  had  no  part  in  it  (Nunziat.  di  Napoli,  39  A.,  Pap.  Sec. 
Arch.).  On  the  interests  of  Poland  in  the  clerics  of  the  Scuole 
pie,  see  A.  Checcucci,  Alcune  leitere  di  S.  Giuseppe  Calasamw, 
Roma,  1852,  5  seq.,  13  seq. 
VOL.  xx.\.  177  N 


178  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Jean  Eudes,  received  the  Pope's  encouragement  in  his  under- 
takings.^ He  also  warmly  praised  and  encouraged  the 
Congregation  of  secular  priests  founded  by  Bartholomew 
Holzhauser  {obiit  1658),  the  object  of  which  was  to  repair 
the  ruins  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War  by  renewing  and  furthering 
the  priestly  life,  but  the  Society  never  received  canonical 
approbation.  The  Cologne  nuncio  Sanfelice  and  the  Elector 
of  Mayence,  Johann  Philipp  von  Schonborn,  gave  their 
encouragement  to  the  Association. ^  The  Jesuits  received  a 
Brief  on  January  1st,  1646,  shortly  before  the  election  of  the 
new  General  Vincenzo  Carafa  ;  this  document  ordered  the 
holding  of  a  General  Congregation  every  nine  years  whilst  it 
restricted  the  Superiors'  term  of  Office  to  three  years,  with 
the  sole  exception  of  the  novice  master.^ 

In  Italy  there  existed  a  great  many  monasteries  which  no 
longer  fulfilled  their  original  purpose  owing  to  the  small 
number  of  their  inmates.  The  Pope  sought  accurate 
information  on  the  situation  which  was  fraught  with  serious 
drawbacks,  and  he  set  up  a  special  Congregation  to  deal  with 
the  matter.^  Reforms  began  in  1649.^  In  1650  and  1651  a 
number  of  Societies  were  suppressed,  among  them  the  Clerics 
Regulars  of  the  Good  Jesus  which  had  shrunk  to  only  ten 
members,^  and  on  October  15th,  1652,  a  Bull  was  published 
ordering  the  suppression  of  such  Italian  monasteries  as, 
owing  to  reduced  membership,  no  longer  fulfilled  the  aim  of 
their  original  founders  ;    their  property  was  to  be  applied  by 


1  See  ibid.,  I.,  413  ;    II.,  iS,  3G4,  371,  373. 

"  See  HuNDHAUSEN  in  Freib.  Knchenlcx.,  VI. °,   1S5  seq. 

3  See  Bull.,  XV.,  436. 

*  See  Bull.,  XV.,  647  ;  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  Vat.  8873,  Vatican 
Library.  On  this  matter,  cf.  also  the  "  *Relatione  dello  state 
della  religione  de'  chierici  regolari  Teatini  fatta  I'anno  1650  ", 
Theatine  Archives,  Rome,  Cass.,  38,  compiled  in  consequence  of 
the  Bull  of  December,  1649. 

^  See  Deone,  *Diario,  164Q,  Cod.  XX.,  III.,  21,  Bibl.  Casanat., 
Rome. 

*  See  Bull.,  X\'.,  372,  670,  677  seqq. 


REFORM    OF   THE    ORDERS.  179 

the  Bishops  to  other  pious  purposes.^  Tliere  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  measure  was  fully  justified,  yet  it  failed  to  please 
the  various  Italian  Governments  whose  Caesaro-papalistic 
ambitions  had  involved  them  in  many  disputes  with  the 
Pope. 2  The  Republics  of  Venice  and  Genoa  offered  open 
resistance  and  some  heated  remonstrances  ensued.  To 
the  Genoese  ambassador  the  Pope  bluntly  declared  that  the 
Republic  was  not  at  all  interested  in  the  reform  of  the 
monasteries  ;  all  it  aimed  at  was  to  make  itself  independent 
in  the  ecclesiastical  sphere,  as  Henry  VIII.  had  done  in 
England.  When  the  Genoese  ambassador  referred  to  the 
"  proverbial  piety  "  of  the  Genoese,  Innocent  X.  interrupted 
him  with  the  words  "  What  piety  ?  We  are  not  speaking  of 
the  churches,  pious  foundations  and  other  external  manifesta- 
tions, but  of  submission  to  the  Apostolic  Authority  to  which 
your  Government  seeks  to  subtract  itself  by  all  manner  of 
pretexts  and  artifices  ".^ 

Though  the  Governments  of  Florence,  Savoy,  Parma, 
Modena  and  Lucca  outwardly  submitted  to  the  Bull,  they 
left  nothing  undone  to  frustrate  its  effect.^  At  Naples  the 
measure  had  already  been  carried  into  effect  and  the  Bishops 
had  taken  over  the  property  of  the  suppressed  monasteries, 
when  the  Viceroy  unexpectedly  intervened  and  claimed  the 
property  for  the  State  on  the  plea  of  the  lack  of  the  Exequatur.^ 
In  the  sequel  there  were  those  in  Rome  who  demanded  that 

'   See  ibid.,  696  srqq.    Cf.  Arch.  Rom.,  XXXII.,  218. 

-  Cy.  Bkrchet,  II.,  136,  152  seq.  On  the  conflict  with  the  nuncio 
in  Florence,  see  Reumont,  Toskana,  I.,  515  ;  for  that  of  Genoa, 
see  Riv.  Europea,  1878,  V.,  692.  See  also  *Cifre  al  Nuntio  di 
Torino  of  1645  in  Nunziat.  di  Napoli,  39  A,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch., 
and  the  Brief  to  Duke  Carlo  Emanuele  of  September  18,  1649, 
Epist..  IV. -VI.,  ibid. 

'  See  Nkri,  Corrispond.  di  F.  Raggw,  in  the  Riv.  Europea, 
1878,  \'.,  691.  Cf.  also  Pai.lavicino,  Alessaudro  VII.,  I., 
408  seq. 

*  See  De  Rossi,  ♦Istoria,   Vat.  8873,  \'aliran  Lilirary. 

"  See  ibid.  Cf.  Padigi.ionk,  Bibl.  di  Musco  Xaz.  di  S.  Martino, 
Naples,  1876,  349. 


l8o  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Naples  should  be  laid  under  an  interdict.^  However,  things 
did  not  go  so  far  and  Philip  IV.  promised  the  nuncio  to 
remedy  the  situation. ^ 

(2.) 

The  jubilee  of  1649,  proclaimed  by  the  Bull  of  May  4th, 
1649,^  and  carefully  prepared  for,^  opened  on  Christmas  Day. 
It  proved  an  inspiring  manifestation  of  Catholic  life.  The 
Pope  opened  the  Holy  Door  at  St.  Peter's  in  person  whilst  a 
similar  ceremony  was  being  carried  out  at  St.  Paul's  by 
Cardinal  Lante,  at  the  Lateran  by  Cardinal  Colonna  and  at 
St.  Mary  Major  by  Cardinal  Maidalchini.  Such  was  the 
concourse  at  St.  Peter's  that  the  military  had  to  be  called 
out  to  maintain  order,  whilst  at  St.  Mary  Major,  where  this 
precaution  had  not  been  taken,  Cardinal  Maidalchini  was  in 
danger  of  being  crushed  by  the  crowd.  ^ 

Innocent  X.  eagerly  participated  in  the  exercises  prescribed 
for  gaining  the  Indulgence  :  he  visited  the  four  prescribed 
churches  on  no  less  than  sixteen  occasions  and  not  even  bad 
weather  deterred  him  from  making  these  visits.  In  order  to 
set  a  good  example  all  the  Cardinals,  even  the  eighty  years 
old  Lante,  made  their  visits  to  the  churches  on  foot.  Cardinals 
Giovan  Battista  Altieri,  Francesco  Rapaccioli,  Juan  de  Lugo, 
Vincenzo  Maculano  and  Luigi  Capponi  preached  at  S.  Marcello, 

1  See  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  loc.  cit. 

2  *Letter  of  the  Spanish  nuncio,  dat.  Madrid,  1653,  August  6, 
Niinziat.  di  Spagna,  105,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

*  See  Bull.,  XV.,  628  seqq.  {cf.  632  seqq.)  ;  G.  S.  Ruggieri, 
Diario  dell'  anno  del  S.  Giuhileo  1650,  2  seqq.  On  October  15, 
23  and  25,  1649,  respectively,  Briefs  were  sent  to  the  Emperor, 
to  all  the  Catholic  Princes  and  to  the  Bishops  exhorting  them  to 
promote  Jubilee  pilgrimages  to  the  utmost  of  their  power. 
Epist.,  IV.-VI.,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

*  See  Deone,  *Diario,  Cod.  XX.,  IIL,  21,  Bibl.  Casanatense, 
Rome. 

*  See  Servantius,  *Diaria,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch.  Cf.  also  the  copper- 
plate engravings  of  Fr.  Bosoni. 


THE    JUBILEE    OF    1650.  181 

and  the  Pope  also  summoned  distinguished  preachers  from 
outside  Rome.^ 

On  January  20th,  1()50,  the  Pope  received  in  solemn 
audience  the  Duke  of  Infantado,  Phihp  IV. 's  ambassador, 
who  displayed  characteristic  Spanish  pomp  on  the  occasion. - 
His  suite  consisted  of  300  carriages  whilst  the  extraordinary 
envoy  of  the  Spanish  King's  wife,  Marianna  of  Austria,  came 
with  a  suite  of  100  carriages  when  he  presented  himself  for 
his  audience  on  January  28th. ^ 

Notwithstanding  the  continuation  of  the  war  between 
France  and  Spain  and  the  tension  in  Italy  arising  out  of 
Spanish  military  preparations,  crowds  of  pilgrims  came  from 
all  parts,  among  them  even  princely  personages.  Thus  spring 
saw  the  arrival  of  the  sons  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Florence, 
Princes  Matthias  and  Leopold,  who  travelled  incognito.  The 
Princes  spent  some  time  in  Rome  and  for  five  days  (20-25th 
April)  they  lodged  at  the  Vatican.*  Princess  Margaret  of 
Savoy  arrived  in  May  ;  she  was  dressed  and  travelled  as  an 
ordinary  pilgrim  and  lodged  at  the  Convent  of  Tor  de'  Specchi. 
It  is  related  that  it  was  with  difficulty  that  Olimpia  succeeded 
in  persuading  the  Princess  to  receive  her.^ 

During  the  Holy  Week  and  Easter  services  the  splendour 
and  majesty  of  the  Church's  liturgy  were  seen  in  all  their 

1  See  the  *Avvisi  of  1650,  especially  that  of  December  3, 
Pap.  Sec.  Arch.  Cf.  Deone,  January  12,  1650,  in  Ciampi,  74, 
and  *Diario,  Barb.  4819,  March  12,  1650,  Vatican  Library  ; 
Manni,  200  seq. 

"  Cf.  Deone,  *Diario,  loc.  cit. 

'  See  RuGGiERi,  36,  38.  Cardinal  Albornoz,  who  had  represented 
Spain  up  till  then,  died  towards  the  end  of  1649,  as  also  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Emperor,  Duke  Federigo  Savelli  ;  Deone 
writes  :  "  *ambedue  i  piu  esperti  ambasciatori  che  vcdcssc  mai 
Roma  "  {Diario,  loc.  cit.). 

*  See  *Report  of  Vine.  Rosco,  dated  1650,  April  9,  Gonzaga 
Arch.,  Mantua  ;  Servantius,  *Diaria,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch.,  and 
Alaleonc,  *Diaruim,  Vatican  Library. 

*  See  Servantius,  loc.  cit.,  *Alaleonc,  loc.  cit.  ;  Ruggieri, 
134  ;    .\dkmollo,  G.  Gigli,  123  scqq. 


l82  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

overwhelming  grandeur.  The  Pope  took  a  personal  part  in 
all  the  functions  ;  on  Maundy  Thursday  he  performed  the 
ceremony  of  the  washing  of  the  feet  in  the  Sala  Ducale  but 
he  likewise  washed  the  feet  of  poor  pilgrims  in  the  hospital  of 
Trinita  de'  Pellegrini.^  The  many  Confraternities  of  the 
Eternal  City  vied  with  one  another  in  the  adornment  of 
their  churches.  The  altar  of  repose  in  the  Spanish  national 
church  of  S.  Giacomo  surpassed  even  that  of  the  Vatican 
basilica  ;  hundreds  of  lamps  and  candles  formed  a  resplendent 
crown  of  glory  around  it.  The  Pantheon,  the  interior  of  which 
was  adorned  with  religious  pictures  and  thousands  of  lights, 
presented  a  fairylike  spectacle.  At  the  Good  Friday  procession 
the  magnificent  new  banners  of  the  Campo  Santo  attracted 
much  notice  ;  12,500  pilgrims  were  counted  in  the  procession 
of  the  Confraternity  of  Trinita  de'  Pellegrini. ^ 

Universal  admiration  was  aroused  by  the  decoration  of 
Piazza  Navona  for  the  procession  which  was  held  there  by 
the  Spanish  Confraternity  of  the  Resurrection  in  the  early 
hours  of  Easter  Sunday  morning  (April  17th).  This  ceremony, 
in  which  the  Spanish  ambassador  was  wont  to  take  a 
conspicuous  part,  had  fallen  into  abeyance  during  the 
pontificate  of  Urban  VIII.  The  Roman  Carlo  Rinaldi  turned 
the  ancient  circus  of  Domitian  into  a  court  surrounded  by 
columns  entwined  with  garlands  of  foliage  and  illumined  by 
1,600  lights.  Choirs  of  singers  were  stationed  in  the  centre. 
At  each  end  rose  a  magnificent  pavilion  given  by  the  Castilians 
and  the  Aragonese  ;  in  one  was  seen  a  figure  of  the  risen 
Saviour,  in  the  other  that  of  His  Blessed  Mother.  A  con- 
temporary declared  that  this  exhibition,  of  which  a  copper 
engraving  by  Dominique  Barriere  has  preserved  a  faithful 
picture,  was  by  itself  alone  worth  the  journey  from  Spain  to 
Rome.^ 

1  See  RuGGiERi,  75,  78  seq. 

2  See  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  Vat.  8873,  Vatican  Library  ;  Deone, 
*Diario,  loc.  cit.  ;    Ruggieri,  78  seq.,  81. 

'  See  *De  Rossi,  loc.  cit.  ;  Deone,  *Diario,  loc.  cit.  ;  Ruggieri, 
88  ;   JusTi,  Velasquez,  II.,  166  seq.  ;   Hempel,  Rainaldi,  26  seqq. 


PILGRIMS    IN    ROME.  183 

Already  by  Easter  the  nunib.'r  of  pil/L^rims  was  reckoned  at 
70,000.^  May  witnessed  the  arrix'al  of  Confraternities  from 
all  parts  of  Italy,  each  with  its  own  insignia  and  accompanied 
by  the  clergy  and  the  ci\il  authorities  ;  the  insignia  of  the 
Orvietans  were  the  most  admired  of  all.^  Unfortunately  some 
regrettable  quarrels  and  collisions  occurred  between  the 
various  Confraternities  on  account  of  questions  of  precedence 
and  even  here  the  great  political  divergences  manifested 
themselves  ;  thus  the  Archconfraternity  of  the  Madonna  del 
Gonfalone  was  favoured  by  the  French  wliilst  that  of  S 
Marcello  enjoyed  the  support  of  the  Spaniards.  Regrettable 
incidents  were  also  provoked  b}^  the  conduct  of  Spanish 
recruiting  agents.  When  these  interfered  even  with  some  of 
the  pilgrims,  the  latter  beat  them  with  their  own  silver- 
mounted  sticks  off  St.  Peter's  square  and  dragged  them  to 
prison.  The  following  threat  was  posted  up  on  Pasquino  : 
"  Masaniellos  are  born  in  Rome  also  ".^  The  resentment  of 
the  Romans  against  the  Spaniards  rose  so  high  that  the 
latter  scarcely  dared  to  show  themselves  in  the  streets  and 
the  Pope  experienced  the  utmost  difficulty  in  maintaining 
order  and  tranquillity.'*  Though  such  incidents  were  bound 
to  disturb  the  devotion  of  the  pilgrims,  they  did  not  spoil 
the  general  impression  of  the  jubilee.  "  If  the  innovators 
could  see  the  devotion  of  the  crowds,  which  included  many 
men  of  education,  as  they  went  their  way  to  the  various 
shrines,  they  would  not  attack  the  institution  of  the  jubilee," 
we  read  in  the  diary  of  a  Roman  of  the  time  ^ ;   in  fact  more 

'  Sec  *De  Rossi,  loc.  cil. 

*  Deone  in  Ciampi,  75.  Ruggieri  (103  scqci.)  has  very  detailed 
accounts  of  all  the  entries.  Cf.  Rivetti,  ]'iaggio  di  tin  prctc 
Bresciano  a  Roma  ncl  1650.  in  Brixia  sacra,  W .  (1913),  32  seqq. 

'  See   De   Rossi,    loc.    cit.  ;     Ademollo,    G.    Cigli,    84   scqq.  ; 

JUSTI,    II.,    165. 

*  Cf.  the  detailed  description  in  Servantius,  *  Diana  on 
July  28,  1650,  loc.  cit.,  and  the  *I)iano  of  Amevden,  loc.  cil., 
p.  84  seq. 

■'  *I)iario  in  Barb.  481Q,  p.  56^  Vatican  Library.  Cf.  also 
Manni,  I'jO,  202  seq. 


184  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

than  one  non-Catholic  visitor  to  Rome,  such  as  Duke  Johann 
Friedrich  of  Brunswick  and  Count  Christoph  of  Rantzau, 
were  so  favourably  impressed  that  they  returned  to  the 
ancient  Church.^ 

The  total  number  of  pilgrims  was  estimated  at  700,000  ^ 
everyone  of  whom  stayed  in  the  Eternal  City  for  at  least  a 
fortnight.  The  consequence  was  that  prices  rose  at  first,  but 
the  Pope  intervened  in  order  to  save  the  pilgrims  from  being 
imposed  upon.  For  poor  Bishops  he  had  set  aside  a  special 
hospice  in  the  Borgo.^  As  at  former  jubilees,  this  time  also 
the  hospice  of  Trinita  de'  Pellegrini  distinguished  itself ; 
eventually  a  bronze  bust  of  Innocent  X.  by  Algardi  was  put 
up  in  the  hostel  in  memory  of  the  Pope's  benefactions.^  Even 
Olimpia  put  herself  at  the  service  of  benevolence  ;  she  got 
forty-two  ladies  to  collect  money  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
pilgrims  ;  between  them  they  collected  16,582  scudi,  a  sum 
sufficient  to  shelter  and  entertain  in  the  above-mentioned 
hospice,  for  the  space  of  three  days,  226,711  men,  81,822 
women  and  25,902  convalescents.^  The  other  Roman 
Confraternities  also  provided  so  generously  for  the  entertain- 
ment of  outside  Confraternities  affiliated  to  them,  that  a 
contemporary  observed  that  on  occasions  like  this  the  Romans 
did  not  only  gain  much,  but  they  likewise  expended  much.® 

The  Pope  did  all  in  his  power  to  assure  the  importation  of 

^  Cf.  above,  p.  137. 

2  *Avviso  of  December  31,  1650,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 
'  See  RuGGiERi,   15  seq.,   19  seq.,  21  ;    Noack,  Deutschtum  in 
Rom,  56. 

*  RuGGiERi,  75. 

^  See  NovAES,  X.,  32.  According  to  the  list  in  the  appendix 
of  Ruggieri  the  total  expenses  of  the  hospice  amounted  to  28,808 
scudi,  of  which  26,539  scudi  could  be  covered  by  alms.  An 
engraving  of  Fr.  Bosoni  represents  the  "  funzioni  principali, 
che  si  esercitano  dalla  arciconfraternita  della  S.  Trinita  di  Roma 
nel  albergare  i  peregrini  1650  ". 

*  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  loc.  cit.  The  engraving  of  Fr.  Bosoni 
represents  "  il  modo  che  tengono  le  arciconfraternite  e  compagnie 
spirit,  di  Roma  in  alloggiar  le  compagnie  aggregate,   1650  ". 


NEW   CARDINALS.  I05 

provisions.  On  the  occasion  of  his  visits  to  tlie  churclies  he 
showed  such  wilhngness  to  listen  to  those  who  drew  near  to 
him  that  the  pilgrims  were  filled  with  admiration.^  On 
November  24th,  1650,  he  reduced  the  number  of  the  prescribed 
visits  to  the  churches  and  at  the  conclusion  of  the  jubilee  he 
extended  it  to  the  whole  Catholic  world  for  the  following 
year.  2 

(3.) 

In  nine  creations  Innocent  X.  raised  forty  prelates  to  the 
purple  ;  most  of  them  Italians. ^  At  his  first  creation,  on 
November    Mth,    1(544,    the   red   hat   was   bestowed   on   his 

*  De  Rossi,  loc.  cit. 

-  See  Servantius,  *Diaria,  Pap.  Sec.  Arcli.  ;  ^Ianni,  20S 
(here  also  particulars  on  the  Jubilee  coins).  Cf.  also  Barbier 
DE  MoNTAULT,  Uiic  mMaUle  du  Jubile  de  1650,  Beauvais,  1900. 
The  publications  on  the  Jubilee  are  enumerated  in  IManni  (208 
seq.).  On  the  directors  of  the  pilgrimages  and  on  the  publications 
on  the  Jubilee,  see  Schudt,  Mancini,  126  seq.  ;  Zcitschrift 
fiir  Kiinstgesch.  of  Sauer,  1928,  as  also  Nogara,  Anno  Santo, 
Roma,  1928,  1092  seq.  In  the  year  1650  appeared  the  following 
interesting  work  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  history  of  art  : 
"  *Descrittione  delle  pitture  piu  insigni  che  si  trovano  nelle 
chiese  di  Roma  come  nelli  palazzi  e  faciate  di  essi  con  li  nomi 
deir  ecc.  pittori  che  I'hanno  depinte,  compresovi  il  palazzo 
Pontificio  Vaticano  con  la  dichiaratione  di  alcune  statue  e  nomi 
d'  architetti,"  Ottob.  2975,  Vatican  Library.  Here  we  read  : 
"  A  mezzo  Borgo  Nuovo  vi  h  una  facciata  di  chiaroscuro  con  una 
Venere  —  e  disegno  di  Santio." 

'  Cf.  for  what  follows,  Ciaconius,  IV.,  667-705  ;  Cardella, 
VII.,  51-120.  For  G.  C.  Medici,  see  Reumont,  Toskana,  1 1., 
435,  and  G.  Pieraccini,  La  stirpe  de'  Medici  di  Cafaggiolo, 
11-.  553  5f^.  Quite  void  of  historical  value  is  La  balance  des 
cardinaux  vivants,  Paris,  1652  (see  about  this  satire,  Lettres  de 
Richelieu,  IL,  558,  n.  2),  in  Italian  Genevra,  1650,  under  the  name 
of  G.  Leti,  Castellana  (Ginevra,  1656)  ;  cf.  Ciampi,  398.  Rctz' 
opinion  on  the  Cardinals  of  Innocent  X.  in  his  Mcnioircs,  IL, 
314- 


l86  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

nephew  Camillo  Pamfili  and  Gian  Carlo  Medici,  the  art-loving 
brother  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  evidently  because 
Tuscany  had  furthered  Innocent  X.'s  election.  Medici  had 
previously  nursed  very  different  plans  ;  his  worldly  sentiments 
and  loose  morals  made  him  so  unworthy  of  this  high  distinction 
that  he  was  eventually  compelled  to  leave  Rome.  At  this 
first  creation  the  Datarius  Domenico  Cecchini  was  named  in 
petto  ;  his  elevation  was  not  published  till  March  6th,  1645.^ 
Seven  Cardinals  were  created  on  the  same  occasion  :  all  of 
them  were  thought  to  be  decided  supporters  of  Spain  but 
undoubtedly  worthy  of  the  high  dignity  to  which  they  had 
been  raised  ;  they  were  the  Bolognese  Niccolo  Albergati,  a 
kinsman  of  Gregory  XV.  and  Archbishop  of  his  native  city  ; 
the  Roman  Tiberio  Cenci,  Bishop  of  lesi ;  the  Neapolitan 
Pier  Luigi  Carafa,  who  had  for  many  years  successfully  held 
the  nunciature  of  Cologne  under  the  pontificate  of  Urban 
VIII. ,^  after  which  he  had  done  excellent  work  in  his  diocese 
of  Tricarico  ;  the  Genoese  Orazio  Giustiniani,  at  first  Bishop 
of  Montalto,  then  of  Nocera,  a  warm  friend  of  the  Oratorians  ; 
Alderano  Cibo,  a  scion  of  the  princely  House  of  Massa- 
Carrara,^  Innocent  X.'s  maggiordomo  ;  the  Roman  Federigo 
Sforza  and  Benedetto  Odescalchi  of  Como.  Francesco  Maria 
Farnese,  reserved  in  petto,  was  proclaimed  on  December  14th, 
1645. 

The  Pope's  former  relations  with  Poland — as  Cardinal  he 
had  been  Protector  of  that  Kingdom — explain  the  elevation, 
on  March  28th,  1646,  of  John  Casimir,  King  Sigismund  III.'s 
son  who,  however,  had  to  lay  aside  the  purple  on  July  6th, 
1648,  when  he  was  elected  King  of  Poland.* 

1  Cf.  Arch.  Rom.,  X.,  308  seq.  On  Tuscany 's  good  relations 
with  Innocent  X.,  see  the  *  Report  of  the  Florentine  ambassador 
of  February  i,  1645,  State  Archives,  Florence. 

"  Cf.  the  present  work.  Vol.  XXVIII.,  162  seqq. 

^  Cf.  L.  Mussi,  //  Cardinal  A  Iderano  dei  principi  Cibo-Malaspina, 
Massa,  1913  ;  E.  Jovy,  Les  archives  dii  card.  A.  Cibo  a  Massa, 
Paris,    191 8. 

*  See  Theiner,  Mon.  Pol.,  III.,  439  seq.,  457  ;  Ciaconius, 
IV.,  678  ;    Appendix  to  Ciaconius,   26  seq.     Cf.  Pallavicino, 


NEW   CARDINALS.  187 

Another  great  creation  of  Cardinals  took  place  on  October 
7th,  1047.  On  this  occasion  Mazarin,  after  protracted  efforts, 
at  last  obtained  the  red  hat  for  his  brother  Michel,  since  1045 
Archbishop  of  Aix.^  The  Spaniards  had  opposed  him  up  to 
the  last,  but  in  vain  ;  all  they  secured  was  the  nomination  of 
Antonio  d'Aragona,  a  candidate  agreeable  to  their  King 
though  for  the  time  being  reserved  in  pcttor  Of  those  raised 
to  the  Sacred  College  on  this  occasion  only  the  Roman 
Francesco  Savelli  and  the  Venetian  Cristoforo  Vidman  could 
be  described  as  adherents  of  the  House  of  Habsburg  ;  the 
rest  were  politically  neutral  :  they  were  Francesco  Cherubini, 
formerly  Innocent's  auditor  during  his  nunciatures  at  Naples 
and  Madrid  ^  ;  the  Genoese  Lorenzo  Raggi,  and  the  youtliful 
Francesco  ]\hiidalchini.  Camillo  Astalli's  elevation  to  the 
Sacred  College  on  September  lOtli,  1050,  has  already  been 
mentioned.^ 

All  these  creations  were,  however,  insufficient  to  fill  the 
gaps  in  the  Church's  supreme  senate  for  from  the  time  of 
Innocent  X.'s  election  to  the  beginning  of  1052,  the  death  had 
taken  place  of  no  less  than  twenty  Cardinals.^    Accordingly, 

I.,    293  ;     Darowski,    in    the    periodical    Przcgl'ad   polski,    iSgj, 
II.,  iii.   See  also  Lammer,  Ziif  Kiychcugesch.,  150  seq. 

1  Cf.  above,  p.  63. 

=  Published  March  14,  1650. 

'  GiusTiNiAN  calls  Cherubini  "  un' angclo  di  bonta  ".  Berchet, 

II.,  157- 

*  Cf.  above,  p.  39. 

'-  In  1645  died  :  F.  do  la  Rochefoucauld,  P.  P.  Cresccnzi, 
Fr.  Cennini,  G.  Borgia ;  in  1646  :  Valen9ay,  D.  Spinola,  A. 
Barbcrini  ;  in  1647  :  Fr.  M.  Farnese  ;  in  1648  :  M.  Mazarin 
and  L.  Falconicri  (on  the  latter's  marble  tomb,  see  I-'orcella, 
^IF.  39);  in  1649:  A.  Spinola,  D.  Giustiniani  and  Egidio 
Albornoz  ;  in  1650  :  G.  Mattei,  M.  Teodoli,  C.  Monti  and  Ant.  de 
Aragonia  ;  in  1651  :  Panciroli  and  C.  Rocci  ;  in  1652  (January 
20)  :  G.  V'erospi.  See  Ciaconius,  IV.,  706,  who  aLso  gives  the 
names  of  those  who  died  later.  (On  the  tomb  of  Cardinal  Bichi, 
who  died  in  1657,  see  Taurisano,  S.  Sabina  lav..  20.)  Not  a 
few  of  these  Cardinals  left  an  excellent  reputation  behind  them. 
Scrvantius,  who  is  often  very  severe  {*Diaria,  Paj).  Sec.   Arch)., 


l88  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

in  a  large  scale  creation  of  February  15th,  1652,  Innocent  X. 
sought  to  complete  the  Sacred  College  once  more.^  A  few 
foreigners  among  the  new  members  of  the  College  of  Cardinals 
owed  their  elevation  to  consideration  for  the  Great  Catholic 
Powers.  To  France's  and  Spain's  recommendation  was  due 
the  bestowal  of  the  purple  on  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  Gondi, 
and  on  the  Spanish  Dominican  Domingo  Pimentel  whose 
tomb,  designed  by  Bernini,  may  be  seen  in  the  church  of  the 
Minerva  in  Rome.^  The  Emperor  succeeded  in  forcing  through 
the  nomination  of  the  Landgrave  Frederick  of  Hesse,  a  great- 
nephew  of  Philip,  the  author  of  the  religious  cleavage  in  his 
territory.^  The  remaining  seven  Cardinals  were  all  Italians, 
and  among  them  the  Secretary  of  State  Chigi  and  the  Auditor 
of  the  Rota  Pietro  Ottoboni  were  by  far  the  most  distinguished 
figures  :  the  former  was  destined  to  ascend  the  See  of 
Peter  under  the  name  of  Alexander  VII.,  the  latter  under 
that  of  Alexander  VIII.  Gian  Girolamo  Lomellini,  Luigi 
Alessandro  Omodei  and  Marcello  Santa  Croce  had  rendered 
distinguished  services  in  the  administration  of  the  Pontifical 
States.    Jacopo  Corrado   of  Ferrara  was  distinguished  both 

praises  Falconieri  as  "  vir  prudentissimus  at  maximae  expecta- 
tionis  "  ;  of  Spinola  he  says  :  "  eius  integerrima  vita,  qua  ipse 
magis  cardinalatus  dignitatem  illustravit  quam  purpura  ipsum 
decorasset."  Of  Mattei  he  says  :  "  Vir  fuit  summae  virtutis, 
maximi  ingenii  et  prudentiae  et  non  mediocris  doctrinae. 
Maioribus  potitus  est  Sedis  Apostolicae  oneribus,  et  numquam 
lassus,  semper  autem  vigilans  adhuc  in  minoribus  Status  ecclesi- 
astici  quietem  sustinuit  et  ab  omni  perturbatione  totis  animi 
viribus  defendere  studuit  maxime  dum  pestis  anno  1630  totam 
fere  depopulabatur  Italiam  ;  tunc  enim  tanta  fuit  eius  diligentia 
et  virtus,  ut  ex  ipsius  vigilantia  maior  pars  ecclesiastici  Status 
propriam  usque  adhuc  recognoscat  integritatem." 

^  Cf.  CiACONius,  IV.,  686.  See  also  the  *dissertation  of 
G.  RiccARDi  of  1652,  in  Cod.  C,  III.,  60,  Chigi  Library,  Rome. 

2  See  Berthier,  L'eglise  de  la  Minerve  a  Rome,  Rome,  1910, 
257  seq  ;    Reymond,  in. 

^  See  Friedensburg,  Regesten,  V.,  95,  97  seq.,  99,  106  ;  Noack, 
in  Zeitschr.  fur  die  Gesch.  des  Oberrheins,  LXXX.  (1928), 
341-386. 


NEW   CARDINALS.  1 89 

for  his  knowledge  of  the  law  and  the  holiness  of  his  life.' 
Baccio  Aldobrandi  owed  his  elevation  to  his  being  a  kinsman 
of  Olimpia  Aldobrandini.  Two  Cardinals  reserved  in  petto 
were  proclaimed  on  March  2nd,  1654  :  they  were  the  Genoese 
Lorenzo  Imperiali  who  had  forced  seditious  Fermo  to 
surrender,  after  which  he  had  become  Governor  of  Rome, 
and  Gilberto  Borromeo,  Secretary  of  the  Consulta.  On  June 
2;}rd,  lG.j3,2in  order  to  seal  his  reconciliation  with  the  Barberini, 
the  Pope  bestowed  the  purple  on  Carlo  Barberini. ^ 

Innocent  X.'s  last  creation,  on  March  2nd,  1G54,  added 
seven  new  members  to  the  Sacred  College.  Unfortunately 
among  them  there  were  two  whose  elevation  to  so  high  an 
honour  was  as  worthy  of  blame  as  the  disastrous  nominations 
of  papal  nephews.  Carlo  Gualtieri  of  Orvieto,  a  protege  of 
Cardinal  Pamfili,  was  too  young,  whilst  Decio  Azzolini, 
sponsored  by  Olimpia,  was  indeed  richly  endowed,*  but  his 
moral  conduct  was  not  irreproachable.^  On  the  other  hand 
the  remaining  five  were  excellent  men.  Prospero  Caffarelli 
and  Ottavio  Acquaviva  d'Aragona  had  successfully  worked 
in  the  administration  of  the  Pontifical  States  ;  Carlo  Pio  of 
Savoy,  a  nephew  of  Cardinal  Carlo  Emmanuele,  had  served 
Innocent    X.    in    the    capacity   of    treasurer.    Giambattista 


^  See  Berchet,  Relaz.  Roma,  II.,  270  seq.  The  King  of  Poland, 
John  Casimir,  had  used  his  influence  on  behalf  of  INI.  Santa  Croce ; 
see  Theiner,  Mon.  Pol.,  III.,  475. 

*  Not  on  February  19,  1652,  as  Cardella  states  (VH.,  83)  ; 
see  *Acta  consist.,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

*  "  *I1  Tobia.  Composizione  musicale  per  Oratorio,"  was 
dedicated  to  Carlo  Barberini  by  Benedetto  Salvetti.  Barb.  3661, 
Vatican  Library. 

*  De  Rossi  {*Isioria)  e.xtols  his  "  vivacita  innarrabilc  del 
suo  spirito  e  leggiadro  intclletto  ".     ]'at.  8873,  Vat.  Library. 

'  See  Pallavicio,  I.,  206.  For  Azzolini,  cf.  Bildt,  Christine 
de  Suede  et  le  card.  Azzolino,  Paris,  1899.  For  the  medals  of 
Azzolini,  see  Bildt,  Les  mcdailles  Romaines  de  Christine  de 
Suede,  Rome,  1908.  A  bust  of  Gualtieri  from  the  Cappella  del 
Corporale  is  now  in  the  museum  of  the  cathedral  of  Orvieto. 


IQO  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Spada  ^  had  been  recommended  to  the  Pope  by  Cardinal 
Francesco  Barberini  whilst  Francesco  Albizzi's  excellent 
qualities  were  sufficient  recommendation.  Under  Urban  VIII. 
the  latter  had  held  the  post  of  an  assessor  of  the  Inquisition 
and  had  accompanied  Cardinal  Ginetti  on  his  legation  to 
Germany.  Innocent  X.'s  attention  had  been  drawn  to  him 
by  his  great  services  to  the  Church  as  Secretary  of  the 
Congregation  set  up  to  deal  with  Jansenism. ^ 

(4.) 

As  regards  missionary  work  throughout  the  world,  the 
pontificate  of  Innocent  X.  is  less  important  than  the  reign 
of  his  predecessors  Gregory  V.  and  Urban  VIII.,  but  the 
Pamiili  Pope  nevertheless  earnestly  watched  and  furthered 
the  cause  of  the  apostolate  to  the  heathen,  hence  the  missions 
were  able  to  register  considerable  progress  during  his  reign. 

With  the  foundation  and  endowment  of  Propaganda  under 
his  two  predecessors,  the  foundation  had  been  laid  down,  as 
far  as  Europe  was  concerned,  of  a  new  orientation  and  a  more 
powerful  development  of  missionary  enterprise,  but  under 
Innocent  these  beginnings  were  to  attain  a  much  wider 
expansion.  In  this  respect  there  was  no  pause  even  when,  in 
1G49,  the  death  occurred  of  Francesco  Ingoli,  the  indefatigable 
secretary  of  Propaganda  and  its  quickening  spirit.  His 
inspiration  opened  the  new  paths  along  which  it  was  desired 
to  develop  missionary  activities.  Ingoli's  plan  was  to  place 
the  missions  under  the  immediate  direction  of  Propaganda, 
to  render  them  independent  of  the  Colonial  Powers,  to  employ 
secular  priests  and  to  create  a  native  clergy  in  missionary 
countries.^  Propaganda's  vigilance  over  the  missions  extended 
likewise  to  the  papal  Colleges  for  the  training  of  priests  ; 

^  CJ.  our  account  about  him  in  Vol.  XXVIII,  51.  Extensive 
biography  by  Sardi,  //  cardinale  G.  B.  Spada  c  il  conclave  del  1670, 
Lucca,  1920,  6  seq.,  20  seq. 

^  Exact  data  about  the  Cardinals  of  the  promotion  of  1654 
are  given  by  Do  Rossi,  *Istoria,  loc.  cit.  About  Albizzi,  cf.  also 
below,  Ch.  VI. 

3  See  KiLGER,  in  Zeitschr.  filr  Missiotiswiss.,  XII.,  27. 


PLANS    FOR   THE    MISSIONS.  igi 

these  institutions  were  to  remain  subject  to  canonical  visita- 
tions.^ Innocent  X.  appointed  Dionisio  Massari  to  succeed 
Ingoli  as  Secretary  to  Propaganda.  During  the  stay  in  France 
of  Cardinal  Antonio  Barberini,^  Urban  VIII. 's  nephew, 
Ludovico  Capponi  became  Prefect  of  Propaganda,  but  on  his 
return  Antonio  Barberini  resumed  that  position  and  retained 
it  until  his  death  in  K)?!.^ 

Although  we  do  not  hear  of  any  financial  assistance  of 
Propaganda  by  the  Pope,  he  nevertheless  strengthened  its 
authority  and  confirmed  its  powers.  In  the  Philippines  the 
decisions  of  Propaganda  had  been  described  as  no  more  than 
the  opinions  of  some  Cardinals  ;  thereupon  Innocent  X. 
confirmed  anew  Urban  \'III.'s  decision  that  the  decrees  of 
the  Prefect  and  Secretary  of  Propaganda  possessed  the  weight 
of  Apostolic  Constitutions  and  were  to  be  strictly  observed 
by  all  concerned.^  The  palace  which  served  as  Propaganda's 
headcjuarters  was  further  enlarged.^    A  number  of  ordinances 

'  See  *  Visile,  26  seq.  Archives  of  Propaganda,  Rome.  Cf. 
"  *Instruttione  per  11  Nuntii  per  visitare  i  collegi  soggetti  alle 
loro  Nunziature  conforme  all'  ordine  di  S.  S'^  e  della  congreg. 
di  Propag.  ",  dated  1645,  February  25,  Cod.  A.  II.,  48,  p.  136  seq. 
l^ihl.  Chigi,  Rome.  "  *Chirografo  di  N.  S.  Innocenzo  X.  con 
I'ordine  fermo  per  le  provisioni  de  seminarii  sotto  li  12  giugno 
1646:  Al  collegio  Inglesc  in  Duaco,  gia  in  Reims,  scudi  175 
moneta  il  mese."  For  the  seminaries  at  Fulda,  now  in  Cologne, 
146  sc.  and  3  soldi,  for  the  seminary  at  Braunsberg  97  sc.  and  10 
soldi  ;  for  the  poor  students  of  Propaganda  24  sc.  ;  for  the 
seminaries  in  \'icnna,  Prague,  Oimiitz,  Dillingen,  \'ilna  T15  sc. 
respectively  (Arch,  of  Propaganda,  Rome,  362,  p.  17).  "  *Stato 
<klla  s.  congregatione  de  Propaganda  fide  of  September  lu, 
1649  "  (E.xpenses  and  Receipts),  Cod.  Barb.  5086,  p.  25'",  \'at. 
Library. 

*  Cf.  aljove,  p.  52. 

'  Cf.  Moroni,  X\T.,  256  .-ieq. 

*  Sec  decree  of  June  30,  1652,  in  Ins  potitif.,  T.,  2S0  ;  cf. 
Colleclio  S.  Congregat.  de  Prop.  Fide,  I.,  35  seq.,  n.  119. 

'  Cf.  Castf.llucci,  in  .\lwa  Mater  Collegium  Urbauuui  de 
Prop.  Fide,  K127,  III.  (1921),  and  1\'.  (1922)  ;  Hkmpkl,  Borromini, 
157  seq. 


192  HISTORY   OF    THE    POPES. 

were  issued  for  the  internal  consolidation  of  the  institution  : 
thus  the  oath  of  the  pupils  who  were  ordained  ad  titulum 
missionis  (for  the  missions)  was  to  bind  them  perpetually  to 
Propaganda  ;  in  accordance  with  an  ordinance  of  1654,  the 
money  for  their  journey  was  to  be  handed  to  them  only  on 
completion  of  their  studies.^ 

The  Pope  likewise  intervened  in  the  development  of  the 
Carmelite  Missionary  Seminary  in  Rome  when  in  1647  he 
approved  the  decision  of  the  General  Chapter  to  unite  the 
Seminary  and  the  Provincial  house  of  studies  ;  however,  in 
1650  he  demanded  their  severance. ^  The  centralization  of 
the  missions  to  the  heathen  was  decisively  furthered  by  the 
foundation  of  the  society  of  secular  missionary  priests  which 
was  already  preparing  in  Paris. ^  The  first  impulse  was  given 
by  a  Jesuit  missionary  from  the  Far  East,  Alexander  Rhodes, 
who  petitioned  Innocent  X.  to  give  Bishops  to  the  Church  of 
Annam  for,  in  the  event  of  the  expulsion  of  the  missionaries 
by  the  native  Kings,  that  Church  ran  the  risk  of  extinction.* 
At  one  moment  the  Pope  felt  inclined  to  make  Rhodes  himself 
a  Bishop  but  the  latter  declined  the  honour  on  the  ground  of 
his  being  a  Jesuit  ;  consequently  Innocent  X.  instructed  him 
to  look  for  suitable  men  who  might  be  sent  as  Bishops  to  the 
Far  East.^  Propaganda  amplified  this  scheme  in  the  sense 
that  in  1650  it  laid  before  the  Pope  a  scheme  for  the  erection 
of  twelve  dioceses,  under  one  or  two  Archbishops,  and  the 
training  of  a  native  clergy  for  the  Far  Eastern  Churches. « 
After  a  vain  search  for  suitable  candidates  for  the  episcopate 
in  Italy  and  Switzerland,  Rhodes  visited  Paris  in  1653.   There 

1  See  lus  poniif..  I.,  97,  109,  and  Collect.,  I.,  n.  1 12-122.  About 
the  studies  in  the  colleges  see  Alma  Mater,  55  seq. 

2  See  lus  pontif.,  I.,  250  seq.  Cf.  Kilger,  in  Zeitschr.  fiir 
Alissionswiss.,  1915,  213. 

3  Cf.  Cerri,  Estat  present  de  I'Eglise,  Rome,  1677,  300  seq.  ; 
Jann,  215  s^g.,  and  Kilger,  in  Zeitschr.  fiir  Missionswiss.,  1922, 
27  seq. 

*  Launay,  I.,  8. 
5  Ibid.,  9. 
«  Ibid.,  10. 


REORGANIZING   THE    MISSIONS.  I93 

his  fellow  Jesuit,  Bagot,  introduced  him  to  his  small  sodality 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  whose  members  declared  their  readiness 
to  work  for  the  spread  of  the  faith  and  the  foundation  of 
new  churches.^  Innocent  X.,  informed  by  Propaganda,  ordered 
Bagno,  the  Paris  nuncio,  to  choose  from  among  the  French 
clergy  three  priests  whom  he  judged  the  most  worthy  of  the 
episcopate.  Bagno's  choice  fell  on  Pallu,  De  Laval  and 
Pique,  whilst  the  yearly  endowment  of  600  francs  for  each 
of  them  was  soon  raised,  mainly  through  the  generosity  of 
Richelieu's  niece,  the  Duchess  of  Aiguillon.^  Portugal  strongly 
opposed  the  appointment  of  French  Bishops  in  territory 
included  in  its  Patronage.  With  a  view  to  circumventing 
this  difficulty,  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  together  with  St. 
Vincent  de  Paul  and  some  other  priests,  petitioned  the  Pope 
in  July,  1653,  to  refrain  from  erecting  new  dioceses  in  the 
Far  East,  and  whilst  having  the  selected  secular  priests 
consecrated  Bishops,  to  send  them  forth  merely  as  delegates 
of  the  Apostolic  See.^  The  proposal  was  favourably  received 
in  Rome  but  remained  without  effect  owing  to  a  campaign 
against  the  French  secular  priests  and  the  Pope  himself  was 
reported  to  have  said,  when  commissioning  Rhodes,  "  Above 
all,  no  Frenchmen  !  "  *  Innocent  X.  died  in  1655,  leaving 
the  execution  of  the  project  to  his  successor  Alexander  VII, ^ 
On  the  other  hand  the  foundation  of  another  missionary 
Society,  which  was  likewise  to  contribute  to  the  shifting  of 
the  centre  of  gravity  of  missionary  activities  towards  France, 
viz.  the  Lazarists,  still  falls  into  the  pontificate  of  Innocent  X. 

'  Ibid.,  13. 

*  Ibid.,  15. 

'  Ibid.,  19  seq.  On  the  protest  of  Portugal,  ibid.,  15  seq.,  and 
Jann,  loc.  cit. 

*  Launay,  I.,  20. 

^  Ibid.,  21  seq.  Rhodes  went  to  Persia  in  1654,  without  having 
achieved  anything  in  Paris  for  the  execution  of  the  command  of 
the  Pope,  so  that  he  cannot  be  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the 
Missionary  Society  of  Paris.  Cf.  the  controversy  about  this 
between  Huonder  and  Schwager,  in  Zeitschr.  fiir  Missionswiss., 
1911,  291  seq. 

VOL.  XXX.  O 


194  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

for  their  founder,  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  sent  missionaries  to 
Algiers  in  1640  and  to  Madagascar  in  1048.^  Missionary 
work  was  likewise  greatly  furthered  when  in  1049,  at  the 
request  of  the  General  of  the  Jesuits,  Innocent  X.  granted  a 
Plenary  Indulgence  to  all  persons  who  either  converted  an 
idolater  in  the  Indies  or  overseas,  or  prayed  for  the  conversion 
of  infidels  in  a  Jesuit  church  after  receiving  the  Holy  Eucharist, 
whilst  the  Pope  also  gave  extensive  faculties  to  the  missionaries 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus. ^  To  this  period  also  belong  the 
decisions  of  Propaganda  authorizing  missionaries  to  administer 
without  leave  of  either  Bishops  or  parish  priests,  those 
sacraments  the  dispensation  of  which  was  not  the  exclusive 
right  of  the  latter  (1647)  ^  ;  another  forbade  missionaries  to 
abandon  their  posts  even  in  times  of  persecution,  seeing  that 
it  was  then  that  their  flocks  had  most  need  of  their  presence 
(1646)  ;  finally  it  was  decreed  that  the  Prefects  of  Provinces 
might  recall  their  missionaries  to  their  respective  convents 
after  three  years  so  as  to  preserve  the  religious  spirit 
(1648). 4 

How  firmly  the  religious  Orders,  not  only  the  Jesuits  but 
also,  and  that  in  a  special  manner,  the  Franciscans,  clung  to 
their  missionary  duties  and  privileges,  may  be  gathered,  to 
give  but  one  instance,  from  the  book  of  the  Franciscan 
Raymond  Caron  on  the  work  of  evangelization  by  religious 
missionaries,  in  which  he  discusses  the  technique  of  the 
apostolate.^  Statistics,  obviously  incomplete,  of  the  year 
1649,  enumerate  forty-six  missions  or  prefectures  subject  to 
Propaganda  with  over  300  missionaries.^ 

In  the  East,  Jesuits,  Franciscans,  Capuchins,  Dominicans 
and  Carmelites,   in   conformity  with   the   Pope's  efforts  for 

1  See  below,  p.  197. 

-  lus  pontif.,  I.,  276  seq.  ;    cf.  ibid.,  iii. 

^  Collect.,  I.,  n.  116. 

*  Ibid.,  n.  109-115. 

*  Apostolatus  evangelicus  Missionarioritm  regularium  per 
universum  orbem  expositus,  Antwerpiae,  1653.  Cf.  Schmidlin, 
in  Zeiischr.  fiir  Missionswiss.,  I.  (1911),  225  seq. 

"  See  KiLGER,  in  Zeitschv  fiir  Missionswiss.,  XII.  (1922),  27. 


MISSIONS    IN    THE    EAST   AND    IN    AFRICA.     I95 

reunion,  continued  to  labour  for  the  preservation  of  unity 
and  the  return  of  the  schismatics.^  Innocent  X.  confirmed 
the  Constitutions  of  the  Basihans  in  1(347  ^ ;  the  Jesuits 
estabhshed  new  houses  in  Ruthenian  Poland,  as  for  instance 
at  Kieff  in  l()4r),3  and  in  Syria  many  Jacobites  were  brought 
back  to  Roman  unity  by  Archbishop  Andrew  Abdelgal  of 
Aleppo,  himself  a  convert.*  The  Patriarch  of  the  Maronites 
Joseph  III.  (1622-1647)  had  pronounced  a  sentence  of 
excommunication  against  those  Maronites  who  received  the 
Sacraments  at  the  hands  of  the  missionaries  of  the  Holy  See, 
but  in  1646  the  Archbishop  of  Aleppo  withdrew  the  sentence 
and  the  dispute  itself  was  settled  through  the  intervention 
of  the  French  consul.^  In  order  to  preserve  the  loyalty  of  the 
Maronite  people  to  the  Holy  See,  Innocent  X.,  with  the  help 
of  a  donation  of  the  Maronite  Victor  Scialac,  of  Accon, 
founded  and  endowed  a  pontifical  Maronite  Seminary  at 
Ravenna  and  placed  it  under  Propaganda.^  In  1655  the 
Catholicos  Philip  did  homage  to  the  Pope  in  the  name  of  the 


*  The  Visitation  of  the  residence  of  the  Jesuits  in  Constanti- 
nople ordered  by  Propaganda  (April  22,  1647),  showed  that  the 
Jesuits  laboured  much  among  the  Catholics  and  also  among  the 
Greeks,  who  liked  to  go  to  confession  to  them.  {*Visite,  29 
[1648],  Archives  of  Propag.,  Rome.)  On  January  22,  1648, 
Propaganda  bestowed  great  praise  on  the  Jesuits  who  had 
residences  also  in  Smyrna,  Naxos,  Santorin  and  Paros.  The 
Visitation  of  their  residence  in  Chios  (May  8,  1648),  testifies  to 
the  excellent  work  of  the  Fathers  but  also  to  their  poverty  ; 
they  were  supported  only  by  contributions  from  the  Pope  which 
they  received  since  the  time  of  Clement  VIII.  (ibid.). 

-  Ins  pontif.,  I.,  273  seq. 

^  Cf.   Hergenrother-Kirsch,    III.*,   416. 

'  Cf.  ibid.,  413.  A  "  *Relation  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  es  missions 
de  Syrie  de  la  Comp.  de  Jesus  de  leur  commencement  [1625] 
jusques  au  bout  de  I'an  1651,  in  Cod.  Z.  104  of  The  Hague 
Library. 

^  Ins  pontif.,  P.  II.,  102,  n.  197. 

"  I  us  pontif.,  I.,  260  seq.  ;  Bull.  Prop.  A  pp.,  I.,  237  seq.  ; 
Bull.  Taiir.,  XV.,  575  seq. 


196  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Armenians.^  Among  the  Persian  Chaldeans  40,000  families 
were  still  Catholic  in  1653,^  whereas  the  Indian  Chaldeans, 
the  so-called  Christians  of  St.  Thomas,  at  the  instigation  of 
the  Dutch,  expelled  the  Jesuits  in  1653,  when  they  went  over 
in  large  numbers  to  the  monophysite  Jacobites.^  In  1645,  on 
the  advice  of  Propaganda,  Innocent  entrusted  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Churches  of  both  Circassias,  and  of  those  in 
Mingrelia  and  Abbatia,  to  a  neighbouring  Bishop.* 

In  Africa  the  Copts  and  Abyssinians  had  relapsed  into 
schism  so  that  the  Reformati  and  the  Capuchins  dispatched 
thither  by  Propaganda  suffered  a  Martyrs'  death. ^  For  the 
Christians  of  Barbary,  on  the  recommendation  of  Propaganda, 
the  Pope  appointed  the  French  Lazarist  Philip  Le  Vacher, 
as  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Algiers  where  this  disciple  of  St.  Vincent 
de  Paul  displayed  the  greatest  zeal  in  ministering  to  the 
Christian  slaves  and  in  converting  the  Mohammedans.^  On 
the  coast  of  Guinea,  in  addition  to  the  Augustinians  (1646), 
Spanish  Capuchins  likewise  undertook  missionary  work  under 
the  auspices  of  Propaganda,  as  for  example  in  1644,  at 
Commando  where  they  were  well  received  and  baptized  the 
King's  son.  In  1645,  under  the  Andalusian  pro-provincial, 
Caspar  of  Sevilla,  they  undertook  work  among  the  negroes 

^  Hergenrother-Kirsch,  III.,  414.  A  *Brief  to  the  Shah 
of  Persia,  dated  July  13,  1652  {Epist.,  VII. -VIII.,  Pap.  Sec. 
Arch.)  recommends  missionaries  returning  to  Armenia. 

-  Hergenrother-Kirsch,  III.,  411  seq. 

^  Ibid.,  410.   Cf.  MtJLLBAUER,  302. 

*  "  Sigismundo  episcopo  Chersonensi  in  Tartaria  Praecopensi," 
I  us  pontif.,  I.,  238  seq.  In  the  regions  of  the  Caucasus  Carmelites 
and  at  times  also  Jesuits,  Capuchins  and  Theatines  were  at 
work  ;  see  Schmidlin,  Missionsgesch.,  222.  In  a  *Letter  to  the 
Princeps  Mengrelliae  (dated  February  2,  1646),  Innocent  X. 
expresses  his  thanks  for  the  friendly  reception  of  the  Theatines 
and  for  sending  two  young  Mingrelians  who  will  be  educated 
at  the  Propaganda.     Epist.,  II.,  Pap.  Sec.  Archives. 

5  See  Hergenrother-Kirsch,  III.,  412,  577  ;  Schmidlin, 
Missionsgesch.,  233,  371  ;   Lemmens,  180. 

*  lus  pontif.,  I.,  279,  P.  II.,  n.  107.    Cf.  Schmidlin,  372. 


AFRICAN    MISSIONS.  I97 

of  Senegal  where  they  also  met  with  a  friendly  reception  ; 
in  1648  in  Benin,  where  they  converted  the  King,  in  Sierra 
Leone  in  1()52,  with  equal  success,  notwithstanding  Portuguese 
opposition  ;  in  1055  in  Overo  where  the  ruler  embraced 
Christianity.^  Several  large  missionary  expeditions  of  Italian 
Capuchins  entered  the  kingdom  of  Congo,  viz.  li\c  Fathers 
in  1646,  thirty-one  in  1648,  forty-five  in  1651,  sixteen  in  1654. 
From  the  Christian  Queen  Zinga  they  received  powerful  support 
whilst  on  the  part  of  the  Portuguese  they  met  with  grievous 
obstacles.2  The  Portuguese  and  the  Mohammedans  between 
them  brought  about  the  ruin  of  the  mission  in  East  Africa, 
though  we  read  of  a  short-lived  Augustinian  mission  to 
Melinda  in  1644  and  the  conversion,  by  some  Dominicans,  of 
the  "  emperor  "  of  Monomatapa.^  The  Lazarists  landed  in 
Madagascar  in  1648  but  their  activity  was  hampered  in 
many  ways  as  a  result  of  its  being  inv^olved  in  France's 
colonial  policy.*  In  India  the  Jesuits  were  still  making 
thousands   of   converts,   as   in   the   territory   of   Madura,   in 

1  Cj.  Rocco  DA  Cesixale,  III.,  502  seq.  ;  Schmidlin,  229,  372. 
A  decree  of  Propaganda  of  1645  for  the  Andalusian  Capuchins 
among  the  Negritos,  in  Ins  poniif.,  P.  II.,  n.  188. 

*  Cf.  Rocco  DA  Cesinale,  III.  ;  Schmidlin,  227,  373  ;  Ciampi, 
242.  Among  the  rare  printed  works  of  the  Bibl.  Casanatensc, 
Rome,  there  is  a  copy  of  the  "  Breve  relatione  della  missione  dci 
[rati  minori  Cappuccini  al  regno  di  Congo  "  (Roma,  1649),  and 
"  a  copia  della  lettera  del  Re  di  Congo  a  S.  S'^  ",  dated  Congo, 
October  5,  1646.  Pontifical  Letters  to  the  King  of  Congo  on  the 
dispatch  of  Capuchins,  of  November  10,  1645,  May  20,  164S, 
January  14,  1651  and  November  21,  1653,  in  Bull.  Congr.  Prop. 
Fide,  VII.,  24  seqq.  In  1653  Propaganda  decided  that  mi.ssionaries 
in  the  Congo  could  not  exercise  any  missionary  jurisdiction  within 
five  hours'  walk  of  the  districts  of  the  parish  priests  without  the 
latter's  permission  ;    Jus  pontif.,  P.  II.,  n.  209. 

'  Cf.  PiOLET,  Les  missions  cath.  franc,  V.,  470  ;  Kilger,  in 
Zeitschr.  fiir  Missionswiss.,    1907,    103,   and  Schmidlin,   231. 

*  Schmidlin,  222,  and  the  bibliography  there  quoted.  A 
'■  *Lettera  scritta  dalli  missionarii  di  Madagascar  al  sig.  \'inccnzo 
di  Paolo  sup.  gen.  d.  frati  delle  missioni  per  darne  parte  alia  S. 
Congreg.  de  Propaganda,  1650  ",  in  Barb.  4546,  Vatican  Library. 


198  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Tanjaur,  Sattiamangalam  and  Tiruchirapalli,^  in  central 
Cochin,  in  Travancor,  on  the  fishers'  coast,  in  Canara,  Bejapor 
and  Bengal  as  well  as  at  the  court  of  the  Great  Mogul. ^ 
Franciscans,  Dominicans,  Augustinians,  Carmelites,  Theatines 
and  Capuchins  erected  new  houses  besides  the  existing  ones 
and  made  them  the  bases  of  their  missionary  undertakings.^ 
Between  1645  and  1646  Fr.  Rhodes  was  expelled  from  Cochin 
China  where  he  had  achieved  splendid  successes,  but  in  1646 
two  Jesuits  returned  thither  and  five  others  went  to  Tonkin 
where,  between  1645  and  1646,  24,000  persons  received  baptism 
whilst  50,000  were  converted  in  Cochin  China,  so  that  in  a 
petition  to  Innocent  X.  of  the  year  1653,  the  French 
missionaries  spoke  of  200,000  Christians  in  the  two  kingdoms 
who  were,  however,  deprived  of  spiritual  help  and  longed  for 
the  advent  of  new  shepherds.*  On  the  other  hand,  of  the 
missions  in  the  islands,  the  only  ones  that  survived  were 
those  in  Ceylon  where  the  king  or  emperor  Mutale  had  been 
converted  in  1644  ^ ;  in  Sanguin  where  the  Franciscans 
baptized  the  kings  of  Colonga  and  Tabuca  ^  and  in  Solor 
where  the  Dominican  Juan  da  Costa  established  the  station 
of  Baju  in  1650  and  received  a  number  of  pagans  into  the 
Church.  On  Timor  heavy  struggles  began  with  the  infiltration 
of  the  Dutch  in  1648.'  Lastly  in  the  Philippines,  Dominicans 
and  Franciscans,  Jesuits  and  Augustinians  laboured  together 
in  strengthening  the  Christians  and  in  an  attempt  at  the 
definitive  defeat  of  paganism.  A  decisive  step  towards  this 
consummation   was   the   act    of   November   20th,    1645,    by 

1  See  MtJLLBAUER,  204  seq.,  208,  214,  225  seq.,  228  seq. 

-  Ibid.,  279,  284,  287,  294,  296. 

=»  Ibid.,  325  seq.,  334,  341,  346,  352,  354.  Cf.  365,  on  the  Indo- 
Portuguese  bishoprics  of  that  time. 

*  Launay,  I.,  19  seq.  Cf.  Pachtler,  Das  Christentum  in 
Tonkin  und  Cochinchina  (1861),  62  seqq.,  163  seq.  Rhodes 
caused  also  an  Annamite  Catechism  to  be  printed  in  Rome  ; 

SCHMIDLIN,    254. 

•''    SCHMIDLIN,   255. 

"  CiVEZZA,  VII.,  2,  929  seq.  ;    Schmidlin,  257. 

'  Cf.  BiERMANN,  in  Zeitschr.  fur  Missionswiss.,  1924,  36,  41. 


JAPAN    AND    CHINA.  I99 

which  Innocent  X.,  at  the  request  of  the  King  of  Spain,  raised 
the  Dominican  College  of  St.  Thomas  at  Manila  to  the  status 
of  a  University  where  grammar,  rhetoric,  logic,  philosophy 
and  theology  were  taught  and  the  academic  degrees  could 
be  obtained.^  In  Japan  Christianity  had  been  destroyed 
together  with  the  missionaries  so  that  only  a  few  pitiful 
remains  lingered  on  in  secret,  though  as  late  as  1C46 
Propaganda  dispatched  thither  the  secular  priest  Bonfilz  and 
an  Augustinian  friar. - 

In  China  the  number  of  Christians  had  risen  to  150,000 
by    1650    so    that    in    the    following   year    Propaganda   was 

'  Bull.  Taur.,  X\'.,  414  ;  his  pontif.,  I.,  242  5^^.  Cf.  Schmidlin, 
263  seq. 

»  Schmidlin,  286.  Cf.  Kath.  Missionen,  1922-3,  nr.  4. 
The  "  *Ragguaglio  della  missione  del  Giappone  tratto  daU'ultima 
lettera  annua  del  1649  scritta  in  lingua  Portoghese  "  says  of 
the  College  of  Macao  that  "  E  egli  il  capo  della  provincia  del 
Giappone  e  seminario  de'  suoi  missionanti,  campo  ancora  e 
teatro  in  cui  essi  per  apparecchio  alle  lor  gloriose  impresc  si 
esercitano,  collegio  nel  quale  vi%on  soggetti  di  zelo  e  di  fervor  si 
grande  che  alcuni  di  lor  pregarono  instantissimamente  quest'anno 
il  Provinciale  a  far  veduta  di  licentiarli  come  discoli  della  Com- 
pagnia  e  dar  loro  le  vesti  di  sccolo,  accioche  creduti  di  non  esser 
dell'ordine  potessero  acconciatisi  per  servi  a'  mercanti  Olandesi 
haver  franco  passaggio  nel  Giappone,  se  bene  per  saggi  riguardi 
non  fu  loro  in  cio  acconsentito.  ...  E  ivi  anche  un  seminario 
fondato  da  un  prcte  Giapponese  con  capital  di  dodici  mila  tais. 
Quivi  s'allevano  i  putti  Giapponesi  apprendendo  tutto  il  ncccssario 
per  ordinarsi  sacerdoti  e  aprendosi  il  Giappone,  entrar\i  con  la 
sufficenza  sufficiente  a  predicare  e  risolver  li  dubi  che  occorrono. 
Si  attende  in  Macao  da  nostri  con  sommo  studio  al  bene  spiritualc 
de'  prossimi,  cssendovi  gran  messe  di  Portughesi  e  di  gente  scnza 
conto  di  altre  nationi.  II  concorso  che  in  tutte  le  feste  deH'anno 
h  in  nostra  chiesa  per  confessarsi  sembra  un  non  intcrmesso 
giubileo.  La  pieta  in  cui  per  opera  della  Compagnia  son  venute 
le  donne  e  le  publiche  penitcnze  che  fanno,  supera  ogiii  crcdenza. 
I  piu  nobili  cittadini  si  ritirano  spesso  nel  collegio  a  far  esercitii 
spirituali  di  Sant'Ignatio,  c  cio  fanno  specialmente  nella  quarcsima 
fin  a  venti  e  piii  insieme."  University  Library',  Freiburg,  in  Br. 
Cod.  274,  p.  94. 


200  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

considering  a  plan  for  a  Chinese  Patriarchate  of  twelve 
dioceses  with  two  or  three  archbishoprics.^  The  Cologne 
Jesuit  Adam  Schall  maintained  himself  at  Pekin  even  after 
the  overthrow  of  the  Ming  dynasty  by  the  Manchurian 
Tartars  1644  ;  he  won  the  goodwill  of  the  new  emperor  Shung- 
Ti  and  though  love  of  pleasure  prevented  the  latter's 
conversion,  he  conceived  a  great  esteem  for  the  Christian 
religion  and  frequently  visited  Schall.  The  Jesuit  took 
advantage  of  his  conversations  and  his  epistolary  commerce 
with  the  emperor  to  wrest  from  him  an  ordinance  favourable 
to  Christianity  and  to  win  for  it  the  sympathies  of  the  educated 
classes.^ 

In  southern  China  the  Jesuits  succeeded  in  converting  the 
emperor  of  the  dethroned  Ming  dynasty  who  had  fled  thither, 
together  with  three  other  members  of  the  imperial  family, 
among  them  the  empress'  son.  The  empress  was  given  the 
name  of  Helena  in  baptism  and  her  son  that  of  Constantine.^ 
The  Vatican  Archives  still  preserve  the  empress  Helena's 
letter  to  Innocent  X.  written  on  silk,  but  by  the  time  that 
document  reached  Rome  the  Pope  was  dead."* 

1  See  *Rapporto  dalle  missioni  di  Cina,  Scrit.  rif.,  1874,  II., 
n.  596,  Propaganda  Archives,  Rome.  Cf.  A.  Launay,  Hist,  de 
la  mission  de  Chine,  Vannes,  1907  ;  Schwager,  in  Zeitschr. 
fiir  Missionswiss.,  1912,  207  seq.  ;  Hist.-polit.  Blatter,  CXXXIX., 
120  seq.   Cf.  above,  p. 

2  See  Schall,  Relatio  de  initio  et  progressu  missionis  Soc.  lesu  in 
regno  Sinanim  (1665)  ;  Martini,  Brevis  relatio  de  niimero  et 
qualitate    christianorum    apud    Sinas    (1654).        Cf.    Schmidlin, 

273- 

3  Cf.  Schmidlin,  273  seq. 

*  The  remarkable  *Document  discovered  by  Mgr.  Ugolini 
{cf.  Antiquitdten-Zeitung,  191 1,  53),  the  authenticity  of  which  was 
attested  by  the  Chinese  ambassador  in  Rome,  is  in  *Arm.  VII., 
caps.  III.,  36,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch.,  with  a  latin  translation.  The 
Empress  writes  that  she  learnt  the  Faith  from  Fr.  Andrew  Xavier, 
"  et  ecce  credidi  "  ;  likewise  "  regina  imperatoris  mater  Maria, 
regina  eius  legitima  coniux  Anna  et  filius  imperatoris  princeps 
Constantinus  ".  She  sends  the  letter  by  "  P.  Andreas  Xavier  et 
Michael  Boym,  S.J.,  in  aula  imperatoris  pro  tempore  assistentes  ", 


CHINESE    MISSIONS.  201 

After  the  heroic  martyrdom  in  1648  of  the  Dominican, 
Blessed  Capillas,  the  Dominican  Morales,  with  three 
companions  and  the  Franciscan  Antonio  di  S.  Maria  with 
two  companions,  returned  to  Fukien  in  1619.  In  1650  the 
latter  went  to  Shantung  where  he  opened  the  mission  of 
Tsinanfu  and  many  others.^ 

The  controversy  concerning  the  lawfulness  of  the  veneration 
of  ancestors  which  had  begun  under  Urban  VIIF.,  became 
more  acute  under  Innocent  X.  At  Manila,  in  the  Philippines, 
the  question  was  eagerly  discussed.  The  Dominican  Morales 
of  Macao  summed  up  the  controverted  points  under  twelve 
headings  and  the  Franciscan  Antonio  di  S.  Maria  did  so 
under  fifteen.  On  the  part  of  the  Jesuits  it  was  chiefly 
Francisco  Furtado  who  made  it  his  business  to  reply  to  these 
writings.^  A  proposal  by  the  Dominican  Provincial,  Clement 
Gan,  to  thrash  out  the  whole  question  in  a  joint  assembly  of 
theologians  of  both  Orders  was  declined  by  the  Jesuit 
Provincial  Manuel  Diaz  on  the  ground  that  he  had  already 
dispatched  to  Rome  one  of  his  subjects,  Alvaro  Semedo, 
with  a  view  to  obtaining  from  Propaganda  directions  for  a 
uniform  line  of  conduct  for  the  missionaries.'*  Thereupon  the 
Dominicans  likewise  had  recourse  to  Rome.  At  a  Provincial 
Assembly  at  Manila  in  1640  they  unanimously  chose  Morales 

and  she  asks  him  to  send  more  Jesuits  (dated  November  4,  1650). 
The  *reply  of  Alexander  VII.  to  "  Helena  Tamingue  Sinarum 
regina  ",  dated  December  18,  1655,  is  in  Epist.,  I.,  282,  Pap. 
Sec.  Arch.   Cf.  Arch.  stor.  Hal.,  IV.,  Series  XVII.,  157. 

1  See  the  letters  of  Antonio  of  1649  in  Maas,  Cartas  de  Cina, 
I.  (1917).  Cf.  ScHMiDLiN,  257. 

*  Cf.  the  present  work,  XXIX.,  249. 

'  Castner,  *Relatio  ;  Biermann,  65  ;  Furtado,  Informatio 
antiqiiissima,  Paris,  1700.  Furtado  defends  the  conduct  of  the 
Jesuits  in  a  letter  of  November  10,  1636,  to  Vitelleschi,  General  of 
the  Order  (Furtado,  8-13),  and  in  1640  he  replied  to  the  twelve 
questions  of  Morales  {ibid.,  19-52).  Both  writings  are  translated 
in  Pray,  I.,  32-49,  51-103. 

*  Biermann,  50-63.  Little  is  known  of  the  mission  of  Semedo  ; 
cf.  ibid.,  66,  n.  52. 


202  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

for  their  representative.  The  latter  sailed  at  once  but  only 
reached  Rome  towards  the  end  of  February,  1643  ;  by  that 
time  Semedo  had  left  the  Eternal  City.^  A  whole  year  went 
by  before  the  seven  qualificators  of  the  Inquisition  began 
their  study  of  the  question  at  fourteen  sittings,  from  March 
22nd  to  June,  1644.  The  decision  was  left  to  a  Congregation 
of  eight  members  under  Cardinal  Ginetti  and  at  a  later  date 
under  Cardinal  Espada.  Their  final  decisions  were  published 
by  Propaganda  at  whose  request  the  Inquisition  had  likewise 
taken  up  the  matter. ^ 

The  queries  which  Morales  submitted  on  behalf  of  the 
Dominicans  and  the  Franciscans  were  summed  up  under 
seventeen  headings  ;  the  first  five  were  concerned  with  the 
Commandments  of  the  Church,  such  as  fasting  and  so  forth, 
the  observance  of  which  met  with  some  difficulty  on  the 
part  of  the  Chinese  neophytes  and  the  levying  of  taxes  ; 
the  two  last  were  about  prayers  for  the  dead  and  the  preaching 
of  Christ  crucified.  The  remaining  points  dealt  with  the 
burning  question  of  co-operation  in  idolatrous  acts.^  The 
difficulties  were  presented  in  the  form  of  queries,  not  as 
accusations  against  the  Jesuits.  However,  a  memorial  of 
Morales  to  Propaganda,  which  forms  a  preamble  to  the  seven- 
teen queries,'*  makes  some  grave  accusations  against  them. 
Morales  starts  from  the  danger  of  the  Chinese  missionaries 
becoming  an  occasion  of  spiritual  ruin  for  the  souls  of  the 
new  converts  ;  in  fact  according  to  him  that  ruin  was  already 
at  work  in  consequence  of  the  quarrel  of  the  Jesuits  in  China 
with  the  Dominican  and  Franciscan  missionaries  ;  the  Jesuits, 
he  asserted,  did  not  take  to  heart  Urban  VIII. 's  warning  to 
the  missionaries,  to  pursue  a  uniform  line  of  conduct.    This 


1    BlERMANN,  66. 

-  Ibid.,  67. 

^  Decree  of  Propaganda  of  September  12,  1645,  in  Collectanea, 
I-.  30^5.  ^-  114  ;  Bullarium  Prop.  (1839  seqq.),  I.,  123 
seqq. 

*  Annales  de  la  Societe  des  soi-disans  Jesuites,  III.,  Paris,  1767, 
826. 


DISPUTE    OVER   THE    CHINESE    RITES.  203 

introduction  is  in  keeping  with  the  eighteenth  point  ^  at  the 
end  of  the  seventeen.  That  additional  point  treats  of  the 
penalties  which  those  missionaries  are  said  to  deserve  who 
do,  teach  or  tolerate  any  of  the  things  enumerated  in  the 
seventeen  points.  Though  the  Congregation  did  not  condemn 
the  procedure  described  in  the  seventeen  points  from 
every  point  of  view,  on  the  whole  its  decision  was  in  the 
sense  of  Morales'  memorial  :  Propaganda's  decree  of  Septem- 
ber r2th,  1645  2  contains  a  first  condemnation  of  the  Chinese 
rites. 

Contrary  to  subsequent  procedure,  on  this  occasion  the 
Congregation  did  not  consider  the  question  whether  Morales' 
accusations  were  really  justified  by  the  facts.  The  accused 
denied  it  ;  a  pamphlet  by  the  Jesuit  Philippucci  ^  enumerates 
no  less  than  forty-two  inaccuracies  as  forming  the  basis  of 
the  accusations.  The  offerings  made  to  Confucius  and  to 
the  ancestors  were  not,  in  his  view,  real  sacrifices  ;  those  who 
made  them  were  not  priests  ;  the  rooms  in  which  the  offerings 
were  presented  were  not  temples  with  real  altars,  nor  were 
prayers  offered  to  Confucius  and  to  the  ancestors.*  Philippucci 
and  the  Jesuits  generally,  strongly  protested  against  the 
most  odious  accusation  of  all,  which  subsequently  made  the 
round  of  the  world  in  Pascal's  "  Lettres  Provinciales  "  ^  ; 

'  Annales  de  la  Societe  des  soi-disans  Jesuites,  III.,  829,  and 
Morale  pratique  des  Jesuites,  n.  XXXI.  (Arnauld,  CEuvres, 
XXXIV.,  373).  According  to  the  Annales,  III.,  829,  the  intrigues 
of  the  Jesuits  succeeded  in  suppressing  the  18th  question,  "  dent 
la  resolution  les  eut  notes  et  fait  connoitre  pour  ce  qu'ils  ont  ete 
dans  I'empire  de  la  Chine.  Un  Prelat  de  Rome  en  envoya  una 
copie  faite  sur  Toriginal  meme,  et  c'est  sur  cette  copie  que  nous 
donnons  au  public  celle-ci. 

-  Collect.,  n.  1 14. 

^  De  Sinensium  ritibus  politicis  acta,  sen  praeludiimi  ad  plenam 
disquisitionem,  an  bona  vel  mala  fide  impugnentur  opiniones  et 
praxes  missionariorum  Soc.  Jesu,  Lugd.-Parisiis,  1700. 

*  Ibid.,  13  seqq. 

*  Letter  4  (s.  1.,  1767),  p.  54  :  "  [dans  les  Indes  et  dans  la 
Chine],  ou  ils  ont  permis  aux  chr6tiens  I'ldolatrie  meme  par  cette 
subtile  invention,  etc." 


204  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

according  to  Morales  the  Jesuits  allowed  the  neophytes,  in 
the  ceremonial  veneration  of  Confucius  and  the  ancestors, 
to  hide  a  crucifix  amid  the  flowers  or  other  ornaments,  or  to 
hold  it  in  their  hand,  and  to  refer  to  it  the  homage  which 
they  paid  in  exactly  the  same  manner  as  the  pagans  did  to 
the  pictures  of  the  ancestors  or  the  idols. ^  Ceremonies  also 
which  every  beholder  could  only  look  upon  as  pagan,  they 
were  accused  of  attempting  to  justify  in  their  conscience  by 
means  of  a  purely  internal  diversion  of  intention.  However, 
the  Jesuits  were  quite  wrongly  accused  of  such  revolting 
duplicity,  but  it  is  true  that  at  times  when  Christian  Mandarins 
had  to  take  an  oath  in  a  pagan  temple,  they  had  a  table 
placed  there  with  a  large  crucifix  and  before  this  they  took 
the  oath,  but  this  was  done  quite  openly. ^ 

The  Dominicans  based  these  inaccuracies  on  information 
concerning  the  conduct  of  the  Jesuits  obtained  by  them  at 
Tongtou,  about  the  turn  of  the  year  1635.  By  then  they  had 
been  a  year  in  China,  yet  it  was  only  then,  and  by  chance, 
that  they  learnt  something  about  the  centre  and  kernel  of 
Chinese  life,  the  worship  of  ancestors.  Thus  they  had  not 
as  yet  acquired  a  deep  knowledge  of  things  Chinese  and  in 
all  probability  their  acquaintance  with  the  Chinese  language 
and  literature  was  little  better.  It  is  true  that  at  a  later 
date,  under  Clement  XI.  and  Benedict  XIV.  the  Mendicants 
won  their  case  against  the  Jesuits,  but  it  is  nevertheless 
regrettable  that,  notwithstanding  their  very  inadequate 
information,  they  threw  themselves  so  suddenly  and  so 
precipitately  upon  the  Jesuits  and  that  their  irritation  against 

^  Collectanea,  n.  114,  p.  33  (septimo  :  the  veneration  of  Chim- 
hoam  ;    octavo  :    public  veneration  of  Confucius). 

2  BiERMANN,  196  seq.  ;  Acta  Sanctorum  Mali  Propylaeum, 
Paralipomena,  Paris,  1868,  144.  The  Jesuits,  says  Philippucci 
(19,  n.  20),  held  the  veneration  of  Confucius  which  they  permitted, 
to  be  either  lawful  or  unlawful  :  if  lawful  why  then  this  extenua- 
tion by  means  of  the  hidden  cross  ?  if  unlawful,  "  ista  simulatio  .  .  . 
intolerabilis  plane  et  stultissima  videretur,  eiusque  permissio 
non  esset  tarn  facile  sine  uUo  fundamento  in  Patres  Societatis 
reiicienda,  quasi  doctrinam  adeo  nefariam  docerent." 


DISPUTE    OVER    THE    CHINESE    RITES.  205 

their  rivals  in  the  mission  field  should  show  itself  so  plainly. 
This  feeling  finds  expression  in  the  preamble  to  the  seventeen 
points  ^  and  by  more  than  one  token  it  appears  that  they 
deemed  themselves  chosen  by  God  to  bring  back  the  church 
of  China  into  the  right  path.^ 

All  this  was  bound  to  make  bad  blood,  hence  it  was  not  to 
be  expected  that  the  Jesuits  would  accept  Propaganda's 
decree  of  1645  in  silence.  This  also  Morales  reported  in 
Rome  in  his  own  fashion  ^ ;  on  his  part  the  Franciscan 
Antonio  di  S.  Maria  reported  from  the  Philippines  that  there 
were  "  some  religious  "  there  who  saw  in  the  decrees  of 
Propaganda  no  more  than  private  opinions.'*  Thereupon 
Innocent  X.  confirmed  anew  ^  in  general  terms  and  without 
mentioning  the  decree  of  1645,  a  decision  of  his  predecessor 
by  the  terms  of  which  the  duly  accredited  decrees  of  that 
Congregation  had  the  force  of  Apostolic  Constitutions.  For 
the  rest  the  decree  of  Propaganda  concerning  the  Chinese 
rites  was  not  fully  carried  out  even  in  the  missions 
of  the  Mendicants,^  but  the  Chinese  translation  for  the 
neophytes  mentioned  only  eight  out  of  the  seventeen  points 
and  these  in  a  diluted  form  ;  in  particular  the  prohibition 
"  under  pain  of  excommunication  "  was  replaced  by  the 
expression  that  this  or  that  "  was  not  seemly  ".' 

^  See  above,  p.  202. 

*  "  Just  as  Divine  Providence  had  chosen  Francis  and  Dominic 
in  the  13th  century  to  prevent  the  ruin  of  the  Church,  so 
were  their  sons  now  chosen  for  the  Church  in  China."  Antonio 
di  S.  Maria  ;   Arch.  Francisc,  IV.,  52). 

'  He  "  warns  "  Propaganda  "  not  to  believe  that  the  Jesuits 
will  sul)mit  to  the  Roman  decisions  ".    Biermann,  85,  note. 

*  Ibid. 

'■'  On  July  30,  1652,  Collect.,  I.,  35  seq.,  n.  119. 

«  Philippuccius,  42. 

'  Translation  of  the  Chinese  text  in  Philippuccius,  40  5^^. 
After  a  few  historical  data  the  document  states  that  Innocent  X. 
had  issued  a  decree  "  inquiens  :  (i)  Christianos  regiae  Sinarum 
familiae  Ta  Mim  [the  Ming  dynasty  which  still  ruled  over  part  of 
China]  maioribus  dcfunctis  munera  offcrre  non   convenit  ;     (2) 


206  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

In  South  America,  where  the  rehgious  situation  was  far 
from  uniformly  bright,  the  mission  to  the  pagans  was  also 
grievously  neglected.  In  1645,  at  the  prayer  of  the  Catholics 
of  Pernambuco,  Innocent  X.  forbade  the  Bishop  of  San 
Salvador  (Bahia),  to  compel  the  latter  to  present  themselves 
before  him  when  they  had  to  take  oaths  in  connexion  with 
marriage  dispensations.^  Just  as  the  French  Capuchins 
wrested  Pernambuco  from  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  for  the 
Portuguese  and  then  established  themselves  there,  so  did 
the  Portuguese  Jesuits  rescue  Maranhao  from  the  power  of 
Holland  in  1644,  their  reward  being  the  suppression  of  slavery 
in  1652.^  In  1645  twelve  Capuchins  took  over  a  mission 
from  Propaganda  on  the  Maranhao  whilst  in  1646  some  of 
their  colleagues  went  to  Tuapel  and  Nahuelgami  in  Chile. ^ 

In  the  North,  Spanish  Capuchins  penetrated  into  Darien, 
(Panama)   in   1646  and  into  Kumana   (Piritu)   in   1650  ;    in 

Confucio  munera  offerre  non  convenit  ;  (3)  Insuper  Chim  Hoam 
munera  offerre  non  convenit ;  (4)  Tempore  praedicationis  omnia  ad 
D.  N.  lesu  Christi  Incarnationem,  mundi  redemptionem  et 
passionem  pertinentia  convenit  promulgare,  et  lesu  Christi 
imaginem  in  Domini  altari  erigere  convenit  ;  (5)  Maiorum 
defunctorum  epitaphium  in  tabella  descriptum  exponere  chris- 
tianis  non  convenit  ;  (6)  Pecuniam  alteri  foenerare  non  convenit  ; 
(7)  Tempore  baptismi  convenit,  ut  sacerdos  omnes  mulieres  sancto 
oleo  vice  alterius  [sic  !]  inungat,  et  sanctum  salem  gustandum 
eisdem  praebeat,  et  in  earum  mortis  articulo  convenit,  ut  vice 
alterius  sanctum  oleum  iis  conferat  ;  (8)  Omnibus  maribus 
et  feminis  christianis  diem  dominicum  et  magnos  dies  festos, 
abstinentiam  a  carnibus  et  ieiunia  servare  convenit."  The 
mention  of  the  Ming  dynasty  shows  that  the  translation  was  made 
immediately  after  Morales'  return  and  probably  by  himself. 
It  only  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Jesuits  in  1679  {ibid.,  43 
seq.). 

^  lus  pontif.,  I.,  2;^6seq. 

-  Cf.  ScHMiDLiN,  330,  and  the  authorities  there  quoted  ; 
Giuseppe  da  Castrogiovanni  O.  M.  Cap.,  Notizie  sioriche  della 
missione  Cappuccina  di  Rio  de  Janeiro,  1650-1910,  Catania,  1910. 

^  Rocco  DA  Cesinale,  III.,  728,  and  Schmidlin,  305,  n.  6, 
309,  n.  9. 


CENTRAL    AND    SOUTH    AMERICA.  207 

1647    the    two    Jesuits     Grillet    and    Bachamel     went     to 
Guyana.^ 

In  Paraguay,  in  1G47,  tlie  Jesuits  had  twenty-seven 
Reductions  with  300,000  Indians,  but  they  were  involved  in 
a  fierce  contest  with  the  Franciscan  Bishop  Bernardino  de 
Cardenas  of  Asuncion  on  account  of  the  latter's  pretension  to 
visit  their  Reductions  and  to  replace  the  Fathers  by  secular 
priests.    In  1652  Cardenas  left  his  diocese  for  good.^ 

A  great  stir  was  caused  by  a  dispute  which  broke  out  in 
1647  in  Me.xico  between  the  Jesuits  and  the  Bishop  of  La 
Puebla  de  los  Angelos,  Juan  Palafox  y  Mendoza.^  Born  at 
Fitero  in  Spain  and  sent  to  Me.xico  in  1639,  armed  with 
extraordinary  faculties,  Palafox,  to  the  amazement  of  every- 
body, deposed  the  Viceroy  and  took  his  place  himself ;  in 
addition  to  this  he  was  also  Captain  General,  Visitor  of  the 
Audiencia,  Bishop  of  Puebla  and  administrator  of  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Mexico  which  had  become  vacant  just  then. 
As  Visitor,  Palafox  gave  the  city  of  Mexico  occasion  for 
grievous  complaints  to  Philip  IV.  and  as  Bishop  he 
promptly  came  in  conflict  with  all  the  Orders,  with  the 
temporary  exception  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  However,  his 
initial  friendliness  with  the  Jesuits  turned  to  a  profound 
estrangement  in  consequence  of  a  dispute  over  a  tenth  which 
he  wished  to  levy  from  their  possessions.     On  March  6th, 

1  See  Rocco  da  Cesinale,  III.,  712,  and  Schmiulin,  302. 

*  Cf.  Streit,  Bibl.  Missionum,  II.,  455  seqq.,  507  seq.,  527  ; 
ScHMiDLiN,  318  ;  AsTRAiN,  568  and  596  ;  Lemmens,  331  ; 
P.  Pastells,  II.,  1-356  (Documents,  1638-54). 

'  AsTRAiN,  v.,  356-411;  Eguren,  Palafox  ei  les  Jesnites, 
Madrid,  1878  ;  Genaro  Garcia,  Don  Juan  Palafox  y  Mendoza, 
ohispo  de  Puebla  y  Osma,  visitador  y  virrey  de  la  Nueva  Espaha, 
Mexico,  191 8  ;  Idem,  Documentos  iniditos  0  muy  raros  para  la 
historia  de  Mixico,  VII.  :  Don  Juan  Palafox  y  Mendoza,  sit 
virreinato  en  la  Nueva  Espana,  sits  contiendas  con  los  P.P.  Jesttitas, 
sus  partidarios  en  Puebla,  sus  apariciones,  sits  escritos  escogidos, 
Mexico,  1906  ;  Streit,  Bibl.  Miss.,  II.,  472  ;  Letter  of  Palafox 
to  Innocent  X.  of  May  25,  1647,  ibid.,  497,  that  of  January  8, 
1649,  ibid.,  511,  548  seq.  Cf.  Mariano  Cuevas,  Hist,  de  la  Iglesia 
en  Mdxtco,  III.,  Tlalpam.  1924,  283-312. 


208  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

1647,  he  forbade  them  to  hear  confessions  and  to  preach 
and  demanded  that  they  should  furnish  proof  that  they  had 
the  required  faculties.  This  the  Jesuits  refused  to  do  ;  this 
was  a  grave  blunder  which  earned  them  a  severe  reprimand 
from  their  General.  They  nevertheless  no  longer  celebrated 
offices  publicly,  though  at  the  approach  of  the  first  Friday 
in  Lent,  which  was  always  observed  with  particular  solemnity, 
they  asked  Palafox'  permission  to  preach  the  customary 
sermon.  Permission  was  refused.  Thereupon  the  Fathers 
argued  that  it  was  enough  to  have  asked  for  the  permission. 
The  Bishop  now  laid  his  case  before  the  general  public  by 
publishing  a  proclamation  on  March  8th,  1647,  to  the  effect 
that  the  Jesuits  had  no  faculties  for  hearing  confessions  or 
preaching,  though  he  himself  had  at  first  chosen  his  own 
confessor  from  among  them  and  on  his  visitations  he  always 
took  with  him  a  Jesuit  as  confessor  and  preacher  for  the 
Indians.  Palafox  now  barred  the  confessional  and  the  pulpit 
to  the  Jesuits  until  they  should  have  asked  him  for  faculties. 
In  view  of  the  lack  of  facilities  of  communications  in 
those  days,  which  often  made  it  difficult  to  have  recourse  to 
Rome,  the  Jesuits,  like  the  other  Orders,  enjoyed  the  right 
of  choosing  so-called  Conservators  who  had  the  power  to 
safeguard  their  privileges  in  virtue  of  special  papal  faculties. 
Instead  of  seeking  an  amicable  settlement  with  the  Bishop, 
the  Jesuits  had  recourse  to  this  unfortunate  remedy  and 
chose  two  Dominicans  for  their  Conservators.  Now  although 
the  four  Orders  established  in  Mexico,  viz.  the  Dominicans, 
Franciscans,  Augustinians  and  Mercedarians,  as  well  as  the 
Chapter  of  Mexico  City  and  finally  even  the  Archbishop  of 
that  city,  had  declared  that  the  situation  was  such  as  to 
justify  the  appointment  of  Conservators,  their  decision  was 
none  the  less  a  mistake  for  Palafox  had  not  gone  beyond  his 
rights.  Consequently  Palafox  refused  to  recognize  the 
Conservators  who,  on  their  part,  published  a  manifesto  in 
which  they  declared  that  the  Bishop  had  incurred  ex- 
communication— a  grievous  "  exorbitance  "  as  the  Jesuit 
General  described  it.  On  April  6th  Palafox  excommunicated 
the  Conservators. 


PALAFOX    AND    THE    JESUITS.  209 

On  June  Itli  the  Bishop  reinforced  his  defence  by  a  most 
unusual  manifestation.  On  the  evening  of  that  day  all  the 
bells  of  the  city  were  rung  till  far  into  the  night  ;  no  one 
knew  why.  On  the  following  morning  the  bells  were  again 
rung  for  a  long  time.  The  whole  city  flocked  to  the  cathedral  ; 
at  the  end  of  High  Mass  Palafox,  escorted  by  the  entire 
Chapter,  seated  himself  at  the  entrance  of  the  choir  whilst 
a  document  was  read  inculcating  obedience  to  the  Bishop  and 
forbidding  acknowledgement  of  the  Conservators.  After  that 
the  Bishop  and  Chapter  went  in  procession,  preceded  by  a 
cross  covered  with  a  black  veil,  to  a  platform  from  which 
he  gave  an  explanation  of  the  decree  just  read.  There  followed 
the  recitation  of  the  imprecatory  psalm  (Ps.  CVIII.),  so 
called  by  reason  of  its  terrible  imprecations,  and  at  its 
conclusion  the  Canons  put  out  the  lighted  candles  they  had 
carried  and  threw  them  on  the  ground.  Palafox  had  not 
foreseen  that  the  Jesuits  would  have  their  windows  smashed 
and  that  the  ordinances  of  the  Conservators  would  be 
bespattered  with  dirt.  More  serious  disorders  were  only 
prevented  by  the  intervention  of  the  Inquisition  and  the 
Viceroy  who  extended  the  royal  protection  to  the  Conservators. 
On  June  7th  Palafox  drove  in  state  through  the  streets  of 
the  city,  to  the  sound  of  the  bells,  whilst  his  partisans  hailed 
him  as  Viceroy. 

Whilst  the  Viceroy  Salvatierro  sought  to  reconcile  the 
disputants,  Palafox  suddenly  disappeared  from  La  Puebla 
for  a  whole  four  months  ;  no  one  knew  his  whereabouts  ; 
he  himself  left  word  that  he  was  going  away  in  the  hope  that 
his  absence  would  promote  the  restoration  of  peace.  The 
Chapter  of  La  Puebla  now  undertook  the  government  of 
the  diocese  in  the  name  of  the  Bishop  and  at  its  request  the 
Jesuits  submitted  their  faculties  on  July  19th,  when  the 
Chapter  renewed  them.  In  point  of  fact  sixteen  of  the  twenty- 
four  Jesuits  of  the  city  had  received  their  powers  from  Palafox 
himself.  Until  November  they  exercised  their  ministry 
without  molestation.  Thanks  to  the  mediation  of  the  Viceroy 
the  mutual  excommunications  were  raised  by  Palafox  and 
the  Conservators  and  on  November  27th  the    Bishop  made 

VOL.  xx.x.  p 


210  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

his  solemn  entry  into  La  Puebla.  Tolerable  relations  were 
resumed  with  the  Jesuits  and  the  conflict  seemed  settled. 

In  reality  it  was  not  so.  In  May,  1648,  a  friend  of  the 
Bishop,  Marcos  de  Torres  y  Rueda,  Bishop  of  Yucatan, 
became  Viceroy.  Palafox  now  threw  aside  all  sense  of  his 
own  dignity  and  gave  full  vent  to  his  resentment  against  the 
Jesuits.  On  May  16th  he  drove  through  the  city  in  an  open 
carriage,  escorted  by  a  crowd  of  noisy  youths,  who  hailed 
him  with  shouts  of  victory  and  threw  stones  against  the 
houses  of  the  friends  of  the  Jesuits.  Handbills  with  the 
text  of  alleged  excommunications  against  the  Jesuits  were 
scattered  and  Palafox  threatened  not  to  ordain  anyone  who 
had  studied  in  their  colleges.  The  hated  religious  were 
accused  of  simony  and  assassinations  and  three  Canons 
were  detained  in  incredibly  cruel  confinement  for  having 
protected  the  Conservators,  in  comphance  with  the  order 
of  the  previous  Viceroy. 

In  September,  1648,  a  Brief  came  from  Rome,  bearing  the 
date  of  May  14th,  1648, ^  which  Palafox  considered  as  a 
triumph  for  his  cause.  In  the  preceding  year  he  had  forwarded 
to  Rome  five  accusations  against  the  Jesuits,  with  a  request 
for  a  papal  sentence  which,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  was  given 
by  a  commission  of  five  Cardinals  and  four  assessors.^  The 
Brief  made  a  change  in  the  existing  law,  to  the  disadvantage 
of  the  Jesuits.  Gregory  XIII.  had  granted  them  the  privilege 
of  preaching,  hearing  confessions,  saying  Mass  in  their  own 
churches,  in  any  part  of  those  distant  countries,  without 
further  formality,  provided  they  had  been  approved  by  any 
Bishop  ivhatever.  Gregory  XV.  revoked  this  privilege  by 
insisting  on  the  approval  of  the  Bishop  of  the  diocese  ;  Urban 
VIII.  had  excepted  the  Spanish  dominions,  hence  Gregory 
XIII. 's  privilege  had  revived.  Now  Innocent  X.'s  Brief,  as 
if  by  inadvertence,  failed  to  mention  Urban  VIII. 's  restriction, 
and  took  the  standpoint  of  Gregory  XV. 's  decision.     Thus 

^  Reproduced  in  Bull.,  XV.,  713  seq.,  and  in  lus  pontif.,  I., 
253  seq. 

^  Spada,  Sacchetti,  Ginetti,  Carpegna  and  Franciotti  ;  the 
assessors  were  :    Fagnani,  Maraldi,  Paolucci  and  Farnese. 


PALAFOX    AND    THE    JESUITS.  211 

the  privilege  of  the  Jesuits  was  revoked  by  this  decree,  but 
it  was  evident  enough  that  the  latter  would  lodge  a  protest 
against  Rome's  apparent  oversight.  Innocent  X.  also  declared 
that  Palafo.x  was  within  his  rights  when  he  forbade  all  pastoral 
work  within  his  diocese  to  those  Jesuits  who  refused  to  submit 
their  faculties.  Consequently  the  nomination  of  Conservators 
and  the  latter's  sentence  and  excommunication  were  likewise 
null  and  void. 

In  obedience  to  this  Brief,  the  faculties  of  the  twenty-two 
Jesuits  in  La  Puebla  were  submitted  to  Palafox  ;  twelve  of 
them  he  renewed  at  once,  the  rest  he  wished  to  subject  to 
further  study.  Palafox  might  have  been  satisfied  with  his 
triump^h,  but  he  would  not  be  content.  He  insisted  that  the 
Jesuits  should  .seek  public  absolution  from  their  excommunica- 
tion and,  as  was  rumoured  by  some  officials,  with  a  rope 
round  their  necks  and  a  black  taper  in  their  hands.  However, 
things  did  not  go  so  far.  In  view  of  a  rumour  that  the  original 
text  of  the  Bull  had  been  tampered  with,  the  Jesuits  appealed 
to  the  Royal  Council  which,  on  the  strength  of  papal 
concessions,  enjoyed  in  Mexico  the  most  exorbitant  powers 
even  in  the  ecclesiastical  sphere.  That  body  gave  orders  to 
withhold  the  Bull  and  to  hand  over  the  deeds  to  the  hscal. 
On  February  (ith,  1648,  Philip  IV.  recalled  Palafox  from 
Mexico  ;  in  June,  1649,  the  latter  obeyed  the  order  and 
returned  to  Spain.  He  had  been  removed  from  the  office 
of  Visitor  of  the  Andiencia  already  in  October,  1647.  Before 
leaving  for  Spain  he  drew  up  his  famous  memorandum  on 
the  Jesuits  addressed  to  the  Pope.  Already  at  an  earlier 
date,  viz.  May  25th,  1647,  he  had  written  to  the  Pope  making 
accusations  which  are  in  part  explained  by  the  circumstance 
that  his  quarrel  with  the  hated  religious  was  at  its  height 
just  then.  In  his  letter  of  January  8th,  1649,  his  accusations 
against  the  Jesuits  exceeded  all  bounds.^ 

'  The  authenticity  of  the  letter  is  proved  by  Arnauld.  The 
author  of  the  Pratique  morale  des  Jesuiies  (Arnauld,  CEuvres, 
XXXIII.,  6i8  seqq.),  Astrain  (V.,  407  seqq.),  Duhr  (Jesuiten- 
faheln*,  640  seq.,  and  Cardinal  Calini  in  the  process  of  beatification 
of  Palafo.x  (in  [Boero],  Osservazioni  sopra  I'lstoria  del  pontificato 


212  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Meanwhile  the  discussion  of  the  tiresome  business  was 
proceeding  in  Rome.  At  the  request  of  the  Jesuits  all  the 
facts  of  the  dispute  were  brought  together  ;  out  of  these 
fifty-one  points  thirteen  only  were  recognized  as  certain  by 
the  cardinalitial  Congregation  (December  17th,  1652).^  On 
the  whole  the  thirteen  points  are  not  unfavourable  to  the 
Jesuits.  Thus  the  first  point  states  that  previous  to  Palafox' 
prohibition,  they  had  been  authorized,  either  by  himself  or 
by  his  predecessors,  both  to  preach  and  to  hear  the  confessions 
of  seculars.  The  last  point  establishes  the  fact  that  the  five 
accusations  sent  in  by  Palafox  do  not  prove  the  Jesuits' 
guilt,  nor  did  it  appear  that  any  one  of  them  had  incurred 
excommunication  or  that  the  censures  pronounced  by  the 
Bishop  could  be  looked  upon  as  justified. 

No  judgment  was  pronounced  with  regard  to  the  past  and 
directions  were  only  given  for  future  conduct.  Cardinal 
Spada  2  wrote  to  Palafox  requesting  him  privately  to  give 
faculties  to  the  superiors  of  the  Jesuits  to  absolve  any  of 
their  subjects  who  might  perchance  have  incurred  some 
censure.  Just  as  the  Jesuits  were  directed  to  show  submission 
and  respect  for  the  Bishop,  so  was  Palafox  repeatedly  exhorted 
to  treat  with  due  esteem  so  praiseworthy  and  useful  an 
Order,  and  to  embrace  with  fatherly  affection  a  religious 
Society  which  had  so  fruitfully  and  so  laboriously  cultivated 
the  vineyard  of  the  Lord. 

On  the  same  day  a  Brief  was  dispatched  to  the  Jesuits 
which  put  an  end  to  the  disputes.  The  Fathers  had  protested 
against  the  Brief  of  1648,  but  the  Congregation  upheld  it  on 
February   14th,    1652.      Thereupon   they   asked   once   more 

di  Clemente  XIV.  scritia  dal  P.  A.  Theiner,  II.,  Monza,  1854, 
261),  do  not  doubt  its  authenticity.  In  Palafox,  Obras,  the  letter 
is  found  in  Vol.  XL,  63-120,  and  in  Arnauld,  loc.  cit.,  p.  713-760. 
According  to  Calini  [loc.  cit.,  263)  the  letter  proves  that  "  Palafoxii 
in  carpenda  proximorum  fama  effrenis  malitia,  in  mendaciis 
libertas,  in  conviciis  facilitas  et  obstinatio  in  sua  iniquitate,  sine 
poenitentia  factorum  et  a  se  scriptorum.". 

1  Published  in  Obras,  XII.,  552.    Cf.  Astrain,  V.,  407  seqq. 

^  On  December  17,  1652,  Obras,  XII.,  554. 


MISSIONS    IN    CANADA.  213 

whether  the  nomination  of  Conservators  had  been  lawful  at 
least  on  grounds  other  than  those  enumerated  in  the  Brief. 
On  December  17th,  1052,  the  Congregation  replied  in  the 
negative  and  imposed  silence  for  the  future.  Innocent  X. 
confirmed  both  decisions  on  November  17th,  ir).")2,  and  on 
May  17th,  1653.^  Some  difficulties  subsequently  arose  in 
Spain  but  these  were  removed  by  means  of  a  compromise 
between  Palafox  and  the  Jesuits.  The  former  did  not  return 
to  La  Puebla  but  became  Bishop  of  Osma  in  Spain  where 
he  died  in  1659. 

For  the  rest  in  1()4<S  Innocent  X.  confirmed  the  erection 
of  a  Seminary  by  Palafox  and  permitted  its  students  to 
take  the  doctorate  in  philosophy,  theology  and  Canon  Law 
at  the  University  of  Mexico  even  though  they  did  not  attend 
the  lectures  there.  He  likewise  approved  the  Constitutions 
of  the  Congregations  of  the  priests  of  St.  Peter  at  Los  Angeles.^ 
Jesuits,  Franciscans,  Dominicans  and  Augustinians  continued 
their  missionary  labours  in  Mexico  ;  the  Franciscans 
penetrated  further  into  Yucatan  and  New  Leon  ^  ;  in  1648 
two  Jesuits  accompanied  Bordel  into  California  whilst  Jesuits, 
Dominicans  and  Capuchins  continued  their  labours  in  the 
French  Lesser  Antilles.* 

In  British  territory  in  North  America,  at  the  request  of 
the  Queen  of  England,  the  Jesuit  mission  of  Maryland  was 
reopened  in  1648  by  Fr.  Fisher,  and  that  of  the  Capuchins 
in  Virginia  in  1650,  but  both  were  soon  abandoned  once 
more.^  In  1645  the  Capuchin  Prefect  Pacificus,  in  Canada, 
sent  Fr.  Archangel  to  France  ;  the  Father  was  accompanied 
by  an  Indian  who  received  baptism  whilst  in  France.^  By 
1650  the  Jesuits  in  Canada  had  converted  almost  all  the 
Hurons,  the  Algonquins  and  the  Montagnais,  but  during  the 

'  Ins  pontif.,  I.,  281  ;    Bull.,  XV.,  705  seq. 

^  lus  pontif.,  I.,  257  seq.,  267  seq. 

'  ScHMiDLiN,  349  ;    cf.  344,  n.  7,  and  348,  n.  6. 

*  Cf.  ibid.,  295  seq. 

*  ScHMiDLiN,  356,  n.  6  ;  Arch.  stor.  ital.,  LXXVI.,  2  (1920), 
250  seq. 

*  Cf.  SCHMIDLIN,  loc.  cit. 


214  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

war  with  the  Iroquois  (1646-9)  several  missionaries  suffered 
martyrdom,  a  number  of  stations  were  destroyed  and  the 
Christian  Hurons  exterminated,  except  for  a  small  remnant 
which  in  1650  was  transported  to  Quebec.^  Already  in  1646 
an  assembly  of  the  French  clergy  had  prayed  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Canadian  bishopric,  and  for  this  the  Queen  and  the 
ecclesiastical  council  had  in  view  the  Jesuits  ;  but  the  latter 
proposed  Francois  de  Montmorency-Laval  who,  in  effect, 
was  appointed  Vicar  Apostolic. ^  Laval  proved  a  splendid 
Bishop  whose  merits  have  received  sufficient  recognition  by 
the  fact  that  in  1890  he  was  proposed  for  beatification. ^ 
That  honour  was  actually  bestowed  in  1925  on  the  above- 
named  Jesuit  missionaries.  Anyone  who  undertook  to  live 
among  the  Indians  of  Canada  thereby  renounced  all  the 
comforts  and  refinements  with  which  two  thousand  years 
has  embellished  life  in  Europe,  and  ran  the  obvious  risk  of 
falling  into  the  hands  of  hostile  Indians  who  then  sought  to 
discover,  by  means  of  the  most  exquisite  tortures,  how  much 
pain  the  white  man  could  endure.  Of  this  the  Jesuit  Martyrs 
of  the  years  1646-9  had  ample  experience,  but  they  also 
endured  the  most  dreadful  tortures  with  a  heroism  beyond 
all  praise. 

1  SCHMIDLIN,  loc.  cit. 

2  De  la  Rochemonteix,  Les  Jesuites  de  la  Nouvelle  France  an 
XVII.  siecle,  Paris,  1895  ;  Schmidlin,  412  ;  A.  Gosselin,  La 
mission  du  Canada  avant  Mgr.  de  Laval  (1615-1659),  Evreux, 
1909  ;  The  Jesuit  relations  and  allied  documents.  Travels  and 
explorations  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in  New  France,  1610-1671, 
ed.  Thwaites,  73  vols.,   1896-1901. 

^  Biography  by  Gosselin,  Quebec,  1890.  Cf.  The  Cath. 
Encyclop.,  XV.,  New  York  [191 1],  45  seq.  Laval  was  first  destined 
for  Tongking  ;  see  above,  p.  193. 


CHAPTER  V. 
Jansenism  in  France  and  the  Netherlands.^ 

(1.) 

Urban  VIII.  had  raised  his  voice  against  Jansenism  as  soon 
as  it  arose,  though  without  marked  success. ^  Under  his 
successors  also  conditions  for  the  further  progress  of  the  new 
teaching  were  only  seemingly  unfavourable. 

Counselled  as  she  was  by  the  Marquise  de  Senecey,  the 
governess  of  the  royal  children,  Queen  Anne  of  France  was  a 
decided  opponent  of  "  the  disciples  of  St.  Augustine  ",^  but 
the  high  functionary,  Francois  Daubray,  whom  she  charged 
with  the  surveillance  of  the  party,  allowed  himself  to  be 
intimidated  by  the  Jansenists,  with  the  result  that  he  did 
his  duty  badly.*  On  the  other  hand  the  Queen  had  the 
advantage  of  having  Vincent  de  Paul  to  advise  her  with 
regard  to  Church  appointments,  but  even  he  did  not  succeed 
in  preventing  mistakes.  Though  Anne  had  promised  him 
to  give  no  preferment  to  men  suspected  of  favouring  the 
new  teaching,  the  two  most  powerful  patrons  of  the  sect, 
viz.  Jean  Francois  Paul  de  Gondi  and  Louis  Henri  de  Gondrin 
de  Pardaillan,  were  respectively  named  coadjutors  of  Paris 
and  Sens  in  1643  and  1644.5 

*  For  this  chapter  I  had  at  my  disposal  many  documents  from 
various  archives  left  by  the  late  Professor  Schill,  who  was  un- 
fortunately not  able  to  make  use  of  them. 

^  Cf.  the  present  work,  Vol.  XXIX.,  119  seq. 

'  Rapin,  Mem.,  I.,  112,  137.  Rapin  gives  an  account  of 
Jansenism  as  it  works  in  practical  life.  We  may  trust  him  for 
his  cissertions  based  on  personal  observation,  but  otherwise  he 
is  not  always  reliable.  Cf.  for  his  characterization,  Bremond, 
IV.,  312  seq.  *  Rapin,  I.,  162. 

*  Ibid.,  47.   On  Gondrin  see  G.  Dubois,  Alen9on,  1902. 

215 


2l6  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

The  Council  of  State  shared  the  Queen's  reUgious  stand- 
point. Chavigny,  who  as  castellan  of  Vincennes  and  St. 
Cyran's  gaoler,  had  been  won  over  by  the  latter  for  his  person 
and  his  cause,  was  the  only  one  of  its  members  to  support  the 
party,^  whilst  Henry,  Prince  of  Conde,  using  Vincent  de  Paul 
as  his  intermediary,  was  planning  measures  against  the  new 
teaching  with  the  nuncio  and  chancellor  Seguier.^  Mazarin 
was  but  little  interested  in  religious  questions.  His  ambition 
was  to  maintain  himself  in  his  position,  hence  his  anxiety  to 
stand  well  with  all  parties  and  to  play  off  the  one  against  the 
other.  Even  the  attitude  of  the  Bishops  was  not  uniformly 
clear.  Though  the  controversialist  Fran9ois  d'Abra  de  Raconis 
could  write  that  as  against  the  sixteen  Bishops  and  the  twenty 
Doctors  who  had  praised  Arnauld's  book  on  Holy  Communion, 
there  were  a  hundred  Bishops  and  two  hundred  Doctors  who 
condemned  it,^  it  is  none  the  less  a  sign  of  the  confusion  of 
thought  that,  as  late  as  1645,  the  Archbishop  of  Auch  and  the 
ten  Bishops  of  his  Province  commanded  their  clergy  to  set 
Arnauld's  teaching  on  Holy  Communion  before  the  people.^ 
Many  of  the  high  prelates  were  moreover  prejudiced  in  favour 
of  Petrus  Aurelins,  hence  for  St.  Cyran's  ideas,  forasmuch  as 
he  pretended  to  defend  the  rights  of  the  Bishops  against  the 
regulars.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  France  was  just  then  undergoing 
a  movement  whose  aim  it  was  to  limit  the  privileges  of  the 
regulars  in  favour  of  the  secular  clergy.  The  "  disciples  of 
St.  Augustine  "  skilfully  exploited  this  tendency  of  the  period 
to  their  own  advantage.^  At  the  time  of  Innocent  X.'s 
election  most  of  the  senior  professors  of  the  Sorbonne  were 

'  Rapin,  I.,  41.  2  ii)id.,  40 

3  Arnauld,  CEuvres,  XVI.,  XLIX. 

*  Ibid.,  XXVI.,  XXXIII. 

*  Rapin,  Mem.,  I.,  343  s.  "  L'on  peut  dire  que  ce  fut,  de 
toutes  leur  intrigues,  celle  qui  leur  reussit  le  mieux  "  {ibid.,  344). 
"  Ce  fut,  a  proprement  parler,  I'intrigue  des  Jansenistes,  qui  mit 
en  vogue  cet  esprit  de  paroisse  qui  regna  depuis  si  fort  a  Paris, 
par  ou  les  cures  devinrent  si  importants  qu'ils  se  firent  redouter 
des  grands,  respecter  des  petits,  considerer  de  tout  le  monde  " 
{Ibid.,  485). 


JANSENIST   ACTIVITY.  217 

still  hostile  to  Jansenius,  although  the  brilliant  name  of  the 
youthful  Arnauld  won  for  him  an  ever  increasing  number  of 
followers  among  the  younger  ones.^ 

Nor  were  the  parish  priests  of  Paris  inclined,  at  that  time, 
to  favour  the  innovations,  hence,  if  they  would  win  over  the 
masses,  it  was  necessary  for  the  party  to  get  an  able  Jansenist 
appointed  to  some  prominent  parish  in  Paris.  In  this  they  were 
successful.  Hilerin,  cure  of  Saint-Merry,  was  tortured  by 
a  scruple  that  he  had  become  a  priest  without  a  true  vocation  ; 
accordingly  Arnauld  and  De  Barcos  persuaded  him  that  it 
was  best  for  him  to  resign  his  parish.  His  place  was  then  taken 
by  Henri  Duhamel,  the  man  who  had  introduced  the  practice 
of  public  penance  at  Saint-Maurice.  Duhamel  played  no 
small  part  in  the  story  of  Jansenism  in  Paris  ;  it  was  due  to  the 
influence  of  this  clever  and  persuasive  man  that  the  aristocratic 
world  opened  its  purse  for  Port-Royal. ^ 

On  the  whole,  at  the  time  of  Innocent  X.'s  accession,  the 
new  teaching  was  meeting  with  more  disapproval  than  favour 
on  the  part  of  leading  circles  in  France.  On  the  other  hand 
the  efforts  of  the  opponents  of  the  heresy  were  hampered  in 
sundry  ways,  whereas  its  friends  and  adherents  were  united, 
determined,  shrewd  and  above  all,  exceedingly  active. 

Their  chief  tool  was  the  press.  Arnauld  and  "  the  gentlemen 
of  Port-Royal  "  did  not  write  in  learned  Latin,  they  wrote 
in  French,  and  in  excellent  French.  Arnauld 's  book  on  Holy 
Communion  was  positively  devoured  and  the  results  soon 
became  apparent.  The  new  reformer  alienated  priests  and 
people  from  the  altar,  as  Vincent  de  Paul  lamented  in  1648.^ 
It  is  possible  that  some  people  in  France  or  Italy  drew  some 
benefit  from  the  book,  he  said,  but  in  Paris  for  one  hundred  in 

'  "  La  jeunesse  [at  the  University]  court  impunement  apres 
ces  nouveautes,"  the  Jesuit  Pintherau  tells  the  older  professors 
in  1646,  in  Prunel,  La  renaissance  caih.  en  France  an  17"'  siecle, 
Paris,  1921,  285. 

=  Rapin,  I.,  60  seqq.  Duhamel,  however,  renounced  the 
Jansenistic  doctrines  some  time  before  his  death.  Dubois,  Hist, 
de  I'abbd  de  RancS,  II.,  Paris,  1866,  17  seqq. 

*  To  Dehorgny,  September  10,  1648,  Coste,  III.,  372. 


2l8  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

whom  it  had  perhaps  called  forth  greater  reverence  in  the 
reception  of  the  Sacraments,  there  were  at  least  ten  thousand 
to  whom  it  had  done  harm  by  frightening  them  away  altogether 
from  Holy  Communion.^  For  quite  ordinary  sins  the  new 
reformers  often  put  off  absolution. ^  Even  the  Easter  Com- 
munions had  diminished  :  there  were  three  thousand  less  at 
St.  Sulpicc,  whilst  the  parish  priest  of  St.  Nicolas-du- 
Chardonnet  who  visited  the  households  of  his  parish  after 
Easter,  found  that  fifteen  hundred  people  had  not  been  to 
Hol}^  Communion.  Hardly  anyone,  or  at  least  only  very  few 
people,  went  to  the  Sacraments  on  the  first  Sunday  of  the 
month  or  on  feast  days,  and  even  in  the  churches  of  the  Orders 
those  of  the  Jesuits  were  the  only  ones  where  things  were  a 
little  better.3 

In  1644  Petau  said  of  the  Jansenist  teaching  on  grace  that 
if  Calvin  were  to  return  from  the  grave  he  would  find  many 
Catholics  ready  to  defend  his  errors.*  It  is  true  that  at  that 
time  the  "  Augustinus  "  of  the  Bishop  of  Ypres  could  only 
find  readers  among  the  learned,  but  three  sermons  against 
Jansenius  preached  at  Richelieu's  request  by  the  able  theo- 
logian Isaac  Habert  in  1642  and  1643,  provided  Arnauld  with  a 
suitable  pretext  for  publishing  two  apologies  of  Jansenius  ^ 
in  September,  1644,  and  April,  1645.^  According  to  Arnauld, 
Jansenius  was  "  the  luminary  of  scholars,  the  mirror  of 
Bishops,  a  Master  of  piety  ;  he  appeared  as  an  angel  on  earth 
whose  spirit  dwelt  in  heaven,  who  only  looked  to  God  and 
found  no  rest  except  in  the  love  of  the  sovereign  and 
unchanging  truth.  In  him  could  be  seen  the  penitential  spirit 
of  a  religious,  the  gravity  of  a  scholar,  the  courage  of  a  Bishop, 
whilst  his  burning  charity  made  him  the  father  of  the  poor 
and  the  refuge  of  those  in  trouble  ".  The  Netherlands  venerated 
him  "  as  Augustine  returned  from  heaven  "  whilst  in  France 

1  Ibid.,  362. 

2  Ibid.,  368. 

'  To  Dehorgny,  June  25,  1648,  ibid.,  321. 
*  De  poenitentia,  1.  i,  c.  i,  n.  3,  p.  212. 

5  Arnauld,  Oeuvres,  XVI.,  XIII.,  XVI. 

6  Ibid.,  39-312  ;    XVII.,  1-637. 


JANSENISM    BECOMES    FASHIONABLE.  219 

"  his  holy  teaching  ",  whatever  his  enemies  might  say, 
"  yielded  wonderful  fruits."  ^  In  similar  rhetorical  phrases, 
Habert  is  then  demolished  and  even  now  Arnauld  describes 
Urban  VIII. 's  Bull  as  a  forgery. ^  In  his  defence  of  Jansenius 
against  the  accusation  of  heresy  he  starts  from  the  principle 
that  the  question  was  not  whether  this  teaching  was  condemned 
by  the  Bull  against  Baius,  or  by  the  Council  of  Trent,  but 
whether  it  was  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine. ^  Here,  then,  is  a 
plain  admission  that  he  has  given  up  the  Catholic  standpoint  : 
the  "  disciples  of  St.  Augustine  "  considered  themselves 
authorized  to  follow  the  views  of  Augustine  without  any  more 
ado,  solely  because  they  were  taught  by  him. 

True  these  writings  had  no  direct  influence  on  the  masses, 
but  their  elegant  French  and  showy  rhetoric  succeeded  in 
rousing  enthusiasm  for  the  new  teaching  in  the  upper  classes.^ 

It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  already  at  that  time  the  salons 
of  Paris  and  the  "  preciosity  "  of  aristocratic  ladies  had  begun 
to  e.xercise  great  influence  upon  French  intellectual  life. 
Arnauld  conquered  these  salons  for  the  new  teaching  and 
turned  them  into  so  many  centres  from  which  it  radiated  into 
wider  circles.  If  even  before  this  "  St.  Augustine  was  the  only 
topic  of  conversation  "  ^  in  that  world,  it  was  still  more  so 
after  the  publication  of  Arnauld's  new  books.  Gentlemen  at 
court  and  the  ladies  of  the  great  world  discussed,  with  the  air 
of  experts,  grace  and  predestination,  bandied  about  the 
Councils  of  Aries  and  Orange,  e.xtolled  Augustine  and  damned 
Molina.  Jansenism  became  the  fashion  in  leading  circles ; 
one  had  to  be  a  supporter  of  Jansenius  if  one  wished  to  be 
reckoned  intelligent  and  to  be  considered  such  it  sufficed  to 
declare  oneself  in  favour  of  Port-Royal.^    Not  a  few  among 

*  Arnauld,  Oenvres,  XVI.,  56,  59  seq. 
-  Ibid..  XVII.,  64  seq. 

'  Ibid.,  87  seq.  ;    Denzinger,  Ench.  Syinb.  (1928),  n.   1320. 

*  Rapin,  Mem.,  I.,  95. 

'  "  On  ne  parloit  que  de  saint  Augustin  dans  les  ruelles  " 
(Rapin,  I.,  62).  On  the  meaning  of  "  ruelles  ",  cf.  Kreiten,  in 
Stimmen  aus  Maria-Laach.,  XXVI.  (1884),  432. 

*  Rapin,  I.,  95  ;   cj.  22  :    "  c'^toit  etre  a  la  mode  que  d'etre  de 


220  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

the  most  aristocratic  ladies  and  gentlemen  built  them- 
selves houses  in  proximity  to  Port-Royal  in  order  to  withdraw 
thither  at  intervals  or  even  altogether.^  Among  them  was  the 
Marquise  de  Sable,  of  whom  it  was  said  that  by  her  example 
she  won  almost  as  many  adherents  for  the  new  doctrine  in  the 
great  world  as  Jansenius  had  secured  for  it  by  his  book  among 
scholars. 2  However,  the  approval  of  the  new  penitential 
teaching  did  not  necessarily  imply  that  this  new  kind  of 
solitaries  personally  took  up  the  works  of  penance.^ 

The  broad  masses  of  the  people  were  not  overlooked  bee  ause 
of  these  aristocratic  circles.  In  1647  Jean  Jacques  Olier,  the 
founder  of  St.  Sulpice,  wrote  that  the  new  teachers  successfully 
insinuated  themselves  everywhere  under  cover  of  reform  and 
piety,  and  everybody  sided  with  them.*  One  of  their  chief 
means  of  propaganda  was  to  circulate  small  books  which 
were  soon  in  everybody's  hands. ^  St.  Cyran  had  composed  a 
"  household  theology  "  which  was  prohibited  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Paris  in  1643  and  by  Rome  in  1654.*'  In  1650  a 
"  Catechism  of  Grace  "  by  Feydeau  sought  to  render 
"  Augustinus  "  intelligible  to  the  people.  The  booklet,  which 
was  prohibited  in  the  year  of  its  publication,  nevertheless 
circulated  under  divers  titles  both  in  France  and  in  the  Low 
Countries.'  Numerous  biting  pamphlets,  scattered  among  the 
general  public,  brought  it  about  that  no  one  cared  any  longer 
to  attack  the  powerful  party.  Even  preachers  in  their  refuta- 
tions of  the  new  doctrine  on  grace,  no  longer  dared  to  designate 

ce  parti  la."  The  Archbishop  of  Embrun  said  to  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  :  "  que  Son  Altesse  Royale  avoit  trop  d'esprit  pour  ne 
pas  etre  du  parti  de  Port-Royal  "  (ibid.,  135). 

1   Ibid.,  172,  211. 

-  Ibid.,  175.  Cf.  Victor  Cousin,  M"""  de  Sable,  Paris,  1855. 
She  is  the  Parthenie  in  the  novel  Grand  Cyrus  of  Madame  de 
ScuDERY  (Petit  de  Julleville,  IV.,  loi). 

*  Rapin,  I.,  174. 

*  DuBRUEL,  in  Recherches,  VII.  (1917),  258. 

5  Rapin,  I.,  137.  «  [Patouillet],  IV.,  S^  seqq. 

^  Ibid.,  I.,  226  seqq.  Reprint  of  the  Catechisme  de  la  grace, 
in  Arnauld,  (Euvres,  XVII.,  839-848. 


INFLUENCE    OF   PORT-ROYAL.  221 

its  authors  by  name  ■  and  things  had  come  to  such  a  pass 
that  loud  murmuring  arose  if  the  teaching  of  Jansenius  was 
attacked  in  the  pulpit. ^  By  spreading  all  manner  of  calumnies 
about  him,  special  though  fruitless  efforts  were  made  to 
intimidate  Olier,  whose  zeal  had  preserved  the  whole  of  the 
faubourg  Saint-Germain  from  Jansenism.  When  his  associates 
wished  to  defend  him,  Oher  threw  their  apologies  into  the  fire 
unread,  with  the  remark  :  "  Do  you  not  know  that  calumny 
is  the  reward  with  which  God  is  wont  to  honour  the  defenders 
of  religion  ?  "  ^  Olier  was  not  the  only  victim  of  the  party's 
evil  tongues.  Port-Royal  was  an  adept  at  extolling  its  own 
people  and  in  reviling  its  opponents.  To-day  a  man  might  be 
an  ignoramus  ;  all  of  a  sudden  he  got  a  reputation  as  a 
theologian  and  a  preacher,  simply  by  going  over  to  Port- 
Royal.  The  broad  masses  were  already  impressed  by  the  simple 
fact  that  the  members  of  the  young  sect  described  themselves 
as  the  disciples  of  the  great  Augustine  and  their  opponents 
as  the  followers  of  the  almost  unknown  Molina.'*  Great  also 
was  the  influence  exercised  by  the  Abbey  of  Port-Royal.  On 
one  occasion  Queen  Anne  confessed  that  the  strict  conduct 
observed  there  impressed  her  not  a  little,  except  that  she  felt 
repelled  by  the  fact  that  everybody  there  spoke  ill  of  those  who 
did  not  belong  to  the  party.**  Even  the  young  nuns  were  brought 
up  with  an  exaggerated  notion  of  their  importance,  as  if  God 
had  specially  chosen  them  to  reform  His  Church  ;  hence 
arose  a  presumption  which  refused  to  bow  even  to  papal 
authority.^  Nevertheless  even  genuinely  devout  people  were 
impressed  by  the  fact  that  the  only  topic  of  conversation 
at  the  Abbey  was  the  strictness  of  life  in  the  early  centuries  of 
Christianity,  the  severity  of  the  primitive  penitential  system, 

'  Rapin,  L,  135,  137. 

-  Olier,  in  Faillon,  1L,  422. 

^  Ibid.,  418  i^eqq.  ;    Rapin,  L,  137,  163. 

*  Rapin,  L,  133,  197. 

*  Ibid  .  64. 

"  Rapin,  L,  122.  V.  Cousin  (Jacqueline  Pascal',  Paris, 
1869,  9)  says  of  Port-Royal  :  "  Peut-etre  le  don  celeste  de  I'humi- 
lito  lui  a-t-il  un  peu  manque." 


222  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

the  decadence  and  abuses  of  later  times. ^  Moreover  Port-Royal 
could  point  to  real  achievements,  even  to  such  a  miracle  as 
the  fact  that,  in  opposition  to  the  prevailing  fashion,  the 
ladies  adopted  a  more  becoming  attire. ^  Even  the  Abbey's 
wealth,^  the  result  of  the  generosity  of  friends,  was  held  to 
be  a  sign  of  God's  particular  favour.^  Port-Royal  became  one 
of  the  sights  and  it  was  the  fashionable  thing  to  visit  the 
nuns  and  to  lend  a  wondering  ear  as  they  unfolded  the  mysteries 
of  grace  and  predestination  to  their  admiring  listeners.^ 
Madame  de  Sevigne  has  left  us  an  enthusiastic  account  of  the 
visit  she  made  in  1674.^ 

The  spread  of  the  new  sect  was  greatly  furthered  by  the 
troubles  of  the  Fronde  :  they  diverted  the  attention  of  the 
Government  so  that  the  "  disciples  of  St.  Augustine  "  had  a 
free  hand.'  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  party  welcomed  the  struggle 
with  the  court  for  Queen  Anne  was  an  opponent  whilst 
Mazarin  was  at  least  no  friend  ^  ;  moreover  the  coadjutor 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  the  future  Cardinal  Retz,  who  was 
deeply  implicated  in  the  intrigues  of  the  Fronde,  inclined, 
from  political  reasons,  towards  the  Jansenists  ;  the  result 
was  that  they  supported  him  and  his  friends  both  by  their 
influence  and  by  the  considerable  sums  of  money  which  they 
received  from  their  own  adherents.^  Queen  Anne  subsequently 

^  Rapin,  I.,  64,  134. 

-  Ibid.,  333.  "  Manches  a  la  Janseniste  "  became  the  fashion  ; 
ibid. 

^  Ibid.,  128,  276,  361,  525. 

*  Ibid.,    133. 

^  Ibid.,  362,  441. 

*  "  Ce  Port-Royal  est  une  Thebaide,  c'est  le  paradis,  c'est  un 
desert  oil  toute  la  devotion  du  christianisme  s'est  rangee,  c'est 
une  saintete  repandue  dans  tout  ce  pays  a  une  lieue  a  la  ronde." 
Letter  of  January  26,  1674,  Lettres,  ed.  by  Monmerque,  III., 
Paris,  1862,  390. 

'  Rapin,  I.,  248. 

*  Ibid.,  237. 

^  Ibid.,  268.  "  J'ai  oui'  dire  au  prince  de  Conty,  au  meme 
temps   qu'il   fut   fait   generalissime   des  troupes   de   Paris,    qu'il 


JANSENISM    SPREADS    BEYOND    PARIS.         223 

observed  that  the  Jansenists  had  shown  so  much  zeal  that  in 
a  sense  the  war  was  their  work,  a  circumstance  which  the  King 
would  remember  at  some  future  day  ;  in  point  of  fact  at 
court  the  troubles  of  the  Fronde  were  spoken  of  as  properly 
the  Jansenist  war.^  Duhamel,  the  Jansenist  cure  of  Saint- 
Merry,  specially  distinguished  himself  by  his  zeal  for  the 
Fronde.^ 

By  degrees  the  new  teaching  took  firm  roots  beyond  the 
capital.  It  was  preached  at  Amiens  during  the  last  years 
of  Urban  VIII.  At  the  request  of  Bishop  Caumartin, 
Port-Royal  dispatched  thither  two  ex- Jesuits,  Labadie  and 
Dabert,  but  their  teaching  caused  such  confusion  in  the  city 
that  the  two  emissaries  had  to  be  barred  from  the  pulpit. 
Labadie  now  embarked  on  an  adventurous  career.  By 
permission  of  the  Bishop  he  preached  Jansenism  at  Bazas, 
but  at  Toulouse  he  narrowly  escaped  being  burnt  at  the  stake 
for  a  number  of  misdeeds  in  a  convent  of  nuns.  At  Montauban 
he  turned  Huguenot  and  wrote  a  book  to  show  that  Jansenius 
and  Calvin  taught  the  same  doctrine.  After  founding  a  peculiar 
sect  known  for  its  fanatical  and  communistic  tendencies 
he  died  at  Altona  in  1674,  having  been  expelled,  together  with 
his  sect,  from  Holland  and  Germany.^ 

By  1650  Jansenism  had  spread  to  nearly  every  province  of 
France.'*    Among  the  religious  Orders  BcruUe's  Oratory  in 

avoit  grande  obhgation  aux  Jansenistes,  lesquels,  pour  soutenir 
le  party  oppose  a  la  cour  et  au  roy,  venoient  tous  les  jours  lay 
offrir  leurs  suffrages  et  les  bourses  de  leurs  amis  pour  entretenir 
la  guerre,"  ibid.,  246. 

'  Ibid.,  271. 

^  Ibid.,  265,  277. 

^  Rapin,  I.,  50  ;  De  Meyer,  322  seqq.  ;  Goebel-Frank,  in 
Herzog-Hauck,  Realenzyklop,  XI.*,   191  seqq. 

*  Rapin,  I.,  309  seq.  On  Jansenism  in  Marseilles  see  ibid., 
228  and  p.  167  seq.,  in  Guyenne  and  at  Bordeaux,  p.  291,  339, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Blois,  p.  338  {cf.  130),  at  Angers,  p.  340, 
at  Beauvais,  p.  344,  in  Auvergue,  p.  346,  at  Sens,  p.  448,  at 
Amiens,  p.  527.  In  the  *Excerpta  ex  aciis  s.  Officii,  1653-6, 
f.  896,  the  *Lettcr  of  the  Bishop  of  Verdun  (without  date),  who 


224  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

particular  included  many  supporters  of  the  new  teaching. 
The  second  General,  Condren,  was  an  opponent  and  one  of 
those  who  denounced  St.  Cyran  to  Richelieu  ;  the  third 
General,  Bourgoing,  bound  his  subjects  to  accept  the  Bull  of 
Urban  VIII.  and  in  a  memorial  to  the  Queen  he  drew  up  a  set 
of  principles  on  the  administration  of  the  sacrament  of 
Penance  which  were  diametrically  opposed  to  Arnauld's  book 
on  Holy  Communion.^  However,  all  this  was  not  enough  to 
banish  the  sympathies  for  the  new  views  which  had  infiltrated 
into  the  Congregation. ^  At  Marseilles  in  particular  the  so-called 
teaching  of  St.  Augustine  was  spread  by  the  preaching  and 
through  the  school  of  the  Oratorians.  The  Fathers  were  held 
in  high  esteem  in  that  city  because  one  of  their  colleagues, 
the  saintly  Bishop  Jean  Baptiste  Gault,  had  most  successfully 
laboured  there  for  the  reform  of  the  diocese.  However,  the 
very  fervour  which  he  had  roused  now  favoured  the  spread 
of  Jansenist  rigorism. ^     At  Bordeaux  an  Oratorian  parish 

asks  for  a  remedy  from  the  Pope  against  the  "  nova  dissidia  "  ; 
f.  928  seqq.,  the  correspondence  between  Cardinal  Bichi  and  the 
Bishop  of  Marseilles,  January,  1651,  about  complaints  on  account 
of  Jansenistic  sermons  in  a  church  at  Marseilles  ;  p.  920  :  Filleau 
(September  22,  165 1),  forwards  an  edict  of  the  "  lieutenant 
criminel "  of  Poitiers,  of  August  11,  promulgated  at  his  instigation, 
according  to  which  the  defence  of  the  Jansenist  doctrine  is 
prohibited  under  pain  of  a  fine  of  1,000  livres  (Schill).  Cf. 
A.  Feron,  Contribution  a  I'hist.  du  Jansenisme  en  Normandie 
(diocese  of  Rouen,  1629-1643),  Rouen,  1906 ;  G.  Doublet, 
Le  Jansemsme  de  I'ancien  diocese  de  Vence,  Paris,  1901  ; 
Herscher,  Analecta  Gallicana  (diocese  of  Langres)  in  Rev. 
d'histoire  de  I'Eglise  de  France,  1910 ;  Alphonse  Auguste, 
Les  origines  du  Jansenisme  a  Toulouse,  in  Bull,  de  Hit.  eccles., 
1916,  262  seqq.,  315  seqq. 

1  De  Meyer,  305  seq. 

2  Qlier  and  his  Sulpicians  were  terrified  when  the  Oratorians 
tried  to  establish  themselves  in  their  parish.  Olier  in  Faillon, 
II.,  432. 

'  Rapin,  I.,  288  seq.  Cf.  Albizzi's  report  on  the  Congregation 
of  Cardinals  against  Jansenism  of  June  22  and  July  6,  1651,  in 
Katholik,  1883,  II.,  290. 


JANSENISM    ABROAD.  225 

priest  likewise  revealed  himself  as  an  adherent  of  the  sect.' 
At  Toulouse,  though  there  existed  points  of  contact  for  the 
new  teaching,  it  did  not  develop  to  any  extent,  notwithstanding 
the  undecided  attitude  of  Archbishop  Montchal.-  At  Cahors, 
the  splendid  Bishop,  Alain  de  Solminihac,  successfully  closed 
his  diocese  to  Jansenism.  When  one  professor  of  theology, 
the  Dominican  Mesplede,  began  to  expound  the  new  teaching, 
Solminihac  promptly  ordered  him  to  desist  and  when 
he  refused  to  obey,  the  Bishop  forbade  his  students  to  attend 
his  lectures.  Another  priest  felt  he  ought  to  preach  against 
the  Dominican  but  this  the  Bishop  likewise  forbade  and  he 
promised  himself  to  defend  the  honour  of  the  professor  if 
the  latter  would  bear  the  attack  in  silence.  Soon  Solminihac 
was  able  to  write  "  the  tire  is  out,  in  a  few  days  no  one  will 
remember  it  ".^ 

Similar  instructions  had  been  issued  in  Paris  ^  but  there 
the  new  ideas  had  struck  such  deep  roots,  that  the  policy  of 
silence  was  impossible.^  In  point  of  fact  the  new  teaching 
was  making  headway  beyond  the  boundaries  of  France  ; 
thus,  through  Flanders  it  had  penetrated  to  the  Rhine  ^  and 
its  progress  was  particularly  marked  in  Poland.  The  Queen 
of  Poland,  Marie  Louise  of  Gonzaga-Cleve,  a  daughter  of  the 
Duke  of  Nevers,  married  first  to  King  Ladislaus  Sigismund 
of  Poland  and  after  the  latter's  death  in  1648,  to  his  brother 
and  successor,  John  Casimir,  had  been  educated  at  Port-Royal, 
corresponded  with  Angelique  Arnauld  and  had  for  her  confessor 
the  Jansenist  Fran9ois  de  Fleury.  In  these  circumstances 
the  Latin  translation  of  the  book  on  frequent  Communion 

'  Rapin,  I.,  292. 

-  Alphonse  Augusta,  loc.  cit.,  262. 

'  CosTE,  TIL,  348-350. 

*  Prohibitions  of  the  Archbishop  of  March  4  and  December  11, 
1643,  "  d'invectiver  "  again.st  those  who  in  matters  of  faith  are 
of  a  different  opinion  ;  prohibition  of  the  coadjutor,  of  November 
25,  1644,  to  speak  about  grace  from  the  pulpit.  Arnauld, 
CEuvres,  XVI.,  XII. 

*  De  Meyer,  144. 

*  Rapin,  I.,  310. 

VOL.  x.xx.  0 


226  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

received  the  approval  of  the  Archbishop  of  Vilna  and  Gnesen 
and  of  one  of  the  latter's  suffragans.^  John  Casimir,  who  had 
been  a  Jesuit  and  a  Cardinal  (in  1647)  before  his  elevation 
to  the  throne,  saw  this  fresh  cause  of  division  with  great 
displeasure.  Through  the  nuncio  he  referred  the  matter  to 
Rome.  By  way  of  reply  the  Curia  forwarded  a  copy  of  Urban 
VIII. 's  Bull  and  held  out  the  prospect  of  a  papal  decision  on 
pending  questions.  The  King  was  not  satisfied  with  this 
answer.2  In  a  letter  to  the  Pope  ^  he  lamented  the  divisions 
at  his  court  and  prayed  for  a  speedy  explanation  as  to  which 
side  was  in  the  right.  The  Archbishop  of  Warsaw  also  wrote 
in  the  same  sense  to  Rome.^  A  reply  now  came  to  the  effect 
that  Jansenius'  work  had  already  been  condemned  and  the 
nuncio  was  instructed  to  use  his  influence  to  obtain  silence 
on  the  subject.^  Thereupon  Urban  VIII. 's  Bull  was  published 
in  Poland  but  the  King  persisted  in  demanding  a  decision  on 
Arnauld's  teaching.^ 

Apart  from  the  personal  exertions  of  such  eminent  men  as 
Vincent  de  Paul  and  Olier,  the  defence  against  the  rising 
heresy  in  France  was  mainly  confined  within  the  literary 


^  Arnauld,  loc.  cit.,  LXXV. 

2  *  Of  August  II,  1650,  annotation  on  the  back  of  the  report 
of  nuncio  Giov.  de  Torrez  of  July  2,  1650,  in  Excerpta,  1647-1652, 
loc.  cit. 

'  Of  September  12,  1650,  ibid.,  in  Rapin,  I.,  395. 

^  *On  September  20,  1650,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

'"  "  Accioche  questa  controversia  resti  totalmente  sopita  ne 
si  permetta  alcuna  disputatione  in  contrario,'  Instruction  of 
November  19,  1650,  in  Theiner,  Mon.  Poloniae,  III.,  466. 

«  The  nuncio  *on  January  7,  1651  {Excerpta,  loc.  cit.).  The 
nuncio  constantly  praises  the  Queen's  piety  !  *"  La  quale  ne 
puo  esser  devota  ne  piu  ossequiosa  verso  cotesta  S.  Sede  "  (on 
September  17,  1650,  ibid.).  "  *Non  posso  percio  non  confessar 
d'haver  sempre  conosciuto  nella  regina  uno  zelo  purissimo,  una 
(bonta)  maravighosa  et  una  pieta  senza  esempio.  .  .  . 
M'avvidi  che  non  haveva  notizia  alcuna  di  queste  dottrine 
jansenistiche,  e  ha  lasciato  affatto  anche  la  lettione  del  Arnaldo  " 
(on  November  5,  1650,  ibid.). 


REFUTATIONS    OF    JANSENISM.  227 

sphere.  Polemical  writings  for  and  against  the  heresy  were 
bandied  about  by  both  sides  even  in  the  opening  years  of 
Innocent  X.'s  reign,  though  a  change  was  visible  at  least  in 
one  respect  :  weary  of  subterfuges  and  misrepresentations  as 
well  as  of  the  endless  personal  attacks  of  the  Jansenists/  it 
was  precisely  the  most  learned  champions  of  Catholic  teaching 
who  despaired  of  success  in  a  strife  in  which,  in  so  far  as  the 
broad  masses  were  conccrntd,  the  decisive  factor  was  not  the 
goodness  of  the  cause,  but  skill  with  the  pen.  Accordingly 
they  now  wrote  their  refutations  exclusively  in  Latin,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  learned  circles.  Thus  Habert,  who  was  made 
Bishop  of  Vabres  in  1645,  notwithstanding  Arnauld's  efforts 
to  blacken  his  character,  published  in  1646  a  scholarly  work 
on  grace  which  is  esteemed  even  at  this  day  ^  ;  in  it  he  refutes 

'  They  continually  accuse  their  adversaries  that  they  let 
themselves  be  guided  solely  by  egoistical  motives  or  that  they  do 
not  even  believe  in  the  righteousness  of  their  cause,  and  seek  to 
bring  them  into  contempt.  Habert  and  Petau  are  also  haughtily 
dealt  with.  One  example  of  these  travesties  (j,nother  in  the 
next  note)  :  Petau  had  not  obtained  an  episcopal  letter  of  intro- 
duction for  his  work  against  Arnauld's  book  on  Frequent  Com- 
munion. Therefore,  concludes  Arnauld,  "  la  seule  qualite  de 
Jesuite  (contains  according  to  Petau)  une  autorite  plus  venerable 
pour  la  decision  des  veritez  chretiennes  (jue  celle  des  eveques  " 
(De  Meyer,  276). 

-  Theologiae  Graecorum  Patrum  vindicatae  circa  itniversam 
mater iam  gratiae  libri  tres,  new  edition,  Wiirzburg,  1863.  On  the 
work  and  especially  on  Habert,  see  Hurter,  Nomenclator,  II., 
65.  To  what  exaggerations  his  adversaries  had  recourse  in  order 
to  disparage  the  work  is  shown  bv  the  remark  of  Hcrmant  (IV., 
17)  :  "  II  porta  le  ridicule  jusqu'a  mettre  les  sieurs  Gamache, 
Duval  et  Isambert,  docteurs  de  Sorbonne,  ses  amis,  au  nombrc 
des  Peres  Grecs,"  Arnauld,  CEiivres,  XVI.,  XVII.  ;  cf.  Dk 
Meyer,  195).  But  Habert  states  already  on  the  title  page  of  his 
work  that  he  constantly  refers  also  to  the  teaching  of  the  doctors 
of  the  Sorbonne.  In  the  impugned  passage  (1.  2,  c.  6,  Wiirzburg, 
1863,  203),  he  adduces  by  way  of  preliminary  to  what  was  to 
follow,  the  irrefutable  proof  that  the  Sorbonne  had  always  admitted 
the  so-called  "  sufficient  grace  ". 


228  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

the  innovators  without  mentioning  their  names. ^  Petau 
did  the  same  in  1648. ^  A  book  by  the  Jesuit  Etienne 
Dechamps,  which  shows  the  untenabihty  of  Jansenius' 
concept  of  freedom,  saw  several  editions.  Dechamps  had  very 
skilfully  chosen  his  standpoint  by  taking  the  field  as  a  defender 
of  the  Sorbonne  which,  as  early  as  1560,  had  condemned  the 
thesis  of  the  compatibility  of  freedom  and  necessity.  This 
time  Arnauld,  always  so  ready  with  a  reply,  deemed  it  wiser 
to  forgo  a  refutation  :  Dechamps  never  received  a  reply 
worth  considering.^  A  work  of  pure  scholarship  was  furnished 
by  the  Spanish  Jesuit,  Juan  Martinez  de  Ripalda,  when  he 
added  to  his  great  work  De  ente  siipernaturali  (on  the  super- 
natural) *  a  third  volume  directed  against  the  followers  of 
Baius. 

With  a  view  to  safeguarding  the  mass  both  of  the  educated 
and  the  uneducated  from  the  Jansenists,  recourse  was  had 
to  Rome  for  a  decision  by  the  Apostolic  See.  The  first  to  take 
this  step  was  Nicolas  Sanguin,  the  excellent  Bishop  of  Senlis  ^  ; 
he  was  followed  by  Abra  de  Raconis,  the  Capuchin  Yves, 
Habert  and  Petau. ^  Queen  Anne,  at  the  instigation  of  the 
Jesuit  De  Lingendes,  had  expressed  a  desire  to  write  to  Rome 
already  in  1644  but  Cardinal  Mazarin  was  opposed  to  such  a 
step.' 

Since  there  already  existed  a  declaration  by  the  Holy  See 
on  Jansenius'  "  Augustinus  ",  Yves,  De  Raconis  and  Petau 
pressed  before  all  else  for  a  judgment  on  Arnauld's  book  on 
Holy  Communion.    As  a  matter  of  fact  that  dangerous  work 

^  He  occasionally  quotes  Jansenius,  whenever  he  is  able  to  agree 
with  him  [loc.  cit.,  238,  323),  also  Conrius,  ibid.,  241. 

2  De  lege  et  gratia,  Paris,  1648  (Sommervogel,  VI.,  611). 

^  Sommervogel,  II.,  1863.  For  Fromond's  reply,  see 
De  Meyer,  464. 

■*  De  ente  supernaturali,  Bordeaux,  1634,  Lyons,  1663,  Paris, 
1870  and  1871  (Sommervogel,  V.,  640).  Other  anti-Jansenist 
writings  in  De  Meyer,  452  seqq. 

^  Rapin,  I.,  87  seq. 

"  De  Meyer,  184,  295,  320,  428  ;    Sommervogel,  VI.,  614. 

'•   Rapin,  I.,  66. 


CENSURE  OF  ARNAULD'S  BOOK  ON  COMMUNION.     229 

had  been  under  examination  in  Rome  for  some  time  already. 
According  to  a  letter  of  Bentivoglio's  secretary,  Lutti,  to 
D'Andilly/  Albizzi  was  of  opinion  that  it  should  be  prohibited 
owing  to  the  many  errors  it  contained  ;  consequently,  the 
Jansenist  Sinnich  felt  that  it  was  essential  that  a  theologian 
should  be  sent  to  Rome  to  defend  Arnauld.  In  effect,  by  the 
end  of  April,  1045,  Jean  Bourgeois, ^  an  able  theologian, 
arrived  in  Rome  as  a  representative  of  the  party,  whilst  the 
Jesuit  Brisacier,  was  simultaneously  pressing  the  authorities 
to  condemn  Arnauld.  Rome  was  not  long  in  doubt  as  to  the 
erroneous  assertions  in  Arnauld's  book  ^  ;  however,  not  a  few 
French  Bishops  had  given  it  their  approval  so  that,  as  the 
sequel  was  to  show,  it  was  necessary  to  proceed  cautiously.^ 
When  Abra  de  Raconis  wrote  to  the  Pope,  the  Assembly  of 
the  French  clergy  of  1645  charged  him  with  having  falsely 


*  On  December  i8,  1644,  Arnauld,  CEnvres,  XXVIII.,  642 
seq.  *On  June  26,  1645,  a  letter  from  Rome  sa^^s  :  From  the 
book  on  Frequent  Communion  "  si  fa  un  estratto  dclle  proposition! 
che  patiscono  qualche  difficolta,  perche  si  possano  qualificarc 
(lai  ciualificatori  della  S.  Congregatione  del  S.  Officio.  Qualche 
tempo  vi  correra  prima  che  si  aduni  tanta  Consulta  ;  onde  non 
vi  e  pcricolo  che  esca  la  censura  prima  che  si  termini  costi  I'assem- 
blea  dei  vescovi  di  cotesto  Stato,"  Barb.  6105,  p.  378  seq.,  Vatican 
Library. 

*  Hermant,  I.,  330  ;  Relation  de  M.  Bourgeois  docteur  de 
Sorbonne,  contenant  ce  qui  s'est  passe  a  Rome  en  1645  et  1646 
pour  la  justification  du  livre  de  la  Frequente  Communion,  in 
Arnauld,  loc.  cit.,  674-725. 

'  Bourgeois,  loc.  cit.,  684. 

*  Grimaldi  *wTites  already  on  April  19,  1644,  to  the  Secretary 
of  State  :  "  Mi  sento  in  obligo  di  rappresentarc  a  V.  E.  che 
trovandosi  impiegati  oltrc  20  dottori  di  Sorbona  15  preeati,  e 
fra  questi  alcuni  dei  piii  affczionati  alia  S.  Sede  et  in  reputazionc 
di  maggior  probita,  quali  conforme  mi  hanno  detto,  vivono  con 
speranza  che  non  si  fara  alcuna  proibizione  del  medesimo  libro, 
la  quale  non  put)  .seguire  senza  prcjudicio  della  loro  reputazionc, 
che  prima  non  sieno  avvisati  per  poter  render  ragione  della  loro 
approvazione.    Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome,  S.  3,  i. 


230  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

accused  his  fellow  Bishops  ;  they  demanded  that  his  Arch- 
bishop should  proceed  against  him.  De  Raconis  upheld  the 
substance  of  what  he  had  written  but  was  forced  to  drop  some 
of  his  expressions.^  The  Bishops  who  had  approved  the  book 
on  Holy  Communion  wrote  a  second  letter  to  Rome,  July  21st, 
1645,2  in  a  tone  which  betrays  no  desire  on  their  part  to  be 
taught  by  the  Holy  See.^  They  take  it  for  granted  that 
Arnauld's  book  was  daily  doing  greater  good,  that  its  author 
was  deserving  of  praise  and  the  Jesuits  of  blame,  whilst  by 
accrediting  Bourgeois  as  their  spokesman,  they  demanded  a 
papal  pronouncement  in  this  sense.  A  further  letter  to 
Innocent  X.,  dated  March  2nd,  1646,  is  in  a  similar  strain. 
In  answer  to  his  report  to  Rome,  de  Raconis  had  received  a 
Brief  *  ;  it  was,  however,  couched  in  the  same  general  terms 
as  another  addressed  at  the  same  time  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Sens,^  the  leader  of  Arnauld's  episcopal  supporters.  None 
the  less  the  Bishops'  new  letter  ®  takes  de  Raconis  violently 
to  task  for  the  step  he  had  taken  in  Rome  ;  once  more  they 
take  it  for  granted  that  Arnauld's  book  is  irreproachable, 
whereas  his  opponents  are  wicked  men  ;  the  Bishops  finally 
summon  the  Pope  at  last  to  raise  his  voice  on  behalf  of  a  man 
so  grievously  calumniated.  This  letter  only  bore  the  signatures 
of  twelve  Bishops  for  the  gaps  made  by  death  in  their  ranks 
had  not  been  filled.  Even  more  disagreeable  for  the  signatories 
must  have  been  the  circumstance  that  their  leader.  Octave  de 
Bellegarde,  Archbishop  of  Sens,  when  on  his  death-bed,  had 
rejected  Jansenism  and  charged  his  entourage  to  inform  the 

^  Arnauld,  CEuvres,  XXVI.,  LIT. 

-  Ibid.,  XXVIII. ,  647. 

3  Cf.  the  editors  of  the  Works  of  Arnauld  (XXVI.,  XLVII.)  : 

Loin  de  demander  un  jugement  sur  le  livre  de  la  Frequente 
Communion,  ils  reconoissoient  que  ce  jugement  etoit  deja  porte 
en  sa  faveur  par  leurs  approbations,  et  ils  le  confirmoient  de 
nouveau  etc." 

*  *Of  October  22,  in  Innocentii  X.  EpisL,  II. -III.  (Secretary 
Gaspare  de  Simeonibus),  p.  88,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

*  Arnauld,  loc.  cit.,  649. 

*  Ibid..  650. 


OPPOSITION    TO    STERN   MEASURES.  23I 

Pope  of  the  dangerous  plans  cherished  by  St.  Cyran,  to  which 
his  followers  were  endeavouring  to  give  effect.^  Nonetheless, 
all  the  Bishops  of  the  Assembly  of  the  Clergy  in  a  sense  took 
the  side  of  the  signatories,  when  they  sent  a  deputation  to  the 
nuncio  to  protest  against  the  letter  of  De  Raconis  ^  forasmuch 
as  it  accused  the  French  Bishops  of  favouring  error  and 
dissension.  Both  Bagno  and  Panciroli  sought  to  calm  them 
with  general  assurances.'  All  this  could  not  fail  to  con- 
vince Rome  that  the  French  Bishops  must  not  be  roused, 
all  the  more  so  as  that  loyal  son  of  the  Church,  Bishop 
Habert,  had  expressed  a  fear  that  the  Assembly  of  the 
Clergy  was  quite  capable  of  giving  its  approval  to  Jansenius' 
"  Augustinus  ".* 

A  memorial  by  Cardinal  De  Lugo  ^  conveys  a  similar  warning 
against  the  use  of  sterner  measures,  lest  the  party,  which 
still  styled  itself  Catholic,  should  be  driven  into  open 
rebellion.  Since  precisely  at  this  moment  the  party  was  trying 
to  give  a  Catholic  meaning  to  its  teaching,  the  Pope  should  take 
them  at  their  word  and  whilst  exhorting  them  to  concord, 
stress  those  points  in  connexion  with  the  administration 
of  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  and  that  of  the  Eucharist  on 
which  there  can  be  no  controversy  among  Catholics,  such  as, 
for  instance,  that  there  was  no  law  demanding  the  performance 
of  the  penance  before  the  absolution  by  the  priest,  or  public 
penance  for  hidden  sins.    All  these  points — Lugo  enumerates 

^  De  Meyer,  356.  Nuncio  Bagno  sent  this  explanation  to 
Rome  on  March  26,  1646,  ibid. 

*  By  a  decision  of  February  6,  1646.  This  explains  the  exagger- 
ated rumour  in  the  *Diario  of  Ameyden  of  1650  {Barb.  4819, 
p.  107)  :  Incomincia  dar  pensiero  la  controversia  Janseniana 
prendendo  piede  in  Francia  e  stando  per  questa  parte  la  maggior 
parte  de'  vescovi  di  quel  regno,  ova  sono  depositati  ducentomila 
scudi  per  istampare  tutto  qucllo  che  verra  scritto  per  questa 
opinione  :  cosa  che  potra  cagionare  turbolenze  grandi,"  Vatican 
Library. 

*  De  Meyer,  434. 

*  Ibid.,  184. 

'  In  Lammer,   Meletemata,   391   seqq. 


232  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

six  of  them — Arnauld  seems  to  deny  in  some  places  whilst 
he  grants  them  in  others  ;  accordingly,  in  any  future  edition 
of  his  book  he  should  be  made  to  make  a  preliminary  statement 
that  he  held  these  points,  as  well  as  to  attenuate  his  eulogy 
of  Jansenius  in  so  far  as  the  latter's  achievements  in  the  sphere 
of  scholarship  were  concerned.  Besides  the  fixed  points  in 
regard  to  the  administration  of  the  two  Sacraments,  there  were 
others  for  which  no  certain  general  ruling  could  be  laid  down  ; 
these  must  be  left  in  every  instance  to  the  judgment  of  the 
confessor,  as,  for  instance,  the  frequency  of  reception  of  the 
Sacraments. 

In  Rome  there  was  no  inclination  to  go  even  as  far  as  Lugo 
had  counselled.  A  decision  on  frequent  Communion  was  only 
issued  in  1679  and  it  was  not  until  1690  that  the  questions 
about  Penance  raised  by  Arnauld  were  authoritatively  dealt 
with.^  Another  point  on  which  De  Lugo  states  that  Arnauld 
should  be  made  to  speak  more  clearly  in  his  book,  is  his 
assertion  of  the  quahty  of  the  two  Apostles,  SS.  Peter  and 
Paul.  In  the  preface  of  his  book  Arnauld  had  represented 
as  models  of  penance  "  the  two  heads  of  the  Church  who 
constitute  but  one  ".^ 

The  unostentatious  little  paragraph  was  not  so  innocent  as 
it  was  made  to  look.  The  Catholic  dogma  of  the  Pope's  primacy 
over  all  Bishops  is  based  on  the  fact  that  Peter  was  chosen 

1  Denzinger,  Euchir.  synib.^^  (1928),  n.  1147,  1306,  1312 
seq.  The  Jansenists  affirmed  that  Arnauld  was  not  meant  in 
the  condemned  propositions  (Arnauld,  OEuvres,  XXVI.,  XCIII. 
seq.  De  Meyer,  240,  note  2).  But  who  else  could  have  been 
meant  ?  An  appeal  to  Viva  (De  Meyer,  241)  does  not  hold  good, 
because  Viva  says  expressly  :  "  cum  theses  fere  omnes  ab 
Alexandre  VIII.  confixae  in  lansenii  doctrina  et  propositionibus 
nitantur  .  .  ."  (De  lansenii  propositionibus  universim  :  Viva, 
Opera,  VII.,  Ferrariae,  1757,  120). 

^  "  les  deux  chefs  de  I'Eglise  qui  n'en  font  qu'un  "  (n.  6, 
(Eiivres,  XXVII.,  85).  The  Jansenists  asserted  that  the  pro- 
position had  been  added  on  his  own  authority  by  De  Barcos, 
Saint-Cyran's  nephew  (ibid.,  XXVI.,  LVII.  ;  Dupin,  Hist., 
II..  14). 


THE  TWO  HEADS  OF  THE  CHURCH.     233 

to  be  the  head  of  the  Church  and  that  Peter's  successor  in 
the  Roman  See  is  also  his  successor  as  head  of  the  Church. 
Now  in  order  to  combat  the  papacy,  De  Dominis  had  laid 
down  two  propositions  :  first  that  Peter  was  in  all  things  the 
equal  of  his  fellow  apostle,  hence  he  was  not  head  of  the 
whole  Church  in  any  higher  sense  than  Paul  ;  second,  that 
Peter  was  not  Bishop  of  Rome  in  a  different  sense  than 
Paul,  that  is,  he  was  so  solch'  in  virtue  of  his  Apostolic  office, 
not  by  any  special  link  with  Rome.^  Was  it  Arnauld's 
intention,  with  his  seemingly  casual  reflexion,  to  foster  the 
rise  of  similar  ideas  ?  There  was  every  reason  to  mistrust 
the  Janscnists  whenever  they  discussed  the  nature  of  the 
Church's  authority.  Moreover  the  accusation  against 
Richelieu,  that  he  aimed  at  the  establishment  of  a  separate 
patriarchate  for  France,  was  fresh  in  everybody's  memory. 
The  notion  of  two  heads  of  the  Church  could  also  be  interpreted 
so  as  to  provide  support  for  the  plan  of  another  Pope  on 
French  soil.- 

This  suspicion  was  heightened  by  the  publication,  in 
connexion  with  Arnauld's  thesis,  of  a  number  of  anonymous 
pamphlets  which  sought  to  establish  the  equality  of  the  two 
Apostles.  On  January  18th,  1645,  the  Paris  nuncio,  Bagno, 
forwarded  a  copy  of  the  first  of  these  publications.  A  little 
later  he  reported  that  Duke  Henry  of  Bourbon,  a  fervent 
Catholic,  desired  to  see  these  new  declarations  condemned, 
that  the  Queen  and  Mazarin  saw  them  with  displeasure  and 
that  Habert  was  preparing  a  refutation  of  which  he  forwarded 
the  proofs  to  Rome.^  At  the  end  of  April  the  Roman  envoy 
of  the  Jansenists,  Bourgeois,*  learnt  that  the  proposition 
about  the  two  heads  of  the  Church  had  been  condemned 
bv  the  Inquisition.    Although,  as  was  asserted,  the  approval 

'  CJ.  M.  Becanus,  De  republ.  eccles.,  1.  2,  c.  7,  obi.  7  ;  1.  3, 
c.  2  :    Opera  Omnia,  Mogunt.,  1649,  T359,  1363. 

*  That  such  preoccupations  were  entertained  in  Rome  is 
attested  by  Bourgeois  in  his  "  Report  "  (Arnauld,  CEuvres, 
XXVIII.,  677  ;  cf.  680). 

'  De  Meyer,  437  seq. 

*  Report,  loc.  cit.,  677. 


234  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

of  the  sixteen  Bishops  did  not  include  the  preface  to  Arnauld's 
book/  so  that  there  was  no  great  fear  of  offending  these 
prelates  by  the  condemnation,  Innocent  delayed  its  publication 
and  when  De  Barcos  published  a  small  work  on  the  greatness 
of  the  Roman  Church,  the  Pope  ordered  a  fresh  examination 
of  the  whole  affair. ^ 

Bourgeois  and  his  ally  Duchesne  naturally  did  all  they 
could  to  prevent  a  definitive  condemnation.  In  Paris  people 
learned  from  the  Roman  newspapers  and  nuncio  Bagno 
from  his  letters,^  that  they  even  spread  the  report  that  the 
equality  of  the  two  Apostles  was  taught  by  the  Sorbonne. 
This  falsehood  could  only  damage  their  cause.  Vincent  de 
Paul  reported  to  Cardinal  Grimaldi  on  the  whole  question  * 
and  the  syndic  of  the  theological  Faculty,  Cornet,  laid  it 
before  the  Sorbonne.  Contrary  to  Bagno's  expectation,  the 
University  had  at  first  hesitated  to  pronounce  on  the  matter, 
but  it  now  informed  the  nuncio  that  it  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  assertions  of  the  two  Doctors.  Accordingly  the 
Holy  See  no  longer  put  off  the  publication  of  the  decree  of 
the  Inquisition  which  bears  the  date  of  January  25th,  1647. 
Arnauld  is  not  mentioned  by  name  but  the  assertion 
concerning  the  equality  of  the  Princes  of  the  Apostles  is 
textually  quoted  from  the  book  on  Holy  Communion  and 
declared  heretical  in  that  form,  or  in  any  other,  in  so  far  as 
it  was  understood  as  claiming  equality  for  both  Apostles 
in  the  government  of  the  Church.  The  two  opuscules  of 
De  Barcos  and  all  other  writings  which  maintained  the 
condemned  opinion  were  prohibited.^ 

Rome's  wisdom  in  temporarily  refraining  from  a  condemna- 
tion of  the  book  on  Communion  soon  became  apparent.  At 
the  nuncio's  request  Mazarin  had  had  the  papal  decree 
examined  and  allowed  it  to  be  printed  and  Bagno  added 
to  it  a  letter  of  his  own.   It  was  not  long  before  an  anonymous 

1  Rapin,  I.,  32. 

-  The  opinions  of  the  qualificatori  on  this  in  De  Meyer,  439  seq. 

3   Rapin,  I.,  116. 

*  On  October  4,  1646,  ibid.,  reprinted  in  Coste,  III.,  65  seqq. 

*  Denzinger,  loc.  cit.,  n.  1091  ;    Reusch,  Index,  II.,  450  seqq. 


THE    ROMAN    CONDEMNATION    ATTACKED.     235 

writer,  in  all  probability  De  Barcos,  pounced  upon  the  decree 
and  heaped  injuries  on  the  Pope  and  the  Jesuits.  The  Govern- 
ment ordered  his  libel  to  be  burnt,  but  now  Parliament  took 
action.  On  May  8th,  at  a  stormy  session,  Broussel  protested 
against  the  promulgation  of  the  decree  and  the  action  of  the 
nuncio  whom  he  accused  of  arrogating  to  himself  undue 
authority.  When  a  deputation  of  Parliament  repaired  to 
the  palace  for  the  purpose  of  offering  its  good  wishes  to  the 
King  and  Queen  who  were  about  to  leave  the  capital,  so 
heated  an  altercation  took  place  between  the  first  president 
and  the  chancellor  that  the  Queen  had  to  call  them  to  order. 
Mazarin  sought  to  calm  the  excitement,^  but  Parliament 
would  not  yield.  Two  days  later,  in  the  great  Chamber, 
Talon  made  three  protests  against  the  decree  of  the  Inquisition 
and  the  action  of  the  nuncio  :  the  Roman  Congregations, 
he  claimed,  were  not  recognized  in  France  for  the  country 
would  not  put  up  with  the  intolerable  Inquisition  ;  further- 
more Bagno  styled  himself  nuncio  to  the  King  and  the 
whole  of  France  whereas  his  mission  was  confined  to  the 
person  of  the  King  ;  lastly  he  talked  as  if  he  had  territorial 
jurisdiction  in  France  seeing  that  he  spoke  of  communicating 
the  papal  decrees  to  the  Bishops,  and  of  the  "  Archives  " 
of  the  nunciature,  whereas  the  nuncio  in  France  had  no 
such  thing  ;  if  they  allowed  these  trifles  to  pass  they  must 
be  prepared  for  bigger  things.^ 

The  nuncio  found  a  defender  against  these  accusations  in 
the  person  of  the  chancellor.  Bagno,  the  latter  explained, 
spoke  as  his  five  predecessors  had  done  ;  the  papal  decree 
had  been  printed  by  the  King's  permission  and  the  expression 
"  Archives  "  simply  designated  the  place  where  the  nuncio 
kept  his  papers.  After  these  explanations  Mazarin  felt  he 
could  impose  silence  on  Parliament  and  on  May  13th,  1647, 
the   King  wrote  in  this  sense  from  Compiegne.      However, 

^  Bagno,  May  10,  1647,  in  Coville,  135  seq. 

*  Bagno,  May  24,  1647,  ibid.,  156  seq.  ;  Remontrancc  de 
M.  Talon,  of  May  10,  1647,  in  Arnauld,  (Euvres,  XVII.,  822  ; 
Arret  du  Parlemcnt  of  May  15,  1647,  ibid.,  825. 


236  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Parliament  did  not  take  the  hint  ;  it  decreed  that  without 
the  King's  express  permission  no  one  could  print  any  Roman 
documents  and  that  all  copies  of  the  papal  decree  as  well  as 
the  nuncio's  covering  letter  must  be  confiscated.  Even  these 
resolutions  failed  to  embarrass  the  resourceful  Mazarin.  In 
fact  even  before  this  Talon  had  himself  pointed  to  a  possible 
way  out  ;  this  was  that  the  Paris  Parliament  should  pronounce 
judgment  but  that  the  sentence  should  not  be  made  public  ; 
in  this  way  they  would  satisfy  the  jurists  without  unduly 
offending  Rome.  Mazarin  now  fell  back  upon  this  expedient.^ 
A  final  decision  was  thus  circumvented,  for  neither  the 
resolution  of  Parliament  nor  the  royal  permission  to  print 
the  decree  of  the  Roman  Inquisition  were  valid  :  the  one 
lacked  confirmation  by  the  King,  and  the  other  that  of 
Parliament.  Innocent  X.  showed  himself  grateful  to  Mazarin  : 
in  a  Brief  of  March  30th,  1647,2  he  extolled  his  zeal  for 
religion. 

The  resolutions  of  Parliament  in  no  way  affected  the 
attitude  of  loyal  Catholics  towards  the  papal  decree  ;  it 
was  repeatedly  quoted  in  subsequent  years  as  a  proof  of 
the  authority  and  prestige  which  the  Holy  See  enjoyed  in 
France.^  On  the  other  hand  the  Holy  See  must  have  been 
far  more  deeply  hurt  by  the  fact  that  Urban  VIII. 's  Bull 
against  Jansenius'  "  Augustinus  "  continued  to  encounter 
obstacles  in  France  than  by  the  objections  to  the  decision 
on  the  subject  of  the  two  heads  of  the  Church.  From  the 
first  Innocent  X.  stressed  the  duty  of  all  theologians  to 
receive  the  Bull  and  he  ordered  a  fresh  impression  of  the 
document  ;  the  decree  of  the  Inquisition  of  July  29th,  1644, 
concerning  its  authenticity,  was  joined  to  the  Bull  and  thus 
enforced  anew.  However,  the  measure  yielded  but  small 
results.  The  Jansenists  at  once  objected  that  the  decrees  of 
the  Inquisition  had  no  binding  force  in  France  ;  even  when 
the  Pope  sought  to  take  the  sting  out  of  this  pretext  by 

1  CoviLLE,   158-160. 

-  Annales  de  Si. -Louis,  II.,  362. 

^  See  below,  p.  246. 


THE    SORBONNE    AND    JANSENISM.  237 

ordering  Bagno,  on  In-bruary  2dth,  1645,  to  communicate 
the  Bull  to  all  the  Bishops  and  the  Doctors  of  Paris,  it  was 
not  formally  received  though  its  doctrinal  decisions  apparently 
met  with  submission.  This  conduct  was  likewise  adopted 
by  some  religious  Orders,  such  as  the  Discalced  Carmehtes 
and  the  Fcuillants,  whereas  the  Superior  General  of  the 
Oratory,  Bourgoing,  demanded  from  his  subjects  explicit 
acceptance  of  the  Bull.^  Even  Alexander  VIII.  found  himself 
compelled  to  defend  the  authenticity  of  the  Bull.- 

(2.) 

From  the  first  the  Sorbonne  had  taken  an  equivocal  attitude 
in  the  Jansenist  controversy.  Though  pressed  by  Richelieu 
to  do  so,  it  refused  to  make  a  definite  pronouncement  on 
the  heresy  or  to  receive  Urban  VIII. 's  Bull  without  reserva- 
tion.^  It  is  true  that  the  older  professors  did  not  countenance 

*  De  Meyer,  41Q-421.    Cf.  above,  p.  224. 

-  On  December  7,  1690  ;    see  Denzinger,  n.  1321. 

^  De  Meyer,  124  s.,  136  s.  "  *Trovo  che  la  maggior  parte  de' 
dottori  della  medesima  Sorbona  concorrono  in  questo  sense  di 
non  stimare  espediente,  almeno  per  adesso,  prescrivere  cosa 
alcuna  ne  per  Tuna,  ne  per  I'altra  parte,  non  parendo  che  in  tutto 
si  possa  approvare  ne  rifiutare  Topera  del  Jansenio."  Six  members 
of  the  Sorbonne  had  approved  the  book  ;  "  i  suoi  scolari  di  buono 
et  ardente  ingegno  con  difficolta  si  n'asterranno  dal  publicare 
qualche  scritto  in  sua  difesa.  .  .  .  Richelieu  mostra  desiderio, 
e  per  sua  parte  si  vanno  facendo  diligenze,  accio  la  Sorbona 
censuri  et  riprovi  I'Augustinus,  ma  sin  ora  non  trova  disposizione 
a  bastanza  in  quei  dottori,  la  maggior  parte  de'  quali,  quando  si 
venga  al  cimento,  inclinerebbe  ad  approvare  che  levate  alcune 
poche  cose  si  possa  sostenere  il  libro  come  dottrina  di  s.  Agostino 
et  altri  padri,  e  v'e  .stato  tra  essi  che  mi  ha  accennato  che  in  questa 
controversia  sarebbe  molto  a  proposito  qualche  consulta  e 
resoluzione  della  S.  Sede.  Non  lascio  di  fame  motivo  al  card,  di 
Richelieu  per  intendere  piii  particolarmcnte  in  ci6  i  suoi  senti- 
ment! et  procurare  d'indurlo  in  quello  di  V.  E.,  I'impedire  di 
scrivere  all'una  e  all'altra  parte  "  (Grimaldi,  June  13,  1642,  Bibl. 
Angelica,  Rome,  p.  3,  i).  On  April  i,  1644,  Grimaldi  *writes  {ibtd.) 


238  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  innovations,  but  in  1645  Sainte-Beuve  began  to  expound 
Jansenius'  teaching  on  grace  and  the  younger  students 
adopted  his  views  in  ever  increasing  numbers.^  Care  was 
taken  not  to  state  publicly  that  the  doctrine  that  was  being 
taught  was  that  of  Jansenius,  and  when  the  necessity  arose 
it  was  urged  in  defence  of  such  conduct  that  on  December 
11th,  1643,  the  Archbishop  of  Paris  had  forbidden  all  reference 
to  Jansenius. 2  Arnauld  was  even  then  the  unquestioned 
head  of  the  party  ;  he  was  represented  to  the  young  people 
as  a  paragon  of  ability,  learning  and  genius  ;  as  the  brother 
of  Mere  Angelique,  the  principal  disciple  of  St.  Cyran  and 
the  heir  of  his  spirit,  the  author  of  the  much  read  book  on 
Communion  and  the  victim  of  unjust  persecution,  he  enjoyed 
unequalled  prestige  and  the  splendour  of  his  name  won 
over  to  Jansenism  many  of  the  younger  theologians.^ 

Before  long  they  found  the  courage  to  say  that  very  soon 
all  the  Bishops  of  the  realm  would  follow  the  example  of 
the  Coadjutor  of  Paris  and  the  Archbishop  of  Sens  ;  that  in 
six  years'  time  the  party  would  dispose  of  all  the  episcopal 
sees  of  France,  when  it  would  allot  them  to  its  members.    A 


that  the  Sorbonne  had  decided  not  to  accept  the  Louvain  letter 
(see  present  work.  Vol.  XXIX.,  126  seqq.),  apparently  because  it 
had  been  directed  to  the  Rector  "  ma  in  effetto  per  non  volere  in 
alcun  modo  interessarsi  nelle  opinioni  di  Jansenio  ".  Some 
were  for  exhorting  the  Louvain  professors  to  obedience,  "  ma 
la  determinazione  e  stato  di  non  fare  altro,  per  tenersi  nelli 
puri  sentiment!  della  chiesa  Romana,  senza  dar  alcun  segno 
d'inclinar  ad  una  parte  ne  all'altra."  In  1645  Olier  writes  to 
Caulet  on  Jansenism.  "  Maintenant  cela  fait  de  tels  progres 
et  s'insinue  sous  le  pretexte  de  la  reforme  et  de  la  piete  si  uni- 
versellement  dans  les  ames  qu'il  n'y  a  rien  presentement  pour 
quoy  on  doive  plus  prier.  Ces  opinions  otent  a  Dieu  tant  d'ames 
et  de  serviteurs  que  cela  n'est  pas  croyable,  tout  tourne  de  ce 
cote  la  et  arrache  ainsi  mil  ames  et  mil  serviteurs  tres  disposes," 
Bullet,  de  lift,  eccles.,  1902,  219. 

1  Rapin,  I.,  43-6,  113. 

2  Ibid.,  93. 

3  Ibid.,  113. 


VERON  S    BOOK.  239 

spirit  of  innovation  got  liold  of  the  young  professors  ;  every 
thesis  had  at  all  costs  to  contain  some  novelty,  above  all 
something  of  the  Jansenist  teaching  on  grace. ^ 

In  the  spring  of  1648  the  situation  became  even  more 
tense.  Francois  Veron,  first  a  Jesuit  and  subsequently 
parish  priest  of  Charenton,  a  keen  and  successful  opponent 
of  the  Huguenots,^  now  intervened  in  the  controversy  on 
grace.  In  a  book  against  the  Jansenists  he  explained  that 
their  teaching  on  predestination  even  to  eternal  reprobation 
had  already  been  expounded  in  the  9th  century  by  the  monk 
Gottschalk  and  no  less  than  five  Councils  had  condemned 
it  in  the  same  century.  Moreover  their  teaching  was  a  throw- 
back to  Calvinism,  which  as  a  matter  of  fact,  had  been 
professed  by  Arnauld's  ancestors.  The  style  of  Veron's 
book  was  violent  and  it  added  to  the  annoyance  of  the 
Jansenists  that  the  sub-title  of  the  book  should  have  described 
it  as  "  The  Gag  of  the  Jansenists  "  and  as  such  it  was 
hawked  in  the  streets,  to  the  merriment  of  the  populace  ^  ; 
consequently  in  May,  1647,  they  sought  a  judgment  of  the 
Sorbonne  in  their  favour.  However,  the  syndic  declared  that 
he  must  first  hear  the  theologians  who  had  approved  the 
book  ;  as  the  representative  of  the  latter  the  Franciscan 
Charruau  spoke  in  defence  of  the  book  under  attack  and  in 
doing  so,  made  an  onslaught  on  the  Jansenists."*  In  the 
ensuing  debate  the  syndic  expressed  the  opinion  that  in 
order  to  judge  Veron  it  would  be  necessary  to  examine 
Janscnius.  Pereyret  replied  that  this  would  take  ten  years 
since  it  would  be  necessary  to  consult  the  writings  of  St. 
Augustine  and  others.  In  the  end  it  was  resolved  to  refrain 
from  tlie  examination  in  question.  However,  Cornet  added, 
if  anyone  wished  to  submit  a  few  propositions  to  the  judgment 
of  the  Faculty,  he  might  do  so  within  the  ensuing  two  months.^ 

*  Rapin,  I.,  163  seq.,  280. 

*  Concerning  him  Feret,  Un  cure  de  Charenton  an  17^  sihle, 
Paris.  1 88 1. 

'  Rapin,  I.,  227. 

*  Ibid.,  229. 

*  Saint-Amour,  f.  5. 


240  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

The  Faculty  was  reluctant  to  pass  sentence  on  Veron  as 
this  was  bound  to  hamper  his  action  against  the  Huguenots. 
But  for  the  Jansenists  the  likening  of  their  master  to 
Gottschalk,  and  the  condemnation  of  his  teaching  by  five 
Councils,  was  all  the  more  serious  as  just  then  the  Jesuit 
Sirmond  had  drawn  the  attention  of  the  learned  world  to 
the  condemnation  of  precisely  similar  theses  in  Christian 
antiquity  and  in  the  person  of  Gottschalk.^  With  a  view 
to  facilitating  a  judgment  by  the  Sorbonne  in  their  sense, 
they  sought  to  eliminate  from  the  assembly  of  the  Doctors 
their  opponents  who,  for  the  most  part,  were  to  be  found 
among  the  religious.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  Jansenists  Le  Roux  and  Saint-Amour,  Parliament 
re-enacted  a  parliamentary  decision  of  1626  according  to 
which  only  two  Doctors  from  the  Mendicant  Orders  were 
allowed  to  take  part  in  the  meetings  of  the  Sorbonne.  However, 
the  syndic  Cornet  opposed  with  all  his  might  a  decision  which 
would  have  delivered  the  Faculty  into  the  hands  of  the 
friends  of  the  Jansenists  and  which,  in  point  of  fact,  had  not 
acquired  force  of  law  even  in  1626.  Parliament  also  no 
longer  insisted  on  the  matter  and  the  troubles  of  the  Fronde 
drew  attention  to  other  things.^ 

Further  developments  were  occasioned  by  Cornet  "  a 
scholar  of  the  old  stamp,  of  the  old  straightforwardness, 
the  old  efficiency,   insensible  both  to  flattery  and  to  fear, 

^  He  published  the  so-called  Praedestinatus  in  1643  (cf.  O. 
Bardenhewer,  Gesch.  der  altkirchl.  Lit.,  IV.,  520).  Writings  of 
HiNCMAR  of  Rheims,  1645,  of  Rabanus  Maurus,  1647.  About 
the  same  time  as  Veron 's  work  appeared  the  Historia  praedestina- 
tiana  of  Sirmond,  1648.  To  the  publication  of  Praedestinatus 
De  Barcos  answered  with  success  (De  Meyer,  169).  The  Historia 
praedestinatiana  remained  unanswered  ;  it  was,  however,  affected 
by  the  condemnation  of  Veron.  To  the  other  publications  the 
Jansenists  opposed,  under  the  name  of  the  Mint  official,  Mauguin, 
1650,  a  collection  of  writings  also  unpublished,  of  the  time  of 
Gottschalk  ;  in  1655  the  Jesuit  Cellot  wrote  fully  about  Gottschalk, 
Rapin,  I.,  230  seqq. 

-  Rapin,  I.,  235  seq.  ;     Saint-Amour,  f.  7  seqq. 


CORNET  S    SEVEN    PROPOSITIONS.  24I 

one  of  the  greatest  ornaments  of  the  Church  and  of  his 
century  ".  During  the  troublous  period  that  was  to  follow 
Cornet  was  to  have  ample  opportunity  to  justify  this  tribute 
paid  to  him  by  Bossuet  in  the  funeral  oration  of  his  beloved 
master.^  At  the  memorable  sitting  of  the  Faculty  of  July 
1st,  1649,  Cornet  took  advantage  of  the  permission  to  submit 
some  propositions  to  the  Sorbonne's  judgment.  He  began 
by  protesting  against  the  young  people's  mania  for  innova- 
tions. It  had  happened  that  theses  which  had  been  struck 
out  by  the  Faculty  nevertheless  reappeared  on  the  printed 
programmes.  Others  had  not  dared  to  go  so  far,  yet  they 
had  defended  the  cancelled  theses  ;  moreover  Sainte-Beuve 
had  infringed  the  rights  of  the  president  by  speaking  from 
the  body  of  the  hall  and  ordering  a  disputant  to  hold  his 
tongue.  Things  could  not  go  on  in  this  fashion,  hence  he 
submitted  for  examination  seven  propositions  which  he 
requested  the  Faculty  to  accept.^ 

The  step  taken  by  the  syndic  was  a  bold  one  for  the  first 
five  out  of  the  seven  propositions  were  taken  from  the 
"  Augustinus  "  of  the  Bishop  of  Ypres  and  were  its  very  soul 
and  marrow.  They  run  as  follows  ;  "  first,  some  command- 
ments of  God  are  impossible  even  for  the  just,  considering 
their  actual  strength,  even  with  the  best  of  wills,  and  the 
grace  which  would  make  them  possible  is  also  lacking  ; 
second,  in  the  state  of  fallen  nature  we  never  resist  an  interior 
grace  ;  third,  to  merit,  or  to  demerit,  in  the  state  of  fallen 
nature,  a  man  does  not  need  freedom  from  necessity,  freedom 
from  coercion  suffices  ;  fourth,  the  Semi-Pelagians  taught  the 
necessity  of  an  interior,  preventing  grace  for  every  action, 
even  for  the  beginning  of  faith  ;  they  were  heretics  forasmuch 
as  they  considered  grace  to  be  such  that  the  human  will  can 

'  CEiivres,  XVII.,  Versailles,  1816,  616,  619.  He  calls  him 
"  protecteur  des  pauvres  at  le  soulagement  des  hopitaux  "  {ibid., 
635)  ;  he  extols  his  "  science  exacte  et  profonde  "  and  his 
"  prudence  consommce  "  {ibid.,  626). 

-  Saint-Amour,  f.  13  ;  Rapin,  I.,  280  seq.  ;  [Dumas],  I., 
5  seqq. 

VOL.  XXX.  R 


242  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

either  co-operate  with  it  or  refuse  to  do  so  ;  fifth,  it  is  a  Semi- 
Pelagian  error  to  assert  without  quaHfication  that  Christ  has 
shed  His  blood  and  died  for  all  men  ".  These  are  the  famous 
five  theses  round  which  so  fierce  a  controversy  was  about  to 
rage.  The  other  two  propositions  are  unconnected  with 
"  Augustinus  "  and  were  soon  left  on  one  side.  Jansenius' 
name  was  left  out  of  the  five  propositions  just  as  his  doctrine 
was  taught  without  his  name  being  mentioned. 

Cornet's  proposal  at  once  caused  a  great  stir.  Sainte-Beuve, 
Bourgeois  and  others  would  not  so  much  as  hear  of  a 
discussion  of  the  seven  points  on  the  plea  that  they  turned 
on  matters  where  the  Church  allowed  freedom  ;  what  was 
aimed  at  was  a  covert  attack  on  Jansenius  ;  the  examination 
of  Veron's  book  had  been  declined  because  of  the  difficulty 
of  the  task  ;  was  it  any  easier  now,  after  the  lapse  of  a  whole 
year  ?  However,  in  the  end  Cornet's  proposal  was  accepted 
by  a  majority  of  votes,  a  committee  of  eight  members  was 
appointed  whose  duty  it  would  be  to  report  on  the  theses 
in  question  at  the  next  monthly  meeting. 

Meanwhile  minds  were  further  heated  by  the  prompt 
appearance  of  three  pamphlets  against  Cornet.  The  most 
important  had  been  thrown  into  the  arena  by  Arnauld  from 
his  hiding  place. ^  According  to  him  Cornet's  aim  was  nothing 
less  than  an  attack  on  the  teaching  of  the  great  Doctor  of 
the  Church,  St.  Augustine. ^  If  he  complained  of  innovations 
by  the  young  people  it  was  that,  owing  to  his  ignorance  and 
violence,  St.  Augustine's  true  and  old  principles  seemed  to 
him  new.^  According  to  Arnauld,  behind  the  syndic  stood 
the  Jesuits  who  made  use  of  him  in  order  to  throw  the  Faculty 
into  confusion  and  so  to  hide  the  shame  of  their  bad  principles.'* 
Of  the  five  propositions  the  first  had  been  textually  taken 
from  Jansenius  and  contained  the  true  teaching  of  St. 
Augustine    whilst    the    remaining    four    were    intentionally 

^  Considerations  sur  I'   entreprise  faite  par  Maitre  N.   Cornet 
{CEuvres,  XIX.,  i  seqq.). 
2  Ibid.,  9. 
^  Ibid.,  10. 
«  Ibid.,  II. 


DISCUSSION    PREVENTED.  243 

(jqui\ocal  so  as  to  make  it  possible  to  use  tliem  against 
Augustine.^  The  book  saw  four  editions  in  1649  and  helped 
not  a  little  to  strengthen  the  resistance  of  the  friends  of 
Jansenius. 

August  1st  was  the  day  appointed  for  the  sitting  of 
the  Faculty  at  which  the  report  on  the  seven  propositions 
was  to  be  submitted.  At  the  very  outset  Chancellor  Loisel 
rose  to  contest  the  dean's  right  to  preside.  The  whole  sitting 
was  taken  up  by  this  dispute  and  the  seven  propositions  were 
not  submitted  at  all.^  Already  three  days  earlier  (i'i  minority- 
Doctors,  all  of  them  secular  priests,  with  the  exception  of 
one  Augustinian,  had  had  recourse  to  the  means  by  which 
it  was  possible  to  burke  almost  any  ecclesiastical  initiative  : 
viz.  they  appealed  to  Parliament  because  of  abuse  of 
ecclesiastical  authority.  However,  at  the  parliamentary 
sitting  of  August  18th  President  Mole,  at  one  time  a  friend 
of  St.  Cyran's,  did  not  allow  the  appeal  to  be  discussed. 
The  parties  exchanged  mutual  promises  to  leave  the  matter 
alone  for  three  or  four  months  and  meanwhile  to  seek  an 
understanding.^ 

Some  four  weeks  of  the  four  months'  armistice  had  elapsed 
when  the  existence  of  a  draft  of  a  censure  became  known  in 
which  the  seven  propositions  were  described  as  partly  heretical 
and  partly  as  contrary  to  the  Scriptures,  or  as  false  and 
scandalous.  The  minority  at  once  lodged  another  appeal. 
In  the  judicial  proceedings  of  October  5th  the  genuineness 
of  the  censure  was  not  contested  but  all  attempts  at  mediation 
failed  so  that  a  discussion  of  the  matter  was  fixed  for  the 
day  after  the  feast  of  St.  Martin. 

In  the  meantime  another  dispute  had  thrown  more  oil  on 
the  flames.  On  October  1st  Hallier  had  been  elected  syndic 
in  succession  to  Cornet.  Again  Saint-Amour,  under  divers 
pretexts,  lodged  an  appeal  with  Parliament  and  as  the  price 
of  the  recognition  of  his  election,  Hallier  was  challenged  to 

'  Ibid.,  15  seqq. 

2  Rapin,  I.,  285  ;    [Dumas],  I.,  9. 

'  Saint-Amour,  f.  22  seqcj.  ;    Rapin,  loc.  cit. 


244  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

carry  out  the  parliamentary  resolutions  of  1626  ^  against 
the  Mendicants  and  to  give  a  free  hand  to  the  party  of  the 
juniors  at  the  Faculty.^  To  this  Halher  demurred  ;  however, 
the  appeal  to  Parliament  was  also  without  result  inasmuch 
as  President  Mole  was  not  only  unwilling  to  pronounce 
sentence,  but  was  bent  on  conciHation. 

Thus  the  dispute  was  bound  to  come  up  once  more  at  the 
session  of  the  Faculty  in  which  the  Jansenists  formed  a 
majority.  Consequently,  at  the  stormy  session  of  December 
1st,  the  "  disciples  of  St.  Augustine  "  tried  a  last  artifice  : 
if  Cornet's  seven  propositions  were  to  be  discussed,  they 
insisted  that  seven  propositions  of  Molina  together  with  an 
eighth  from  the  lecture  notes  of  Professor  Pereyret  should 
likewise  be  examined.  A  committee  was  to  conduct  the 
inquiry  in  presence  of  the  Coadjutor  of  Paris,  after  which 
the  Faculty  would  give  its  decision  by  a  two-thirds'  majority. ^ 

The  Faculty  accepted  the  proposed  committee,  Saint-Amour 
being  one  of  its  nine  members.  On  December  6th  a  formula 
was  accepted  by  all,  with  the  sole  exception  of  Saint-Amour's 
vote.*  The  formula  stated  that  with  regard  to  the  propositions 
in  dispute  and  the  Thomistico-Molinist  difference  of  opinion, 
sufficient  provision  had  been  made  by  the  decisions  of  the 
Church  and  those  of  the  Faculty,  hence  all  that  was  needed 
was  that  syndic  Hallier  should  carry  them  into  effect,  appealing 
to  the  Faculty  if  he  met  with  difficulties  and  in  urgent  cases 
to  his  predecessors.  In  this  way  Hallier  was  acknowledged 
as  syndic  but  it  had  also  been  made  clear  that  a  condemnation 
of  Jansenius  could  not  be  obtained  from  the  Faculty — 
consequently  Cornet's  offensive  had  failed. 

If  the  opponents  of  the  new  teaching  gave  up  the  hopes 
of  seeing  it  condemned,  their  retreat  was  probably  due  in 
no  small  measure  to  the  warnings  of  nuncio  Bagno.  On 
July  16th,  1649,  Bagno  wrote  to  Rome  that  the  plan  of  the 

1  See  above,  p.  240. 

2  Saint-Amour,  f.  36. 
'  Ibid.,  i.  38  seqq. 

*  Saint-Amour,  f.  43. 


NUNCIO    BAGNO  S   ACTION.  245 

well-disposed  professors  was  not  universally  approved,  for 
whatever  the  decision  might  be,  it  would  meet  with  much 
opposition. 1  After  the  futile  August  session  of  the  Faculty, 
he  felt  convinced  that  tlic  affair  would  not  be  further  discussed 
at  the  Sorbonne,  in  fact  this  was  believed  to  be  the  better 
course  ;  he  himself  had  done  all  he  could  to  bring  about  this 
result. 2  Rome  approved  the  nuncio's  action.  The  Inquisition 
instructed  him  to  restrain  the  Sorbonne  from  passing  sentence 
on  the  propositions  submitted  to  it  and  to  persuade  the 
Coadjutor  of  Paris  to  forbid  all  preaching  for  or  against 
Jansenius.^  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  nuncio  did  obtain  a 
promise  to  this  effect."*  On  November  9th  Bagno  felt  he 
might  report  to  Rome  that  in  view  of  the  obstacles  put  in 
the  way  by  the  opposite  party,  as  well  as  his  own  exhortations 
to  the  well  disposed  among  the  professors,  it  was  practically 
certain  that  the  Sorbonne  would  deliver  no  sentence  ;  they 
might  reckon  on  this  with  all  the  more  certainty  as  precisely 
those  who  had  pressed  for  judgment  by  the  Faculty  had  now 
had  recourse  to  Cardinal  Roma  with  a  view  to  a  papal 
decision.^ 

However,  by  now  matters  had  gone  so  far  that  the  nuncio 
could  not  promise  himself  that  even  a  papal  decision  would 
meet  with  immediate  submission.  "  The  number  and  the 
prestige  of  the  so-called  Jansenists  grow  daily,"  he  wrote  on 

*  "  *pcrche  in  cjualunque  mode  che  la  Sorbona  havesse  date 
fuori  il  sue  parere,  per  la  qualita  de'  tempi  correnti  havrebbe 
havuto  molte  contradizioni,  le  quali  gia  sono  cominciate." 
Nunziat.  di  Francia,  98,  Pap.  Seer.  Archives. 

*  "  *Si  pu6  credere  che  piii  non  sia  per  trattarsi  di  questa 
materia  in  detta  Sorbona,  il  che  vien  creduto  per  meglio,  e  io 
vi  son  concorso  con  lo  poco  che  ho  potuto."    Ibid. 

'  *Bagno,  November  9,  1649,  ibid. 

*  *Bagno,  November  26,  1649,  ibid. 

*  *"  La  detta  censura  per  gli  impedimenti  procurati  dalla 
parte  contraria  et  esortazioni  da  me  fatte  a  quelli  che  con  buona 
intenzione  mostravano  desiderarla  ...  si  pu6  quasi  fermamente 
credere  che  piu  non  sia  parlarsene."  Bagno,  November  9,  1649, 
ibid. 


246  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

October  22nd,  1649.  "  Despite  the  Bull  and  the  papal  decrees 
they  preach,  teach  and  print  books  in  support  of  that  false 
doctrine.  Some  Bishops  allow  it,  others,  though  more  zealous, 
do  not  forbid  it  because  they  are  unable  to  obtain  the  royal 
support  ;  thus  there  is  great  danger  of  a  new  heresy  creeping 
into  this  realm.  Though  the  Queen  is  opposed  to  the  new 
opinions,  she  takes  no  steps  against  them,  perhaps  because 
she  doubts  whether  her  commands  would  be  obeyed.  There- 
upon a  few  good  and  zealous  theologians  of  the  Sorbonne 
sought  to  obtain  from  the  Faculty  a  censure  and  explanation 
of  the  subjoined  propositions,  in  view  of  the  power  of  their 
opponents  in  Parliament.  These  theologians  likewise  requested 
me  to  dispatch  to  your  Eminence  a  sheet  setting  forth  what, 
in  their  opinion,  the  Pope  might  do  by  way  of  remedying 
this  state  of  affairs.  The  evil  is  very  great  indeed,  but  unless 
the  Holy  See  has  the  assistance  of  the  King,  there  is  httle 
hope  that  it  will  be  obeyed."  ^ 

Bagno  joined  to  his  report  the  draft  of  a  censure  by  the 
committee  of  the  Faculty  as  well  as  some  suggestions  on  the 
remedies  which  the  Pope  might  apply  to  the  dangers  that 

1  "  Giornalmente,"  he  writes  on  October  20,  1649,  "  va 
crescendo  il  numero  e  autorita  di  quel  che  qua  chiamano  giansenisti, 
i  quali  nonostante  la  bolla  e  i  decreti  dei  sommi  pontefici  predicano, 
insegnano  e  stampano  libri  a  favor  di  quella  falsa  dottrina  con 
permissione  di  alcuni  vescovi  et  senza  repugnanza  degl'altri, 
che  sono  piu  zelanti,  non  potendosi  ottener  I'assistenza  della 
autorita  di  Re.  .  .  .  Cosi  esiste  pericolo  grande  di  introdurre 
una  nuova  eresia  in  questo  regno.  La  regina  si  mostra  contraria 
a  queste  nuove  opinion!,  ma  S.  M.  non  piglia  resolutione  alcuna, 
forse  per  dubbio  che  li  suoi  ordini  non  fussero  obbediti.  Porro 
pensorono  alcuni  buoni  e  zelanti  theologi  della  Sorbona  .  .  .  di 
procurare  la  censura  e  dichiaratione  dei  dubbii,  ch'io  mando 
qui  allegati  mediante  la  facolta  perche  i  loro  avversari  sono 
potenti  nel  parlamento.  Vengo  ricercato  da  medesimi  d'inviare 
a  V.  E.  un  foglio  che  contiene  quel  che  li  buoni  theologi  credono 
che  N.  S.  potesse  fare  per  provederli.  II  male  veramente  e  grandis- 
simo  ;  ma  se  I'autorita  della  S.  Sede  non  k  assistita  dal  Re. 
sara  poco  obedita."    Excevpta  ex  actis  s.  Officii  a.  1647. 


DEMAND    FOR   A    PAPAL    DECISION.  247 

threatened.^  There  was  no  more  powerful  means,  Bagno 
wrote,  than  the  intervention  of  the  Holy  See  ;  since  the 
decree  on  the  two  heads  of  the  Church  nothing  more  had 
been  written  on  the  subject  whereas  previously  each  week  had 
brought  some  fresh  publication.  If  the  Pope  was  willing  to 
give  a  decision,  he  might  very  well  base  himself  on  the  pro- 
positions recently  censured  by  the  committee  of  the  Faculty, 
though  on  that  occasion  the  party  used  both  violence  and 
cunning  to  prevent  the  Faculty  from  being  as  much  as 
informed  of  the  occurrence.^  The  propositions  were  so  chosen 
that  their  condemnation  would  be  the  best  antidote  against 
evil  teaching,  and  without  a  doubt  nearly  everyone,  or 
certainly  the  majority,  would  bow  to  the  papal  condemnation.^ 
On  the  other  hand,  unless  God  and  His  Vicar  intervened, 
that  poison  would  before  long  run  through  the  whole  Faculty 
for  nearly  all  the  younger  Doctors  were  infected  by  it  and 
openly  styled  themselves  Jansenists  and  "  disciples  of 
Augustine  ". 

The  seven  propositions  forwarded  by  Bagno  were  now 
submitted  to  the  consultors  of  the  Holy  Office  for  examination. 
However,  a  prompt  decision  on  the  affair  was  not  come  to. 
The  memorandums  sent   in   to  the   Inquisition   show  very 

1  "  *Commentarius  remediorum,  quae  Romae  adhiberi  possunt 
gravissimis  incommodis  et  periculis,  quae  iure  merito  timentur 
ex  factione  scctatorum  doctrinae  D.  lansenii,  etc."  Draft  for 
the  letter  of  October  22,  1649,  ibid. 

*  "  *Si  vero.  .  .  .  Sedes  Romana  aliquid  de  novo  statuit, 
opportunum  forte  essct,  eas  propositioncs  carpere,  quae  nuper 
a  deputatis  facultatis  theologicae  Parisiensis  censura  affectae 
sunt,  sed  quominus  ea  censura  in  publica  mensis,  ut  assolet, 
congregatione  a  tota  facultate  admitteretur  aut  etiam  ad  earn 
a  deputatis  referretur,  factionis  illius  et  artibus  et  vi  manifesta 
effectum  est  "  {ibid.).  It  is  therefore  not  true  that  the  draft  of 
the  censure  of  the  committee  of  the  Faculty  was  given  as  a 
censure  of  the  Faculty. 

*  "  *Nec  dubium  est,  quin,  si  placuerit  SS^o  D.  N.  eas  damnare, 
aut  fere  omnes  aut  certe  quam  plurimi  damnationem  amplexuri 
sint."    Ibid. 


248  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

clearly  what  were  the  causes  of  the  delay  ^  :  it  was  feared 
lest  a  condemnation  of  the  first  five  propositions  should 
prejudice  the  Dominican  doctrine  on  grace  and  thus  hurt  a 
deserving  theological  school.  True,  most  of  the  consultors 
rejected  all  five,  or  even  the  seven  propositions,  though  they 
were  unwilling  to  describe  each  particular  thesis  as  heretical 
in  every  sense.  In  his  memorandum  on  the  first  four  pro- 
positions ^  the  Master  of  the  Palace,  the  Dominican  Candidus, 
defends  them  all,  though  he  adds  to  each  of  them  a  note 
stating  that  "  Jansenius  understands  this  thus  ",^  after  which 
he  endeavours  to  prove  from  Jansenius'  book  that  the  latter 
held  the  same  opinions  as  himself. 

The  problem  is  very  fully  discussed  in  the  memorial  of 
Hilarion  Rancati,  the  Cistercian  Abbot  of  S.  Croce  in 
Gerusalemme  in  Rome.'*  According  to  Rancati  the  first  five 
propositions  do  no  more  than  deny  merely  sufficient  grace. 
Now  the  Molinists  assert  that  sufficient  grace  is  a  dogma 
and  the  Thomists  dare  not  deny  it ;  when  it  is  objected  to 
them  that  the  denial  of  sufficient  grace  was  a  necessary  sequel 
of  physical  premotion,  they  try  to  evade  the  arguments  of 
their  opponents  ;  thus  they  obviously  admit  that  their  cause 
is  lost  if  they  are  forced  to  deny  sufficient  grace.  Jansenius 
says  that  he  is  in  agreement  with  the  Thomists,  but  the 
latter  admit  a  sufficient  grace  which  empowers  man  to  do 
what  is  good  and  to  avoid  sin,  so  that  man  somehow  possesses 
a  real  capacity,  as  well  as  freedom  from  coercion,  whereas 
Jansenius  denies  freedom,  power  and  sufficient  grace. 
Sufficient  grace  was  taught  by  the  Council  of  Trent  and  the 

^  "  *Diversorum  vota  super  5  propositionibus  collecta  a  fr. 
Phil.  Vicecom.  ord.  Eremit.  S.  Aug."  Bibha  Angelica,  Rome, 
R.  3,  5  f.,  I  seqq. 

2  Ibid.,  f.  155-167. 

^  "  Sensus  lansenii  est  :  .   .   ." 

*  Ibid.,  f.  41-9.  Also  in  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome,  S.  3,  i  :  *Excerpta 
ex  V.  Parte  circa  librum  lansenii,  f.  94-9  (dated  October  31 
1649),  and  in  Bibl.  Casanatense,  Rome,  X.,  VI.,  34,  f.  60-2. 
Cf.  Ang.  Fumagalli,  Viia  del  P.  D.  II.  Rancati,  Brescia,  1762  ; 
De  Meyer,  127,  n.  2. 


DIFFICULTIES.  249 

provincial  Councils  of  Sens  and  Cologne  of  the  years  1528 
and  1536,  hence  theologians  cannot  be  prevented  from 
describing  Jansenism  as  a  straying  from  the  faith,  and  in  so 
doing  they  did  no  injury  to  anyone. ^ 

Rancati  then  examines  the  five  propositions  one  by  one 
and  shows  that  they  are  all  rooted  in  the  denial  of  sufificient 
grace,  though  it  could  not  be  denied  that  Jansenius  supported 
each  of  them  with  texts  from  St.  Augustine  which  are  very 
difficult  to  explain.  As  a  matter  of  fact  that  which  theologians 
say  of  the  Fathers  in  general,  namely  that  in  the  heat  of  the 
struggle  with  pagans  and  heretics  they  sometimes  allowed 
themselves  to  be  carried  too  far,  is  also  true  of  Augustine 
who  in  his  fight  against  the  Pelagians  speaks  too  unfavourably 
of  free  will.  Consequently,  however  much  theologians  should 
be  left  free  to  censure  Jansenius,  Rancati  is  of  opinion  that 
the  Holy  See  had  better  refrain  from  intervening  in  an  affair 
which  was  not  as  yet  ripe  for  definition. ^  If,  however,  it  was 
deemed  expedient  to  go  further,  it  should  be  done  only  after 
long  and  careful  study  by  a  number  of  theologians,  including 
some  from  the  Thomist  and  Molinist  schools,,  for  the  con- 
demnation of  Jansenius  would  necessarily  lead  to  conclusions 
being  drawn  concerning  the  questions  which  were  the  object 
of  such  lengthy  discussions  under  Urban  VIII.,  seeing  that 
the  defenders  of  physical  premotion  asserted  its  necessity  no 
less  strongly  than  Jansenius  insisted  on  the  necessity  of 
efficient  grace  for  every  good  work.  Now  if  this  necessity 
did  not  do  away  with  sufficient  grace  in  the  Thomist  system, 
though  it  did  in  that  of  Jansenius,  the  difference  was  verbal 
rather  than  substantial,  for  what  the  Thomists  called  sufficient 
and  Jansenism  insufficient  grace  was  one  and  the  same 
thing. 

Accordingly  Rancati  was  of  opinion  that  they  should  be 
content  with  the  Bull  of  Urban  VIII.  ;    the  most  that  could 

*  "  *Censeo  proinde  dotrinam  lansenii  sine  iniuria  (against 
a  theological  school)  a  theologis  affici  posse  nota  erroris  in  fide." 

*  "  *Propterea  censerem,  liberum  maneat  doctoribus  theologis 
censuris  contra  lansenium  uti,  Sedis  Apostolicae  auctoritas  in 
hoc  negotio  plane  adhuc  immature  ne  oppigneretur  "  (he.  cit.). 


250  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

be  done  would  be  a  prohibition  to  bring  these  controversies 
to  the  notice  of  the  people.  At  the  conclusion  of  this  examina- 
tion by  the  theologians,  Rome  was  sufficiently  informed  on 
the  nature  of  Jansenism,  yet  no  public  definition  ensued. 
In  accordance  with  Rancati's  memorial,  nuncio  Bagno  was 
instructed,  by  Innocent  X.'s  order,  to  induce  the  Assembly 
of  the  Clergy  of  1650  to  obey  the  Bull  of  Urban  VIII.  and 
to  demand  obedience  to  it  from  its  subjects.^  His  Holiness 
would  give  a  decision  on  the  new  teaching,  the  nuncio  declared, 
if  the  King  and  a  large  section  of  the  French  hierarchy  would 
press  him  to  do  so.  Vincent  de  Paul,  who  supplies  this 
information, 2  adds  that  the  King  was  willing  to  write  to  the 
Pope  and  the  first  President  declared  that  Parliament  would 
accept  the  Bull  if  it  was  not  described  as  a  decree  of  the 
Roman  Inquisition. 

Complete  silence  was,  however,  impossible  for  the  Holy 
See.  In  1650,  on  the  feast  of  St.  Louis  and  in  Rome  itself, 
the  ex-Oratorian  Hersent,  the  same  who  had  written  Optatus 
Gallus  against  Richelieu,  went  so  far  as  to  preach  Jansenism 
in  the  presence  of  three  Cardinals,  to  print  his  sermon,  to 
dedicate  it  to  the  Pope  and  in  the  dedication  to  extol  the 
Bishop  of  Ypres  as  a  man  without  his  equal  and  another 
Augustine.  Hersent  escaped  the  order  of  the  Inquisition 
for  his  arrest  by  flight  but  the  Dominican  Du  Four,  who 
had  allowed  the  sermon  to  be  printed,  went  to  prison  in  his 
place. ^ 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the  Inquisition  took  action 

1  "  *Sanctissimus  iussit  (July  28,  1650),  Nuntio  rescribi,  ut 
efficaciter  interponat  officia  sua  apud  Cleri  Assembleam,  ut  non 
solum  sint  constanter  obedientes  Bullae  Apostolicae  publicatae 
contra  lansenium,  sed  ut  curent  ab  eorum  subditis  eandem 
obedienter  observari.  Bagno,  April  8,  1650.  Biblioteca  Angelica, 
Rome,  loc.  cit. 

2  Letter  of  April  23,  165 1,  in  Maynard,  II.,  328. 

3  Rapin,  I.,  322  seq.  ;  Saint-Amour,  47,  49,  61  ;  Ameyden, 
Diario,  October,  1650,  Barb.  4819,  f.  122  seq.  (also  Ranke,  Pdpste, 
III.*,  96).  Two  *apologetical  writings  by  Du  Four  to  the  Inquisi- 
tion in  Barb.  1023,  pp.  7-18,  Vatican  Library. 


THE        CATECHISM    OF   GRACE  25! 

against  Hersent,  it  also  prohibited  another  small  book  but 
one  that  was  of  great  value  for  the  Jansenists.^  Their  Catechism 
of  Grace  had  already  been  refuted  in  a  number  of  publications  - 
but  the  worst  thing  that  could  befall  it  was  that  a  Calvinist 
professor  of  Groningen  having  translated  it  into  Latin, 
declared  that  it  confirmed  the  teaching  on  grace  of  the 
Calvinist  synod  of  Dortrecht  ;  consequently  he  expressed 
his  hope  that  the  Jansenists  would  end  by  completely  dropping 
the  Council  of  Trent. ^  The  University  of  Louvain  had  the 
opuscule  translated  into  Flemish,'*  but  the  Inquisition 
prohibited  its  circulation  on  October  6th,  1650.  The  condemna- 
tion was  a  blow  for  the  Jansenists  in  Galilean  France  also. 
Arnauld  defended  the  Catechism  from  the  attacks  of  the 
Jesuits  ^  and  sought  to  weaken  the  impression  by  a  special 
publication.®  His  introduction  is  noteworthy.  He  declares 
that  the  Pope  had  no  more  devoted  sons  in  France  than 
"  the  disciples  of  St.  Augustine  "  '  since  it  was  owing  to  the 
Popes  that  Augustine  had  become  the  Doctor  of  Grace  ! 

However,  relations  with  the  Holy  See  were  none  too 
intimate  even  on  the  part  of  those  F'rench  Catholics  who 
were  sincerely  attached  to  the  Church.    Notwithstanding  the 

1  On  October  6,  1650,  Arnauld,  (Eiivres,  XVI.,  XXI.  Cf. 
above,  p.  220. 

-  Arnauld,  loc.  cit.,  XX. 

'  [Patouillet],  I.,  228,  II.,  i5y  ;    Arnauld,  loc.  cit.,  697. 

*  Arnauld,  loc.  cit.,  XX.  The  royal  Council  of  Flanders 
confiscated  the  Catechistne  de  la  grace  (Report  of  the  Belgian 
nuncio,  September  15,  1650,  in  Excerpta  ex  actis  s.  Officii  1647- 
1652,  loc.  cit.). 

5  CEuvres,  XVII.,  705  seqq. 

*  Ibid.,  689  seqq.  For  the  same  purpose  fictitious  censures  of 
the  University  of  Salamanca  and  of  the  Inquisition  were 
disseminated  against  a  Molinist  counter  catechism  (Rapin,  I., 
414),  which  latter,  however,  was  also  suppressed  by  the  Inquisi- 
tion on  October  6,  1650,  because  it  treated  of  a  forbidden  subject. 
Cf.  Reusch,  Index,  II.,  470. 

^  "  qu'il  n'y  a  point  de  personnes  qui  soient  plus  sincerement 
affectionnces  au  S.  Si^ge  que  les  disciples  de  S.  Augustin  " 
(CEuvres..  XVII.,  696). 


252  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

numerous  opponents  whom  these  novelties  encountered 
among  the  clergy,  at  court,  at  the  Sorbonne,  and  in  spite 
of  the  vigour  and  zeal  displayed  in  resisting  them,  there 
existed  a  curious  shyness  to  seize  the  only  effective  weapon, 
viz.  a  request  for  a  papal  definition.^  Rome  was  resolved 
to  continue  its  waiting  policy  until  a  majority  of  the  French 
Bishops  should  request  the  Holy  See  to  intervene.  Hence, 
for  the  time  being,  nothing  was  done.  Individual  Bishops 
had  appealed  to  Rome,  on  their  own  initiative,  against  the 
innovations,  as  for  instance  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  the 
Bishops  of  Senlis,  Chartres,  Aire,  Riez,  Avranches.^  But 
the  Assembly  of  the  Clergy  of  1650  observed  a  striking 
silence  ;  moreover,  after  Conde's  arrest  on  January  16th, 
1650,  the  country's  attention  was  diverted  from  religious 
questions  and  thus  Jansenism  spread  silently  but  continuously.^ 
In  the  universal  perplexity  as  to  how  to  deal  with  the 
rising  flood,  amid  the  turmoil  of  opinions  which  confused 
even  Bishops  and  scholars,  a  man  was  found  who  stood 
strong  and  serene  amid  the  trouble  and  agitation  of  his  time, 
as  a  lighthouse  towers  above  the  surging  billows — that  man 
was  Vincent  de  Paul.  Vincent  is  known  to  the  world  as  the 
apostle  of  benevolence,  but  the  care  of  the  poor  and  the 
destitute  by  no  means  exhausted  his  charity.  His  far-reaching 
vision  embraced  all  the  needs  and  wants  of  the  Church  ; 
he  examined  without  prejudice  at  what  point  it  was  necessary, 
or  possible,  to  intervene  ;  having  done  so  he  carried  through 
his  carefully  considered  plans  with  unfailing  determination. 
How  consistently  he  had  studied  the  rising  Jansenist  movement 
and  with  what  penetration  he  saw  through  the  innovation, 
is  shown  by  his  opinion  on  Arnauld's  book  on  Communion  * 
which  at  the  time  bewitched  almost  everybody,  as  well  as 
his  view  on  Jansenius'  teaching  on  grace. ^    Since  as  Superior 

1  Rapin,  L,  365. 

2  Ibid.,  316. 
'  Ibid.,  364. 

*  Letter  to  Dehorgny,  September  10,  1648,  Coste,  III.,  362- 

374- 

^  Letter  to  the  same,  June  25,  1648,  ibid.,  318-332. 


VINCENT    DE    PAUL    INTERVENES.  253 

he  was  responsible  for  the  Lazarists'  attitude  towards  the 
burning  questions  of  the  day,  we  need  not  wonder  when  he 
assures  us  that  these  were  the  usual  subject  of  his  prayers.^ 
As  a  matter  of  fact  the  sure  vision  with  which  he  discovered 
the  weak  points  in  the  long-winded  arguments  of  Jansenius 
and  Arnauld,  the  superior  simplicity  which  enables  him  to 
show  convincingly  that  their  teaching  was  incompatible  with 
the  Catholic  faith,  give  the  irresistible  impression  that  a 
judgment  so  measured  and  so  sure  could  only  have  matured 
in  ceaseless,  dispassionate  reflection  under  the  eye  of  God. 
Naturally  enough  Arnauld's  crafty  ways  found  but  little 
favour  with  Vincent  whose  favourite  virtues  were  simplicity 
and  straightforwardness.^  From  his  intercourse  with  St. 
Cyran  he  had  ascertained  the  real  aims  of  the  sect  which 
Arnauld  did  not  dare  to  avow  ;  in  fact  he  remarked  on 
more  than  one  occasion  that  Arnauld  played  false  and  sought 
to  hide  his  purpose  behind  fine  phrases,^  nor  did  he  trust  the 
attenuations  to  which  Arnauld  condescended  in  a  later  work,* 
for  the  explanations  there  given,  which  were  insidious  enough. 


1  Ibid.,  330  seq.  :  "  Je  vous  avoue,  ]\Ionsieur,  que  j'ai  fait 
quelque  petite  etude  touchant  ces  questions,  et  que  c'est  le  sujet 
ordinaire  de  mes  chetives  oraisons. 

^  Jesus,  men  Dieu  !  serais — je  reduit  a  ce  malheur  qu'il  me 
fallut  faire  ou  dire  quelque  chose  a  votre  egard  centre  la  sainte 
simplicite.  .  .  .  C'est  la  vertu  que  j'aime  le  plus  et  a  laquelle 
je  fais  le  plus  d'attcntion  dans  mes  actions,  si  me  semble." 
Letter  to  Ducoudray,  November  6,  1634,  Coste,  I.,  284. 

=»  "  Quoique  I'auteur  [Arnauld]  fasse  quelque  fois  semblant  .  .  ., 
il  est  certain  neanmoins  .  .  .  {ibid.,  III.,  363).  Je  reponds  que 
ce  n'est  pas  de  mervcillc  (jue  M.  Arnauld  parle  quelque  fois 
commc  les  autres  catholiqucs.  II  ne  fait  en  cela  qu'imitcr  Calvin, 
qui  nie  trente  fois,  cju'il  fasse  Dieu  auteur  du  peche,  quoicpi'il 
fasse  ailleurs  tous  ses  efforts  pour  etablir  cette  maxime  detestable  " 
{ibid.,  365).  *Arnauld  refrains  from  the  Sacraments  "  quoiqu'il 
fasse  semblant,  pour  mieux  couvrir  son  jeu,  d'etre  fort  eloigne 
de  ce  dessein  "  {ibid.,  369). 

*  La  tradition  de  I'^glise  ;  see  the  present  work,  XXIX., 
143,  n.  I. 


254  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

could  not  clear  away  existing  difficulties.'  None  the  less 
Vincent  deprecates  any  kind  of  general  hue  and  cry  against 
the  new  doctrines  ^  ;  on  the  contrary  his  Congregation 
should  adopt  the  following  line  of  conduct  :  "  We  never 
dispute  about  these  things,  we  never  preach  about  them, 
we  never  treat  of  them  in  conferences  if  others  do  not  begin, 
and  if  they  do  we  endeavour  to  speak  with  the  utmost  reserve. 
'  What  then  '  you  will  tell  me,  '  do  you  forbid  all  discussion 
of  these  topics  ?  '  I  answer  '  Yes  '  !  "  Those  who  disobeyed 
were  not  to  go  without  a  penance.^ 

Though  Vincent  restrained  his  companions  from  a  method 
of  attack  which  would  only  have  attracted  more  attention  to 
the  new  opinions,  he  none  the  less  did  not  wish  them  to  stand , 
by  idly.  In  his  opinion  a  remedy  could  only  come  from  the 
Holy  See  and  its  intervention  was  to  be  brought  about  at 
the  request  of  the  French  Bishops.  Yet  it  did  not  seem 
practical  to  submit  to  the  Assembly  of  the  Clergy,  which  met 
in  May,  1650,  a  draft  for  a  collective  letter  to  the  Pope  ; 
the  consequence  would  only  have  been  endless  and,  probably, 
fruitless  discussions  and  disputes,  perhaps  even  a  fresh 
intervention  by  Parliament.^  So  there  was  nothing  for  it 
but  to  undertake  the  laborious  task  of  winning  over  the 
Bishops  individually.  In  concert  with  some  Bishops  who  had 
come  to  Paris  before  the  opening  of  the  Assembly  of  the 
Clergy,  and  with  the  King's  confessor,  the  Jesuit  Dinet, 
Vincent  drafted  a  letter  for  Rome  the  text  of  which  was 
finally  drawn  up  by  Habert,  Bishop  of  Vabres.^  Some  Bishops 
signed  during  the  Assembly,  to  the  others  Vincent  addressed 
a  circular  letter  in  February,  1651.  The  letter  states  that  the 
dangerous  opinions  prevalent  at  the  time  had  already  led  a 
goodly  number  of  prelates  to  write  to  Rome  to  request  a 
papal  pronouncement  on  the  new  teaching.    They  had  been 

'  CosTE,  III.,  323. 
-  "  a  cor  et  a  cri  "  ;    ibid.,  328. 
^   Ibid.,  328  seq. 
•"  Rapin,  I.,  335. 

'"  Ibid.,  329,  336  ;   [Dumas],  I.,  12.    On  the  steps  which  Vincent 
took  in  this  matter,  cf.  the  compilation  in  Coste,  XIV.,  279  seq. 


VINCENT    DE    PAUL    INTERVENES.  255 

actuated  by  the  following  motives  :  first,  the  hope  that  b\- 
this  means  many  people  would  be  confirmed  in  their  loyalty 
to  the  traditional  teaching  ;  the  effect  of  the  Roman  decree 
on  the  two  heads  of  the  Church  had  sufftcientl}'  shown  the 
power  of  a  papal  definition.  Secondly,  if  the  evil  were  tolerated 
it  would  spread  further.  In  Rome  it  was  thought  that  the 
majority  of  the  French  Bishops  favoured  the  new  doctrine, 
hence  it  was  imperative  to  make  it  clear  that  this  was  the 
attitude  of  only  a  few.  Lastly,  the  Council  of  Trent  decreed 
that  Rome  should  be  appealed  to  whenever  new  opinions 
arose. ^ 

The  grounds  on  which  Vincent's  undertaking,  notwith- 
standing his  prestige,  encountered  great  obstacles,  appear 
from  a  letter  of  Archbishop  Montchal  of  Toulouse  to  a  fellow- 
Bishop  who,  like  himself,  had  withheld  his  signature.-  A 
letter  to  the  Pope,  he  writes,  must  be  decided  upon  by  the 
Assembly  of  the  Clergy  in  the  name  of  all  the  Bishops.  In 
view  of  their  obstinacy  both  parties  would  find  all  kinds  of 
subterfuges  to  evade  a  papal  definition.  How  carefully,  to 
give  but  one  example,  both  Popes  and  Councils  had  avoided 
to  hurt  either  party,  for  instance  in  the  controversy  on  grace 
between  the  Dominicans  and  the  Jesuits,  or  in  the  question 
of  the  Immaculate  Conception  !  Were  they  going  to  force 
the  Holy  See  to  give  up  such  a  wise  restraint  ?  Like  Montchal, 
the  Bishops  of  Alet  and  Pamiers  ^  also  failed  to  realize  the 
bearing  of  the  new  movement  and  the  reliance  they  might 
place  on  the  power  of  the  Holy  See  ;  to  them  *  as  to  others,^ 
Vincent  had  to  point  out  that  a  papal  decision  would  prevent 
many,  if  not  all,  from  adopting  the  new  opinions  or  lead 
them  to  renounce  them. 

However,  as  during  the  internal  troubles  of  the  Fronde 
the  growth  of  the  new  sect  took  on  more  and  more  alarming 

*  CosTE,  IV.,  148  seq.  ;    Mavnard,  II.,  326;    Rapin,  I.,  318. 

*  Published  by  A.  Auguste  in  Bullet,  de  hit.  eccUs.,  1916,  272. 
'  Letter  of  end  of  May,  1651,  in  Mavnard,  II.,  333. 

*  Ibid.,  335  seqq.  ;     Coste,  IV.,  204-210. 

*  Vincent  to  the  Bishop  of  Lu^on,  April  23,  1651,  in  Mavnard, 
II.,  327  seqq.  ;    CosTE,  IV.,  175  seqq. 


256  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

proportions/  the  number  of  episcopal  adhesions  very  soon 
rose  to  seventy,^  until  it  reached  a  total  of  eighty-eight,^ 
among  them  being  the  Archbishops  of  Aries,  Bourges, 
Narbonne,  Bordeaux  and  Rheims.  The  Cardinal  Archbishop 
of  Lyons  gave  as  the  reason  of  his  refusal  to  sign  the  fact 
that,  as  a  member  of  the  Inquisition,  his  role  was  that  of  a 
judge,  not  an  accuser,  whilst  Harlay  of  Rouen  declared  that 
he  had  made  his  opinion  clear  enough  at  his  Provincial 
Council.* 

The  letter  had  already  been  dispatched  by  Dinet  to  his 
brother  in  rehgion  Annat,  the  French  Assistant  of  the  General 
of  the  Society,  to  be  forwarded  by  him  to  Rome,  when  the 
Assessor  of  the  Inquisition,  Albizzi,  announced  that  if  it  was 
to  produce  its  effect,  the  document  must  be  handed  to  the 
nuncio  by  the  Bishops  themselves,  without  the  intervention 
of  a  third  party.  Most  of  the  Bishops  objected  to  their  names 
being  known  even  to  the  nuncio,  but  Dinet  and  Vincent 
ended  by  overcoming  this  difficulty  also.^  The  letter  ^  begins 
by  stating  that  it  was  the  constant  tradition  of  the  Church 
to  lay  the  more  important  affairs  before  the  Holy  See,  and 

1  Rapin,  I.,  332. 

2  Ibid.,  335. 

*  Gerberon  (I.,  393)  mentions  68  signatories  by  name. 
The  original  text  of  Habert's  letter  is  in  the  Acts  of  the  Inquisition, 
with  24  signatures,  also  copies  with  the  signatures  of  one  or 
more  Bishops,  altogether  39  ;  besides  a  special  document  which 
agrees  with  Habert's  letter  of  April  25,  1651,  signed  by  5,  and 
another  signed  by  8  Bishops,  and  by  two  others  on  special  sheets 
(Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome,  S.  3,  i,  *Excerpta  ex  V.  Parte  circa  lihrum 
lansenii,  f.  135  seq.,  137,  252).  On  August  18,  1651,  Bagno 
transmits  further  signatures  [ibid.,  125).  Bishop  Scarron  of 
Grenoble,  in  a  letter  to  the  Pope,  June  6,  i65r,  complains  of 
the  growth  of  Jansenism  ;  he  awaits  with  impatience  the  decision 
of  the  Pope.    Annates  de  St.  Louis,  XI.  (1905),  241. 

*  Cf.  Rapin,  I.,  316. 
^  Ibid.,  366. 

*  Latin  text  in  Hardouin,  Ada  Cone,  XL,  141  ;  Coste, 
IV,  632  ;  Arnauld,  (Euvres,  XIX.,  73  ;  translation  in  [Dumas], 
L,  12  seq.    Rapin,  L,  370. 


THE    FOUR    BISHOPS   TO   THE    POPE.  257 

Peter's  faith  that  ncxer  fails  cknianded  the  maintenance  of 
this  tradition.  Accordingly,  in  conformity  with  tradition,  they 
submitted  to  Rome  the  questions  connected  with  the  Jansenist 
controversy.  In  reality  both  the  Council  of  Trent  and  the 
Bull  of  Urban  VIII.  confirming  Pius  V.'s  and  Gregory  XIII. 's 
condemnation  of  Baius,  which  Innocent  X.  had  enacted  anew, 
should  suffice  to  put  an  end  to  the  dispute,  but  since  it  was 
not  stated  what  censure  falls  on  each  proposition,  some 
thought  that  room  was  left  for  further  subtleties  and 
subterfuges.  It  was  hoped  that  a  clear  and  detailed  papal 
judgment  would  bring  about  a  change  in  this  respect.  The 
letter  then  gives  the  text  of  the  live  propositions  and  prays 
for  a  pronouncement  on  each  of  them.  The  authority  of 
the  Holy  See  had  been  shown  quite  recently,  when  it 
pronounced  in  the  question  of  the  two  heads  of  the  Church. 
Jansenius  had  himself  submitted  his  work  to  the  judgment 
of  the  Holy  Sec.  On  April  2(Sth,  1(551,  nuncio  Bagno  forwarded 
the  document  to  Rome.^  Thus  the  most  important  step 
towards  warding  off  the  new  teaching  had  been  taken  and 
the  Jansenists  never  forgave  Vincent  de  Paul  for  having 
been  the  means  of  it.- 

It  goes  without  saying  that  this  action  could  not  long  be 
kept  from  those  Bishops  who  thought  otherwise.  On  February 
20th,  1G51,  the  Archbishop  of  Embrun  and  the  Bishops  of 
Agen,  Chalons,  Comminges,  Orleans  and  Valence  called  on 
the  papal  nuncio  in  Paris  to  inform  him  that  Habert's  letter 
was  no  more  than  a  manifesto  on  the  part  of  a  few  individual 
Bishops  signed  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Assembly  of 
the  Clergy.  The  movement  in  France  may  indeed  be  fraught 
with  danger,  that  is,  if  judgment  was  passed  without  hearing 
both  parties.  With  regard  to  the  theses  impugned,  they 
should  make  sure  in  what  sense  they  were  taught  by  "  the 
disciples  of  Augustine  "  and  above  all  by  Augustine  himself, 
lest   they  should  implicate   that   holy  Doctor  in   a  censure 

'  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome,  loc.  cit.,  f.  245. 

*  On  their  opposition  to  his  canonization,  cf.  [Patoi'Ii.i.et],  I., 
178,  330;     II-.  479- 

VOL.  XXX.  S 


258  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

and  so  should  give  occasion  to  the  heretics  to  cahimniate 
the  Holy  See,  as  if  at  present  it  condemned  what  it  had 
previously  approved.^  Eight  days  later  the  Archbishop  of 
Sens  called  on  the  nuncio  and  represented  to  him  in  a  haughty 
tone  that  in  this  affair  the  Pope  must  proceed  after  mature 
reflection  and  in  accordance  with  the  canons  ;  if  he  acted 
otherwise  little  notice  would  be  taken  in  France  of  his  decision. ^ 
Bagno  sought  to  calm  the  prelates  but  already  in  April  he 
had  to  report  renewed  pressure  on  the  part  of  some  of  the 
Bishops.  He  added  that  the  number  of  the  Jansenists  grew 
from  day  to  day,  a  large  section  of  Parliament  and  the 
University,  many  monasteries  and  nobles  favoured  them 
and  there  was  no  doubt  that  the  situation  was  becoming 
serious.^ 

Even  before  the  friends  of  Jansenism  among  the  Bishops 
had  remonstrated  with  the  nuncio,  Arnauld,  at  their 
instigation,*  had  published  a  violent  pamphlet  against  his 
old  enemy  Habert.^  The  latter,  Arnauld  declared,  had  nothing 
to  answer  to  the  two  excellent  apologies  of  Jansenius  in 
which  he  had  exposed  the  falsehoods  contained  in  Habert's 
inflammatory  sermons  and  the  pitiable  weakness  of  his 
writings,  hence  he  now  had  recourse  to  secret  tricks  and 
manoeuvres  to  obtain  in  clandestine  fashion  the  signatures 
of  a  few  Bishops  for  a  letter  with  which  to  deceive  the  Pope, 

^  Letter  of  the  Bishop  of  Valence  to  the  Archbishop  of  Toulouse, 
March  3,  1651,  in  Saint-Amour,  67  ;    Rapin,  I.,  336. 

2  Rapin,  I.,  337  ;    Arnauld,  CEiivres,  XIX.,  x. 

3  "  *replicate  instanze  fattemi  di  alcuni  pochi  vescovi  di 
supplicaria  di  rappresentare  a  N.  S.  grinconvenienti  che  possono 
succedere,  quando  si  facesse  alcuna  dichiarazione  sopra  li  capi 
controversi.  ...  Si  accresce  sempre  il  numero  de'  Jansenisti, 
essendo  caduto  in  quest'errore  una  gran  parte  del  Parlamento 
e  deirUniversia  della  Sorbona  e  de'  molti  monasterii  et  ancora 
molte  persone  nobili  che  senz'alcun  dubbio  possono  apportare 
gran  danno."    Bagno,  April  28,  1651,  Biblioteca  Angelica,  loc.  cit. 

*  Arnauld,  CEuvres,  XIX.,  viii. 

*  "  Observations  sur  la  lettre  composee  par  M.  I'eveque  de 
Vabres,"  ibid.,  43-73. 


ELEVEN    BISHOPS    WHITE    TO    THE    POPE.       259 

in  order  that  vindcr  the  iiauu'  of  janscnius  the  latter  might 
condemn  St.  Augustine  himself.'  The  propositions  attacked 
by  Habert  were  the  very  pillars  of  St.  Augustine's  teaching 
which  neither  Pope  nor  Council  could  oppose  without 
sacrificing  the  infallibility  of  the  Church,  which  could  not 
condemn  to-day  what  she  had  taught  for  1,200  years. ^  Habert, 
the  servant  of  the  Jesuits, ^  wanted  the  Church  to  turn  Molinist, 
for  all  Europe  to  see  that  an  assessor  and  a  handful  of 
theologians  of  the  Inciuisition  were  to-day  the  judges  and 
masters  of  the  Church's  teaching  and  that  they  were  to  be 
honoured  above  the  Fathers,  the  Popes  and  the  Councils.* 

Notwithstanding  this  violent  diatribe  Habert's  letter 
secured  an  ever  increasing  number  of  signatures.  So  as  not 
to  leave  the  ground  free  for  their  opponents,  the  Bishops 
in  favour  of  Jan.senism  also  wrote  to  the  Pope,^  but  their 
letter,  dated  April  1 1th,  1G51,  bore  only  eleven  signatures.* 
The  document,  drawn  up  at  Port-Royal,'  well  characterizes 
the  spirit  of  the  party.  It  tells  the  Pope  in  substance  how 
to  proceed  in  this  affair  ;  in  fact  it  utters  scarcely  veiled 
threats  should  he  refuse  to  be  taught.  The  five  propositions, 
the  document  states,  had  been  brought  together  arbitrarily 
and  equivocally  worded,  in  order  to  make  of  them  an  apple 
of  discord.  The  times  were  not  propitious  for  a  solemn 
definition  unless  the  Pope  had  the  propositions  e.xamined,  as 
was  done  under  Clement  VHI.  and  Paul  W,  in  the  controversy 
on  grace.    If  a  different  procedure  was  adopted,  the  defeated 

'  IbuL,  43. 

'-  Ibid..  56. 

=>  Ibid.,  51. 

♦  Ibid..  70. 

^  [Dl'mas],  I.,   16  seqq.  ;     Rapin,  I.,  380  seqq. 

*  Namely,  those  of  Archbishop  Louis  Henri  de  Gondrin  of  Sens, 
Bishops  Barth.  Delbene  of  Agen,  Gilbert  de  Choiseul  of  Com- 
niinges,  Le  Benin  of  Valence  and  Die,  Delbene  of  Orleans,  Bernard 
Despruets  of  Saint-Fapoul,  Jean  Henri  de  Salette  of  Lescar,  Ecli.x 
Vialart  of  Chalons,  l'ran9ois  de  Caumartin  of  Amiens,  Henri 
Arnauld  of  Angers,  Nicolas  de  Buzenval  of  Beauvais. 

'  Rapin.  L.  378. 


26o  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

party  might  justly  complain  that  it  had  been  condemned 
unheard,  in  consequence  of  the  misrepresentations  and 
trickeries  of  its  adversaries.  They  might  even  add  that  their 
cause  had  been  laid  before  the  Holy  See  without  previous 
examination  by  the  Bishops,  as  was  required  by  the  practice 
of  Christian  antiquity,  the  legitimate  order  for  the  judgment 
of  the  universal  Church  and  the  customs  of  the  GalHcan 
Church.  The  letter  goes  on  to  describe  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Romans,  by  way  of  a  shining  example,  how  the  French  would 
proceed  if  called  upon  to  deliver  judgment  in  a  matter  of 
this  kind.  "  Equity  would  compel  us  to  examine  with  the 
utmost  care  whether  the  five  propositions  had  not  been 
arbitrarily  brought  together,  out  of  hatred  for  some  persons 
and  for  the  pleasure  of  sowing  trouble  ;  it  would  compel  us 
to  examine  in  what  books,  by  what  authors,  in  what  sense 
they  were  stated,  to  hear  the  various  parties,  to  study  the 
books  written  on  the  theses,  to  distinguish  their  true,  false 
or  doubtful  meaning,  to  inform  ourselves  of  everything 
connected  with  the  dispute  from  its  very  beginning.  After 
that  we  would  inform  the  Holy  See  of  all  we  had  done  in  a 
matter  which  touches  on  the  faith,  so  that  our  own  just 
declarations  might  be  confirmed  by  your  Apostolic  authority." 
On  the  other  hand,  the  letter  proceeds,  if  direct  recourse 
was  had  to  the  Holy  See,  by  what  artifices  might  not  truth 
be  suppressed,  by  how  many  calumnies  might  not  Bishops 
and  Doctors  be  blackened,  by  how  many  frauds  might  not 
the  Pope  himself  be  deceived  ?  For  one  party  maintained 
that  the  majority  of  the  scholastics,  God's  goodness  and 
natural  reason  were  in  its  favour,  whilst  those  who  were 
integral  followers  of  Augustine  asserted  that  the  questions 
in  dispute  were  questions  no  longer  but  a  matter  decided 
long  since,  more  particularly  by  the  Council  of  Trent.  For 
this  reason  they  were  afraid  of  neither  an  episcopal  nor  a 
papal  sentence,  for  they  felt  confident  that  the  Pope  would 
not  swerve  in  the  slightest  degree  from  the  teaching  of  the 
holy  Fathers  and  that  the  Holy  See  would  not  be  made  the 
laughing-stock  of  the  heretics.  Hence  they  prayed  the  Pope 
to  suffer  the  continuation,  for  a  short  while,  of  a  dispute 


SAINT-AMOUR   IN    ROME.  261 

which  liad  gone  on  for  centuries  witliout  injury  to  the  Church, 
or  to  decide  it  with  due  regard  to  legal  forms. 

Port-Ro\'al  did  not  have  to  make  a  long  search  for  someone 
to  hand  in  the  letter  of  the  eleven  Bishops.  As  early  as 
November  1650,  ostensibly  to  accompany  a  young  nobleman, 
but  in  reality  to  spy  out  the  land  for  the  Jansenists,  Saint-Amour 
had  been  dispatched  to  Rome,  but  in  view  of  the  strong  feeling 
against  the  sect  called  forth  by  Hersent's  Jansenist  sermon, 
he  spent  the  whole  of  the  summer  in  Venetian  territory  ;  from 
the  Pope  he  obtained,  at  a  later  date,  a  purely  formal  audience. 
Saint-Amour  was  nevertheless  in  a  position  to  give  his  friends 
one  valuable  piece  of  advice,  this  was  that  to  defend  Jansenius 
they  should  send  a  formal  embassy  to  Rome.^  Notwithstand- 
ing every  precaution  Saint-Amour  was  in  danger  of  being 
arrested  as  a  Jansenist,  hence  on  April  13th,  1().')1,  he  left  in 
all  haste  for  Genoa. - 

Meanwhile  the  dispatch  of  an  embassy  to  Rome  had  also 
been  discussed  by  Cornet's  supporters,  whereupon  Saint- 
Amour  was  commissioned  by  his  friends  to  return  to  Rome  in 
the  capacity  of  representative  of  the  eleven  episcopal 
supporters  of  Jansenism,  for  as  their  envo}^  he  had  nothing 
to  fear. 3  Bishop  Henri  Arnauld  of  Angers,  brother  to  the 
"  great  "  Arnauld,  who  was  known  in  Rome,  supplied  him 
with  letters  of  recommendation  to  Cardinals  Este,  Spada  and 
Barberini.'*  Before  long,  Saint-Amour  returned  to  Rome  but, 
despite  the  letters  of  recommendation.  Cardinal  Este,  for  his 
safety's  sake,  advised  him  to  leave  as  quickly  as  possible.^ 
From  Innocent  X.,  to  whom  he  had  presented  liimself  as  the 
envo\-  of  the  I'Vench  Bishops,  he  received  directions  than 
which  none  could  have  been  unpleasanter  for  the  Jansenists  ^  : 
the  Pope  referred  him  to  the  Assessor  of  the   Inquisition, 

'  Rapin,  I.,  320,  324,  326,  328. 

-  Ibid.,  329. 

'  Ibid.,  329,  372  ;    Saint-Amour,  83. 

*  Rapin,  I.,  373  ;    Cochin,  149  scq. 

^  Rapin,  I.,  374  seq.  ;    Saint-Amour,  86  scqq. 

"  On  July  10,  1651,  in  Rapin,  I.,  378. 


262  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Albizzi,  for  everything  that  had  not  been  settled  by  Urban 
VIII. 's  Bull.  Albizzi  was  feared  and  hated  by  the  party  as  no 
other  man.  When  Saint-Amour  hinted  that  his  adversaries 
gave  themselves  the  air  as  if  they  had  the  Pope's  tongue  in 
their  mouth  and  his  pen  in  their  hand,  Innocent  pointed  to 
the  crucifix  as  his  counsellor.^ 

To  complete  the  Jansenists'  discomfiture  the  French 
ambassador  was  commissioned  by  his  Government  to  present 
on  October  16th,  1651,  a  petition  praying  the  Pope  to  pronounce 
judgment  in  the  disputes  about  grace,  so  that  the  followers  of 
Janscnius  and  Molina  should  no  longer  be  able  to  call  each 
other  Pelagians  and  Calvinists,  to  the  great  delight  of  the 
heretics.^  A  second  audience  with  the  Pope  was  hardly  more 
successful  for  Saint-Amour.  This  time  he  came  with  a  message 
from  the  Bishop  of  Grasse,  Godeau,  who  exposed  to  the  Pope 
famihar  grievances  of  the  Jansenists.''  Innocent  received 
Godeau's  message  very  coldly  and  stopped  Saint-Amour 
when  the  latter  began  to  talk  of  Congregations  such  as  those 
held  under  Clement  VIII.  Urban  VIII. 's  Bull  could  not  be 
touched,  he  said,  nor  could  there  be  question  of  resuming  the 
discussions  which  had  taken  place  under  Clement  VIII.* 
When  Saint-Amour  desired  to  present  a  memorial,  the  Pope 
declined  it  with  the  remark  that  he  was  old  and  no  theologian.^ 
From  this  Saint-Amour  promptly  concluded  that  the  Pope 
had  no  intention  to  pronounce  sentence,  so  he  wrote  to  his 
friends  in  France  that  they  might  dispatch  their  envoys 
without  hesitation  ;  a  papal  sentence,  which  Port-Royal  had 
every  reason  to  fear,  would  not  be  delivered.^ 

Dispatched  by  the  Jansenists,  Doctors  Brousse,  Lalane  and 
Angran,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  did  arrive  in  Rome  on  December 
5th,   1651,   describing  themselves  as  representatives  of  the 

1  Saint-Amour,  96  seq. 
-  Rapin,  I.,  383. 
'  Saint-Amour,  Documertts,  6. 
*  Saint-Amour,  149  seq.  ;    Rapin,  I.,  384. 

^  "  Oltra  che  son  vecchio,  non  ho  mai  studiato  in  theologia." 
Saint-Amour,  150. 
^  Rapin.  T.  384. 


JANSENIST   ENVOYS    IN    ROME.  263 

Sorbonne.  Now  it  so  happened  that  a  month  cailier,  on  bcinf,' 
questioned  by  the  new  syndic  Grandin,  the  Faculty  had 
protested  tliat  Saint-Amour  did  not  represent  it  ^  and  on 
November  8th,  lOol,  Halher  had  written  to  the  nuncio  to 
put  him  on  his  guard  against  the  artifices  of  the  Jansenists  ; 
not  more  than  ten  to  twelve  Bishops  and  less  than  twenty 
of  the  1()0  Doctors  of  Sorbonne  favoured  them,  Hallier  wrote ; 
moreover  it  was  a  deception  to  pretend  that  there  was  only 
question  of  continuing  the  controversy  on  grace  between 
Dominicans  and  Jesuits.  The  nuncio  forwarded  Hallier's 
letter  to  Rome  ^  but  of  this  the  Jansenist  envoys  were 
ignorant  ;  accordingly,  at  their  first  audience  with  Innocent 
X.,  January  21st,  IBa'i,  they  described  themselves  as  the 
representatives  of  the  French  Bishops.  The  Pope  let  this  pass 
and  in  other  ways  also  he  treated  them  graciously  but  declared 
emphatically  that  he  stuck  to  Urban  \TII.'s  Bull.^  Faithful 
to  their  instructions,  the  envovs  had  pra\-ed  for  a  discussion 
on  the  model  of  the  Congregations  under  Clement  VHI. 
and  Paul  V.,''  with  the  object,  as  openly  avowed  in  a  private 
letter,^  to  delay  and  impede  a  definition.  The  Pope  replied 
in  general  terms  that  they  would  have  no  reason  to  be  dis- 
satisfied.® It  was,  however,  no  happv  omen  for  Brousse  and 
his  colleagues  that  at  the  time  of  their  arri\-al  the  former 

'    Ibul.,  420. 
'  Ibid.,  418  seq. 
'  Ibid.,  431  scq. 

*  "  *ut  distingui  ct  siiifj;illatini  oxamiiiari  iiibcat  [SS.  I'ont.] 
varios  sensus  5  propositionum  aequivocarum  ct  ad  fraudem 
fictarum  .  .  .,  atque  ut  dc  pracdictis  .sensibu.s,  prout  exigct 
illorum  Veritas  ac  aliorum  falsitas,  sententiam  ferri  velit,  partibus 
prius  in  Congref^atione  tuni  voce  turn  scripto  coram  auditis  ct 
omnibus  illarum  scriptis  mutuo  communicatis."  Hibl.  Angelica, 
Rome,  S.  3,  i,  Kxcerpta  ex  V.  Parle  circa  Itbrum  lansenii,  f.  261. 

*  Lalane,  July  14,  1651,  to  Saint-Amour  :  "  Faitcs  tous  vos 
•■rtorts  possibles  afin  qu'on  ne  prononce  rien  sur  Ics  propositions  "  ; 
or  at  least  they  should  try  to  introduce  three  clauses  into  the 
decision  which  would  ha\e  stultified  it.     Rapin,  I.,  373,  n. 

*  Ibid.,  432. 


264  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

Cologne  nuncio,  Fabio  Chigi,  became  Secretary  of  State,  for 
as  a  near  kinsman  of  the  internuncio  of  Brussels,  Bichi,  as 
well  as  by  his  prolonged  stay  in  the  North,  he  was  well  informed 
about  the  Janscnists.^  For  the  time  being  all  that  the  envoys 
could  do  was  to  court  prestige  by  much  pomp  and  display 
and  to  try  and  bring  opinion  round  in  their  favour  by  means  of 
personal  visits.  As  a  matter  of  fact  they  did  succeed  in 
influencing  in  their  favour  especially  the  Generals  of  the 
Augustinians  and  the  Dominicans.- 

Meanwhile  no  steps  had  as  yet  been  taken  in  France  to 
send  to  Rome  representatives  of  the  Catholics  loyal  to  the 
Church.  In  the  end  a  sarcastic  remark  in  one  of  Saint-Amour's 
letters  prompted  a  priest  to  collect  a  small  sum  from  his 
parishioners  for  the  maintenance  of  representatives  in  Rome  ; 
he  also  discussed  the  matter  with  Hallier  ;  thereupon  Hallier 
decided  to  go  himself  to  Rome  as  ambassador,  taking  Lagault 
and  Joisel  as  his  companions.^  The  three  men  reached  Rome 
on  May  24th,  1652,  and  were  soon  after  received  in  audience. 
Hallier  explained  to  the  Pontiff  that  their  undertaking  had 
nothing  in  common  with  the  dispute  about  grace  under 
Clement  VIII.  ;  they  prayed  for  an  examination  whether  the 
five  propositions  had  not  been  condemned  long  ago  and  that, 
if  this  was  the  case,  the  Pope  would  state  it  anew.*  They  also 
requested  the  Dominicans  in  Paris  to  make  it  clear  to  their 
General  that  the  Jansenist  dispute  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
teaching  of  the  Order  of  Preachers.^  They  kept  out  of  the  way 

1  Ibid.,  428  seq. 

2  Ibid.,  459  seq. 
^  Ibid.,  430. 

^  Ibid.,  486.  *"  ut  examen  fiat  5  illarum  propositionum  .  .  . 
excutiaturque  num  propositiones  illae  iam  ecclesiasticis  defini- 
tionibus  et  traditione  proscriptae  sint.  Ouod  si  iam  damnatas 
fuisse  constiterit,  supplicant  8.  St',  ut  pro  pace  et  tranquillitate 
Ecclesiae  id  novo  diplomate  velit  declarare.  lidem  doctores 
protestantur,  se  non  petere,  ut  quaestiones  controversae  inter 
Dominicanos  et  lesuitas  .  .  .  uUi  examini  aut  censurae  subii- 
ciantur  ".    Biblioteca  Angelica,  loc.  cit.,  f.  262. 

^  Letter  of  Lagault,  June  17,  1652,  in  Rapin,  L,  487. 


CARDINALITIAL  CONGREGATION  FOR  JANSENISM.   265 

of  the  envoys  of  the  friends  of  the  Jansenists  and  an  attempt 
by  the  French  ambassador  to  bring  the  two  parties  together, 
proved  a  faihire.^  At  this  time  Queen  Anne  wrote  to  the 
French  ambassador  and  to  Cardinal  Barberini,  requesting 
tliem  to  urge  tlie  Pope  to  decide  the  question  then  pending 
and  recommending  HaUier  and  liis  fellow  delegates  to  him.^ 

(3.) 

On  April  12tli,  \{\'A,  before  the  arrival  of  the  delegation 
in  the  Eternal  City  and  before  the  French  Bishops  had  drawn 
up  their  letter,  Innocent  X.  had  taken  a  decisive  step  in  the 
Jansenist  affair  b}-  charging  a  special  Congregation  to  deal 
with  it.^  It  consisted  of  Cardinals  Roma,  Spada,  Ginetti  and 
Cecchini  with  Albizzi  as  secretary.'*  Roma  having  died  on 
April  11th,  Ki.'j'i,  Spada  replaced  him  as  chairman  from 
April  11th,  1()52.  On  April  lltli.  Cardinal  Chigi  joined  as  a 
new  member,  and  Cardinal  Camillo  Pamfili  on  October  30th. ^ 
Innocent  X.  had  deliberately  set  up  an  entirely  new  Congrega- 
tion owing  to  the  circumstance  that  the  Inquisition,  to  whose 
competence  the  affair  belonged  in  tlie  first  instance,  was  the 
object  of  extreme  hatred  in  France.^  In  like  manner  he  had 
also  deliberately  excluded  from  the  deliberations  Cardinals 
Maculano  and  Lugo,  both  of  them  able  theologians,  but 
who  might  be  suspected  of  partiality  as  being  the  one  a 
Dominican  and  the  other  a  Jesuit.'     It  was  an  important 

'   Ibid.,  486,  488  seq.  ;    S.mnt-.'Xmour,  241  seq. 

-  Rapin,  I.,  494  scqq. 

'  The  official  report  of  the  Konian  Olfice,  compiled  by  Albizzi, 
is  published  by  A.  Schill  in  Katholik,  18S3,  II.,  282  seqq., 
363  seqq.,  472  seqq.  Cf.  Saint-Amour,  Appendix,  173.  Rapix 
(II.,  2-31,  66-72  81-5),  gives  "  rhistoire  du  proces-verbal  de  ce 
jugcmcnt,  prise  sur  les  memoires  du  Saint-Office  que  j'ai  copies 
fidelement  sur  I'original  qu'on  y  garde." 

*  ScHiLL,  288. 

*  Ibid.,  204,  365. 
«  Rapin,  II.,  6. 

'  Pai.lavicino,  I.,  1S3. 


266  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

circumstance  for  tlie  discussions  that  Chigi  had  become 
acquainted  with  Jansenius'  work  during  his  Cologne  nunciature 
and  that,  on  the  basis  of  an  examination  by  two  Dominicans 
of  that  city,  he  had  been  able  to  form  an  independent  opinion 
of  the  book.^ 

The  first  nine  sittings  of  the  new  tribunal  were  of  a 
preparatory  nature.  With  a  view  to  laying  down  a  solid  basis, 
it  began  by  examining  the  proceedings  against  Baius.  The 
more  important  documents  concerning  the  events  of  Louvain 
as  well  as  the  censures  against  him  by  the  Universities  of 
Alcala,  Salamanca  and  Paris  were  read  and  the  Paris  nuncio 
was  instructed  to  forward  an  authentic  copy  of  the  Paris 
censure.  The  Congregation  approached  its  real  task  in  the 
seventh  session.  It  was  resolved  that  copies  of  the  Roman 
memorials  of  1G49  on  the  five  theses  should  be  submitted  and 
further  details  on  the  Jansenist  dispute  obtained  from  the 
Belgian  nuncio.  At  these  preliminary  sittings  the  measures 
to  be  taken  against  the  Archbishop  of  Malines,  the  Bishop  of 
Ghent  and  against  Jansenism  at  Marseilles  also  came  up  for 
discussion  ^  ;  a  Jansenist  book  of  devotion  was  also 
prohibited.^ 

At  its  tenth  session,  September  28th,  1651,  the  Congregation 
took  up  the  discussion  of  the  five  propositions.  The  letter 
of  the  French  Bishops  demanding  their  condemnation  was 
read.  It  was  decided  to  have  them  examined  by  theologians 
and  to  submit  the  hst  of  these  theologians,  the  so-called 
qualificators.  There  followed  a  pause  until  September  24th, 
1652,  probably  to  give  the  theologians  time  to  study  the 
subject."*  In  the  few  sessions  during  that  interlude  there  was 
only  question  of  the  situation  in  Flanders,  a  book  by  one 
of  the  Jansenist  delegates  was  prohibited  and  it  was  resolved 
to  give  an  opportunity  to  the  two  delegations  of  the  French 

1  Ibid.,  i8i  seqq. 

-  ScHiLL,  287-292. 

'  The  so-called  Heures  de  Port-Royal  or  Heures  a  la  janseniste 
{ibid.,  291),  a  misleading  translation  from  the  Roman  Breviary  ; 
cf.  [Patouillet],  II.,  177  seqq. 

*  ScHiLL,  293. 


JANSENIST    DliLAVING    TACTICS.  267 

Bishojxs  for  and  against  janscnins  to  defend  their  case  cither 
before  each  of  the  Cardinals  of  the  Congregation  individually 
or  before  all  of  them  assembled  in  general  session.  At  the 
sessions  on  11th  and  IXth  August,  Saint-Amour  and  his 
friends,  as  well  as  Hallier  and  his  colleagues,  were  informed 
of  this  decision.  The  Jansenist  delegates  allowed  nearly  the 
whole  of  July  and  August  to  go  by  without  taking  advantage 
of  the  offer,  though  on  August  Kith  they  were  reminded  of 
it  by  order  of  the  Pope.  On  August  28th  they  put  their 
signatures  to  two  documents,  but  under  various  pretexts 
its  presentation  was  put  off  until  September  21st.  Neither 
document  was  to  the  point  ;  the  one  traced  the  history  of  the 
five  theses,  the  other  treated  of  St.  Augustine's  prestige  in 
the  Church.  Once  again  they  demanded  a  formal  disputation 
and  that  the  relevant  papers  of  either  party  should  be  com- 
municated to  the  other. ^  Albizzi  had  the  impression  that  their 
only  aim  was  to  drag  out  the  affair  indefinitely. - 

The  Pope  had  no  intention  to  allow  this  and  the  rea.son  for 
it  was  made  quite  clear  to  the  qualificators  before  the  opening 
of  the  sitting  of  September  24th,  1G52,  the  first  at  which  they 
were  present.  A  formal  disputation,  Albizzi  explained,  only 
served  to  inflame  tempers,  whilst  the  mutual  exchange  of 
papers  would  unduly  protract  the  business.  Meanwhile  Spada 
requested  the  Cardinals  to  declare  whether  they  desired  an 
opinion  on  the  five  propositions  solely  as  they  stood,  or  as  they 
were  understood  by  Jansenius.  When  the  qualificators  were 
questioned,  they  replied  that  no  more  than  the  text  of  the 
first  of  the  five  theses  had  been  communicated  to  them  some 
time  ago,  hence  a  majority  of  them  were  of  opinion  that  the 
propositions  should  be  examined  only  as  they  stood,  for  some 
of  their  number  had  not  seen  Jan.senius'  book.  The  Cardinals 
adopted  this  view  though  it  was  open  to  anyone  to  judge  the 
theses  in  Jansenius'  sense  also.^    At  the  very  next  sitting,  on 

•  Ibid.,  203-7  ''    Saint-Amour,  276. 

*  "  Relecta  quadam  scriptura,  quae  nihil  ad  propositum, 
curabant  protraherc  ncgotium,  pctendo  coutradictoria  et  coin- 
municationom  scripturarum."     Scuill,  297. 

'  Scuii.L,  207-9. 


268  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

October  1st,  Spada  reported  that  Hallier  had  objected  to  the 
propositions  not  being  examined  in  Jansenius'  sense  and 
HalHer's  remonstrances  had  the  support  of  a  learned  Carmehte. 
This  view  steadily  gained  ground  with  the  Congregation.^ 

From  October  1st  onwards  the  qualificators  were  the  only 
ones  to  speak  at  the  sittings  of  the  Congregation.  In  order 
to  avoid  every  semblance  of  partiality  against  Jansenius, 
the  ordinary  qualificators  of  the  Inquisition  had  been  charged 
to  draw  up  reports.^  These  were  taken  from  the  most  diverse 
Orders  and  belonged  to  different  theological  schools.  Among 
them  were  two  Dominicans,  the  Master  of  the  Palace, 
Vincenzo  Depretis,  the  General  of  the  Augustinians,  Fihppo 
Visconti,  whose  views  closely  resembled  those  of  the 
Dominicans,  two  Franciscans,  the  Conventual  Modestus 
Gavazzi  of  Ferrara  and  the  Observant  Luke  Wadding.  To 
them  were  added  Raphael  Aversa,  of  the  Clerics  Minor,  the 
Carmelite  Domenico  Campanella,  the  Servite  Angelo  Maria 
Ciria  of  Cremona,  the  Theatine  Tommaso  Imbene  and  the 
Procurator  General  of  the  Capachins,  Marco  Antonio  of 
Carpineto.  There  was  also  included  a  Jesuit,  SforzaPallavicino, 
the  historian  of  the  Council  of  Trent. ^  On  November  6th, 
1652,  they  were  reinforced  by  the  addition  of  the  Discalced 
CarmcHte  John  Augustine  (Tartaglia)  of  the  Nativity.* 
During  October,  owing  to  the  vacation,  only  three  sittings 
were  held  together  with  the  consultors,  viz.  on  1,  8  and  10, 
but  as  the  Pope  pressed  for  the  termination  of  the  business, 
two  weekly  sittings  took  place  from  the  middle  of  November, 
a  hitherto  unheard  of  thing  in  Rome  ^  ;  the  labours  of  the 
Congregation  were  not  even  completely  interrupted  by  the 
Christmas  season.^ 


^  Ibid.,  363. 

2  "  Ne,  si  eligerentur  aUqui  ex  lis  [from  the  theologians  of  the 
Inquisition],  daretur  ansa  dicendi,  fuisse  selectos  eos,  qui  contra 
lansenium  sentiebant."    Schill,  295  seq. 

'  Ibid.,  298.  *  Ibid.,  366.  *  Ibid.,  368. 

*  Sessions  took  place  on  December  23  and  30  and  January  13. 
Schill,  377  scqq. 


DISCUSSIONS    IN    ROME.  269 

From  this  time  onwards  the  discussions  proceeded  as 
follows :  the  live  propositions  were  examined  one  after 
another  and  each  of  the  thirteen  consultors  made  his  report. 
After  the  thirty-seventh  sitting,  January  20th,  1053,  all  the 
five  theses  were  examined  in  order  ;  in  two  further  sessions, 
on  February  3rd  and  5th, ^  the  consultors  were  given  an 
opportunity  to  add  further  remarks  to  their  reports.  At  first 
most  of  the  thirteen  consultors  took  advantage  of  the  permis- 
sion to  abstract  from  the  meaning  of  the  propositions  in 
Jansenius,  and  to  consider  only  their  literal  sense,^  but  at  the 
sittings  of  February  3rd  and  5th,  1653,  only  three  did  so — they 
were  the  General  of  the  Augustinians  Visconti,  and  the  two 
Dominicans  Candido  and  Depretis.  At  the  sitting  of  February 
5th,  1653,  these  three  were  likewise  called  upon  to  give  their 
opinion  on  Jansenius'  meaning,  but  on  February  27th  they 
declared  that  they  were  not  prepared  for  this.^  After  that 
the  Cardinals  gave  orders  to  all  the  consultors  to  examine 
Jansenius'  book  *  and  in  the  sequel  the  two  Dominicans 
showed  that  they  were  acquainted  with  the  work  of  the  Bishop 
of  Ypres.^ 

In  point  of  fact  the  two  Dominicans  and  the  General  of  the 
Augustinians  adopted  a  very  different  attitude  from  that  of 
the  others,  as  did  the  two  historians  among  them,  the  Fran- 
ciscan annalist,  Luke  Wadding,  and  the  historian  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  Sforza  Pallavicino.  The  Jesuit  Pallavicino 
showed  remarkable  moderation  ;  he  qualifies  the  theses  in 
Jansenius'  sense  as  at  most  erroneous,  and  only  later  on  as 

^  ScHiLL,  475-8. 
2  IbuL,  285. 
=>  Ibid.,  478. 

*  Ibid.,  479. 

*  Ibid.,  481.  The  opinions  of  the  consultors  are  given  in  detail 
in  a  folio-volume  in  the  Archives  of  the  Roman  Inquisition  which 
ScHiLL  was  able  to  consult.  "  The  arguments  of  the  majority 
endeavour  to  show  for  each  proposition  that  it  is  Jansenistic 
and  they  furnish,  besides  abundant  theological  matter,  the  evident 
proof  that  their  authors  had  thoroughly  examined  the  work  of 
Jansenius  before  drawing  up  their  reports."    Scmi.i.,  286,  note. 


270  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

savouring  of  heresy  ^  ;  the  second  proposition  lie  declares 
to  deserve  no  censure  in  itself  and  equally  the  fourth,  even  in 
Jansenius'  sense. ^  If  Pallavicino,  notwithstanding  his  milder 
sentence,  must  be  included  in  the  first  group  of  theologians, 
since  on  the  whole  he  too  expresses  an  unfavourable  judgment, 
the  same  cannot  be  said  of  the  other  historian,  Luke  Wadding. 
In  his  opinion  none  of  the  five  propositions  deserve  condem- 
nation :  of  the  first  and  third  he  says  so  clearly  ;  the  second 
could  be  saved  by  making  a  distinction,  in  the  fourth  and  fifth 
Jansenius  was  misunderstood.^  The  two  Dominican  consultors 
go  still  further,  in  fact  the  Master  of  the  Palace,  Candido, 
only  drops  the  second  half  of  the  fourth  proposition  which  he 
describes  as  erroneous.  According  to  him  the  first  proposition, 
about  the  impossibihty  of  keeping  God's  commandments, 
is  not  deserving  of  censure,  on  the  contrary  he  holds  it  to  be 
true  in  the  highest  degree  and  Catholic.  The  assertion  that 
a  man  never  resists  interior  grace,  is  equally  blameless  accord- 
ing to  him  ;  he  describes  it  as  true  and  Catholic  ;  the  same 
holds  good  with  regard  to  the  third  proposition  to  which  it 
is  possible  to  attach  a  Catholic  meaning  ;  the  fifth,  viz.  that 
Christ  did  not  die  for  all  men  may  be  maintained  "  as  probable 
and  undoubtedly  true  ".■*  The  other  Dominican,  Depretis, 
does  not  go  quite  so  far  but  he  too  is  of  opinion  that  the, 
condemnation,  for  instance,  of  the  irresistibihty  of  grace, 
would  hit  the  teaching  of  the  Thomists  and  that  of 
St.  Augustine's  later  works. ^  The  Augustinian  General 
Visconti  must  also  be  ranked  with  the  defenders  of  Jansenius,® 
but  not  his  brother  in  religion,  Bruni. 

Thus,  though  the  overwhelming  majority  of  the  consultors 
was  decidedly  in  favour  of  Jansenius'  condemnation,  the  final 
sentence  was  not  pronounced  without  his  friends  having  had 

^  Ihid.,   364,    373,    379  ;      cf.   for  the   conclusion  of  the  votes 
ScH  ill's  remark  on  page  285. 
«  Ibid.,  370,  376. 
3  Ibid.,  365,  371,  373.  377,  381. 

*  Ibid.,  368,  372,  375,  378,  472. 
^  Ibid.,  371  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  368  seq. 


JUDGMENT   OF    THE        QUALIFICATORS      .     2/1 

tlicir  say.  His  opponents,  in  tluir  Icngtln'  nii morandunis, 
examined  the  five  propositions  from  every  angle,  turned  them 
this  way  and  that,  and  even  ended  by  discovering  a  sense  in 
which  the  one  or  the  other  might  be  defended,  only  that  sense 
was  neither  the  natural  one  nor  that  of  Jansenius. 

After  the  consultors  had  stated  their  opinions  before  the 
Cardinals,  they  were  invited,  at  the  fort\'-first  session,  to  be 
prepared  to  expound  and  substantiate  their  opinions  once 
again  before  the  Pope  himself.'  This  was  done  between 
March  10th  and  April  7th,  Ki.'j.i,  in  ten  Congregations. ^ 

The  consultors  maintained  tlieir  original  opinions  in 
presence  of  the  Pope  also.  Pallavicino  added  to  his  first 
verdict  on  tlie  tliird  and  fourth  proposition  that  the  Pope 
could  pronounce  a  formal  definition  on  them.^  Wadding 
defended  Jansenius  with  energy.  On  the  latter's  assertion 
on  the  impossibility  of  keeping  the  commandments  of  God 
lie  remarked  that  it  could  be  defended  in  many  senses, 
including  that  of  the  Bishop  of  Ypres.  As  for  the  remaining 
four  propositions,  they  were  not  even  to  be  found  in  Jansenius.'* 
An  unexpected  incident  occurred  during  the  discussion  of 
the  third  proposition,  viz.  that  to  merit  or  de-merit,  freedom 
from  necessity  was  not  required,  but  only  freedom  from 
coercion.  When  the  turn  of  the  Dominican  Depretis  came, 
he  threw  himself  on  his  knees,  exclaiming  that  the  five 
propositions  were  a  mere  disguise  :  "let  them  take  care  lest 
by  condemning  the  disguise  they  condemn  Augustine.  The 
third  proposition  was  neither  Jansenius',  nor  was  it 
censurable."  Depretis  was  suceeded  by  Visconti.  "  He  would 
speak  rather  with  tears  than  with  words,"  he  said,  "  for  words 
failed  him.  Alas  !  Augustine  is  being  condemned  under  the 
name  of  Jansenius  !  "  A  second  prostration,  this  time  by 
the  Dominican  Candido,  lent  further  emphasis  to  this  cry 
of  despair.^    A  further  prostration  was  executed  by  Depretis 

'  Ibid.,  479. 

-  IbuL,  479-487. 

3  IL'id.,  483,  483. 

*  Ibid.,  480,  482,  484  seq.,  487. 

'  Ibid..  484. 


272  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

at  the  sitting  of  April  3rd,  during  the  discussion  of  the  fourth 
proposition,  viz.  that  the  Semi-Pelagians  were  heretics  foras- 
much as  they  denied  the  irresistibility  of  grace  ;  in  the  mouth 
of  the  Semi-Pelagians  the  statement  was  heretical  but  in  the 
mouth  of  Catholics,  according  to  him,  it  deserved  no  censure. 
On  the  other  hand  Visconti  argued  that  if  this  proposition 
was  condemned,  the  Jesuits  must  likewise  be  condemned. 
On  this  occasion  Candido  merely  stated,  in  a  lengthy  speech, 
that  he  maintained  his  opinion.^  In  the  last  session,  on  April 
7th,  Visconti  asserted  ^  that  all  five  theses  were  defended  by 
St.  Prosper,  Fulgentius,  Thomas  Acquinas  and  by  the 
Scholastics.  He  then  fell  on  his  knees,  calling  upon  the 
assembly  to  beware  of  bringing  back  the  unhappy  times  when, 
thanks  to  the  intrigues  of  Ursacius  and  Valens,  the  whole 
world  suddenly  discovered  that  it  had  become  Arian.^  "  May  it 
not  have  to  realize  to-day  that  it  has  become  Semi-Pelagian  !  " 
From  which  side  Visconti  feared  a  catastrophe,  who  those 
were  who,  in  his  opinion,  intended  to  strike  at  St.  Augustine 
under  the  mask  of  Jansenius,  appears  from  his  outburst 
against  the  Jesuits  at  the  sitting  of  April  3rd,  and  by  his 
remarks,  on  April  7th,  on  "  convertible  "  grace.*  The  latter 
nickname  had  been  coined  to  designate  the  Molinist  system 
of  grace.  This  quite  unjustifiable  dragging  in  of  the  chief 
opponents  of  Jansenism  lends  support  to  the  report  that  many 
Roman  religious  had  allowed  themselves  to  be  influenced  by 
Saint-Amour.^ 

The  Jansenist  delegates  deemed  it  one  of  their  chief  duties 
to  foment  anti- Jesuit  feehng  by  means  of  visits  to  prelates 


1  Ihid..  486. 

2  Ibid.,  488. 

^  Allusion  to  St.  Jerome's,  Adv.  Lucifer,  n.  19  :  "  Ingemuit 
totus  orbis  (after  the  events  of  Seleucia-Rimini)  at  Arianum  se 
esse  miratus  est."    Hefele,  Komilien  gesch.,  I.*,  722. 

*  SCHILL,  488. 

*  Rapin,  IL,  II  seq.  Ibid.,  13,  in  the  mouth  of  Saint-Amour 
the  reproach  "  qu'on  ne  cherchoit  qu'a  deguiser  le  fait  au  lieu 
d'  eclaircir  ". 


COMPLAINTS  OF  THE  JANSENIST  DELEGATES.       273 

and  monasteries.^  A  memorial  of  December,  lGo2,  in  which 
they  sought  to  restrain  the  Pope  from  issuing  a  definition, 
dwells,  in  the  first  part,  on  the  difficulty  of  the  matter.  It 
then  turns  on  the  Jesuits  as  the  chief  authors  and  instigators 
of  a  conspiracy  whose  only  aim  was  to  destroy  the  teaching 
of  St.  Augustine.  Hence  it  was  only  right  that  these  hidden 
enemies  should  appear  before  the  Congregation  of  Cardinals 
to  meet  the  accusations  of  the  Jansenists.  Lastly,  they 
demanded  that  Albizzi,  who  was  hopelessly  tied  to  the  Jesuits' 
apron  strings,  should  cease  to  be  Secretary  of  the  Congrega- 
tion.- Already  before  this  they  had  demanded  the  removal 
of  Albizzi  who,  they  stated,  behaved  like  a  Turk  towards 
them  ;  at  the  very  least  he  must  be  given  an  assistant 
Secretary.^  Spada  replied  to  these  recriminations  on  the 
occasion  of  a  visit  which  Saint-Amour  and  his  friends  paid 
to  him.  He  assured  them  on  oath  that  in  this  affair  the  Jesuits 
did  not  play  the  part  with  which  they  were  credited  and  as  for 
Albizzi,  he  had  no  vote  and  all  he  did  was  to  take  down  in 
writing  what  was  said  by  the  various  members.*  As  the  dele- 
gates insisted  on  being  confronted  with  their  opponents, 
Spada  rephcd  that  neither  Pius  V.  nor  Gregory  XHI.,  nor 
Urban  VHI.  had  reached  a  decision  by  means  of  discussions 
and  that  Clement  VIII.,  who  tried  it,  fared  very  badly. 
Disputations  were  excellent  things  for  the  schools,  as  exercises 
ioT  young  people,  but  no  conclusion  would  ever  be  reached 
l)y  their  means.  The  Church  did  not  dispute,  she  judged  ; 
once  they  consented  to  disputations  they  would  have  to  allow 
them  to  every  f rale. ^ 

These  exhortations  were,  however,  in  vain.  It  was  the  Pope's 
wish,  with  a  view  to  providing  against  future  recriminations, 
that  after  all  the  consultors  had  spoken  on  the  five  propositions 

*  They  made  .special  efforts  with  the  Roman  Dominicans. 
Lagault,  June  17,  1652,  in  Kapin,  L,  4S8. 

*  Saint-Amour,  363  seq.  ;    Kaim.n,  II.,  21. 
'  Saint-Amour,  265. 

*  Rapin,  II.,  22  ;    Sai.nt-Amouk,  354. 
'   Rapin,  1 1.,  13,  iq. 

VOL.  .\\.\.  T 


274  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

on  January  20th,  both  delegations  of  the  French  Bishops 
should  have  an  opportunity  freely  to  state  their  respective 
cases  before  the  Cardinals  and  the  consultors.  However, 
as  Cardinal  Spada  informed  the  Cardinals  of  the  Congregation 
on  January  27th,  Saint-Amour  and  his  associates  persisted 
in  declaring  that  they  would  only  appear  at  a  Congregation 
at  which  there  would  be  a  formal  disputation  ;  at  the  same 
time  they  repeated  their  demand  with  regard  to  Albizzi  ; 
moreover  no  Jesuit  was  to  be  present.^  Accordingly  the 
delegates  did  not  appear  before  the  Cardinals.  On  the  other 
hand  Hallier  and  his  companions  declared  that  they  had  come 
to  Rome  to  seek  instruction,  hence  they  were  prepared  to 
obey  the  directions  of  the  Congregation.^  Hallier  subsequently 
spoke  sharply  of  the  Jansenists  in  presence  of  the  Cardinals  and 
the  consultors.^  "  We  raise  our  voice  on  behalf  of  the  Church 
of  God  against  the  disturbers  of  the  peace  ;  on  behalf  of  the 
faith  against  innovators  ;  on  behalf  of  ecclesiastical  institutions 
against  troublesome  men."  The  five  propositions,  he  declared, 
stated,  though  perhaps  not  in  so  many  words,  the  deliberate 
thought  of  the  Jansenists  and  they  resulted  from  its  two 
principles,  viz.  the  denial  of  sufficient  grace  and  the  irresisti- 
bility of  grace.  If  their  opponents  attached  various  meanings 
to  the  theses,  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  disguising  their  heresy  ; 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  there  was  hardly  a  single  heretical 
proposition  which  was  not  somehow  susceptible  of  a  favourable 
interpretation.  In  Rome  members  of  the  party  repudiated 
the  appellation  of  Jansenists,  whilst  in  Paris  they  published 
three  apologies  and  many  other  writings  in  favour  of  Jansenius. 
Notwithstanding  their  hostility  towards  the  Mohnists,  they 
could  not  appeal  to  the  Thomists.  When  Hallier  concluded, 
Joisel  spoke  of  the  novelties  introduced  by  the  Jansenists 
in  the  sphere  of  morals  and  ecclesiastical  discipline  and 
sketched  the  activities  of  the  sect  from  its  first  beginnings. 


^  ScHiLL,  473  seq.  ;    Rapin,  I.,  499. 

2  Rapin,  I.,  474. 

'  *Excerpta,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome,  S.  3,  i,  f.  931-3. 


FURTHER    JANSENIST   ACTIVITIES.  275 

I'inally  Langault  expatiated  on  the  danger  of  Jansenism  for 
the  whole  Church.' 

For  the  time  being,  and  in  the  sequel  also,  the  Jansenist 
delegates  contented  themselves,  by  means  of  visits,  with 
making  friends  with  the  Cardinals  and  other  personages. 
Thus  on  February  11th  they  presented  their  old  demands  to 
Cardinal  Chigi,  and  to  the  Pope  himself  in  a  petition  of 
February  17th. ^  In  April,  Kioli,  they  received  reinforcements 
from  Paris.  One  of  their  number,  Brousse,  had  left  Rome  to 
escape  from  the  hot  season  and,  by  a  curious  choice,  he  was 
replaced  h\  ihv  Oratorian  Desmares  who  had  been  forbidden 
to  pnach  on  account  of  his  Jansenism,  and  by  Manessier  who 
was  barred  from  the  lecture  hall  for  the  same  reason.^  However, 
the  new-comers  were  just  as  unsuccessful  when  they  had 
their  fust  audience  with  the  Pope  on  May  4th,  1653.  Innocent 
X.  told  them  he  would  restore  peace  to  the  Church  by  other 
means  than  disputations.*  Nor  had  Saint-Amour's  efforts 
to  win  over  the  Dominicans  the  desired  effect,  though  in 
May  1052,  the  General  summoned  to  Rome  from  Toulouse 
that  fanatical  opponent  of  the  Ji'suits,  Reginald  Ravaille  ^ 
who,  jointly  with  a  brother  in  religion,  sought  to  influence 
the  French  ambassador.  On  the  other  hand  Hallier's  statement 
to  the  Dominicans  of  Rome  that  he  was  far  from  attacking 
the  Thomists,  had  no  further  result.  A  publication  in  which 
the  Jesuit  Annat  dwelt  on  the  difference  between  the  Thomist 
and  the  Jansenist  teaching  on  grace  was  favourably  received 
by  the  French  Dominicans,  though  not  by  the  Roinan  ones.^ 
For  all  that  Saint-Amour  failed  to  win  over  the  F'riars  Preacher 


'  Letter  of  Lagault,  January  27,  1653,  in  Rapin,  IT.,  44, 
of  March  24,  1633,  ibiiL,  4S,  of  the  I'Ycnch  ambassador, 
February  3,   ibid.,   31   scq. 

^  Saint-Amouk,  393  seq.,  396. 

'  Ibid..  428  ;    Rapin,  II..  23.  85. 

*  Saint-Amour,  440. 

'  On  him,  cf.  A.  Al'gustk  in  Bitlht.  de  litt.  ccclH.,  1916, 
l\(is.cqq. 

•  Saini -.\mour,  3S6  ;    Rapin,  II.,  64  ^cq. 


276  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

wholly  to  his  side  because  he  himself  did  not  share  their 
opinions  on  every  point. '^ 

Their  sad  experience  in  Rome  ended  by  inducing  Saint- 
Amour  and  his  colleagues  to  alter  their  policy.  After  the 
Congregation  had  decided,  on  April  18th,  1653,  to  hear  them 
if  they  asked  to  be  heard,^  they  ended  by  making  up  their 
minds  to  do  so  and  on  May  19th  they  presented  themselves 
before  the  Pope  and  the  consultors.  Lalane  spoke  first  :  he 
commented  on  the  Holy  See's  duty  to  safeguard  the  teaching 
of  St.  Augustine.  Against  this  teaching  snares  were  being 
set.  After  this  exordium  he  "  stormed  "  ^  for  nearly  two 
hours  against  the  Jesuits.  Finally  he  distinguished  a  threefold 
sense  of  the  five  propositions,  the  Lutheran-Calvinistic,  the 
Catholic  and  the  Molinist-Pelagian.  He  and  his  friends 
prayed  to  be  allowed  to  dispute  with  their  opponents  on 
this  threefold  sense  :  they  would  submit  to  the  Pope's  verdict.* 
Desmares  then  expatiated  for  a  further  two  hours  on  efficient 
grace.  Lastly  the  five  delegates  submitted  five  papers  which 
they  asked  permission  to  have  printed,  for  the  purpose  of 
presenting  copies  to  the  Cardinals  and  the  consultors.  They 
also  prayed  for  another  audience.  Innocent  answered 
evasively.''  Of  the  five  papers  only  the  last  two  dealt  with 
the  business  in  hand.*^ 

Albizzi  was  now  commissioned  to  draw  up  a  memorial 
in  which,  after  a  general  survey  of  the  sessions  of  the 
Congregation,  he  answered  the  questions  whether  Jansenius 

1  Letter  of  Lagault,  February  24,  1653,  in  Rapin,  II.,  65  : 
"  lis  disent  qu'ils  craignent  en  ce  rencontre  que  les  Jesuites, 
a  qui  ils  attribuent  la  forme  de  ces  propositions,  n'en  tirent  des 
consequences  centre  leurs  opinions,  et  qu'ils  ne  s'y  opposent  pas 
tant  pour  I'interet  de  la  doctrine  de  Jansenius  que  pour  I'interct 
de  leur  ordre." 

-    SCHILL,  488. 

*  "  debacchatus  est." 

*  ScHiLL,  489.  The  *discourse  is  in  Bmh.  3565,  n.  21.  Vatican 
Library. 

*  ScHiLL,  491  ;    Saint-Amour,  502. 

*  Their  titles,  ibid. 


THE    CONSTITUTION    OF    MAY   3I,    1653.         277 

tauglit  the  live  tlicses  and  in  what  sense  ;  what  censures 
outstanding  theologians,  especially  from  the  Dominican  school, 
had  passed  on  them  ;  whether  a  definition  in  the  sense  of 
the  eighty-six  French  liishops  was  advisable  and  how  it 
should  be  worded.  On  Albizzi's  advice  prayers  were  offered 
in  all  the  churches  in  Rome.  At  the  last  moment  the  Pope 
felt  perplexed  whether  to  issue  a  definition  and  thereby  still 
further  provoke  the  recalcitrants.  However,  Chigi  represented 
to  him  that  failure  to  publish  a  definition  after  such  protracted 
discussions  could  not  but  give  rise  to  the  impression  that 
Jansenism  had  be(Mi  a{)pr()\-etl.  After  Innocent  X.  had 
examined  the  docimient  six  times,  he  decided  to  issue  a 
definiti(Mi  and  charged  Albizzi  to  draw  it  up.  Albizzi's  first 
draft,  with  its  historical  introduction  on  the  action  of  Urban 
VIII.  in  the  matter,  failed  to  meet  with  the  Pope's  approwal  ; 
the  second,  which  the  Assessor  drew  up  in  collaboration  with 
("higi,  was  read  four  times  by  Albizzi  at  a  Congregation  held 
in  presence  of  the  Pope  and  consisting  of  Spada,  Ginetti 
and  Pamfili  :  this  was  done  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  them 
to  suggest  further  improvements  on  points  of  detail.^  At 
last,  on  Whitsun  Eve,  May  31st,  1653,  the  Bull  was  issued  ; 
on  June  9th  it  was  published  by  being  affixed  at  the  usual 
places  and  on  the  same  day  it  was  dispatched  in  every 
direction. - 

The  text  of  the  short  Constitution  bears  evidence  of  most 
careful  drafting.  As  the  publication  of  Jansenius'  book 
Aiif^Kstiiuts  had  given  rise,  particularly  in  France,  to  a 
controversy  on  five  propositions,^  we  there  read,  several 
Bishops  of  that  country  had  jMayc'd  for  judgment  by  the 
Pope.  Then  follows  the  text  of  tlie  propositions.  The  Pope, 
as  having  at  heart  the  tranquillity  of  the  Church,  had  had 


^  ScHiLL,  491-3  ;     Pallavicino,  I.,  1S4  seq. 

*    ScHILL,  493. 

'  "  Cum  occasione  impressioiiis  libri,  cui  tituhis  :  .VuRustiiuis 
CoriK'lii  lansenii  Episcopi  Yprensis,  inter  alias  cius  opinioiies 
orta  fucrit,  praescrtim  in  Galliis,  controversia  super  quinque 
ex  illis.   .   .   ." 


278         ■  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

these  propositions  examined  and  had  also  personally  studied 
them,  and  after  prolonged  prayer,  both  public  and  private, 
he  now  proceeded  to  give  a  declaration  and  definition.  Here 
follows  once  more  the  text  of  the  five  propositions,  each 
with  its  own  particular  censure.  To  three  of  their  number 
some  minor  censures  are  likewise  afifixed,  but  all  are  the 
object  of  the  strongest  censure  of  all ;  the  fifth  proposition 
is  condemned  as  heretical,  at  least  in  one  sense,  which  is 
obviously  that  of  Jansenius.  Accordingly  all  the  faithful 
and  all  ecclesiastical  Superiors  are  warned  to  act  accordingly  ; 
the  Constitution  adds  that  the  condemnation  of  only  these 
five  propositions  did  not  imply  approval  of  the  other  opinions 
in  Jansenius'  book.^ 

The  publication  of  this  Constitution  is  Innocent  X.'s 
most  personal  merit.  When  he  approached  the  Jansenist 
question  he  soon  perceived  the  tremendous  bearing  of  a 
movement  which  affected  the  innermost  core  of  the  Christian 
life  and  sought  to  transplant,  on  Catholic  soil,  a  but  slightly 
attenuated  form  of  Calvinism.  It  was  an  unheard  of  thing 
in  Rome  for  a  Pope  to  command  a  Congregation  of  Cardinals 
to  hold  two  sittings  a  week.  They  must  do  all  that  can  be 
done,  he  was  wont  to  say,  and  he  himself  acted  accordingly. 

1  Bull.  Rom.,  XV.,  720.  The  *Excerpta  of  the  Bibl.  Angelica, 
Rome,  S.  3,  i,  give  at  the  end  two  drafts  of  the  Constitution. 
Variants  from  the  printed  text  :  at  the  beginning  :  "  inter  alias 
eius  pravas  opiniones  "  ;  in  the  censure  of  the  first  proposition  : 
"  haereticam  "  is  missing  ;  the  censure  of  the  fifth  proposition 
reads  :  "  hanc     propositionem     impiam,     blasphemam  .   .  . 

declaramus  et  uti  talem  damnamus  "  ;  the  last  paragraph  : 
"  Non  intendentes,"  is  missing.  *Covering  Briefs  for  the  Emperor, 
for  Spain,  Poland,  the  Empire,  for  the  Governor  of  Belgium,  for 
Bavaria,  France,  in  Innocentii  X.  Epist.,  IX.,  168  seqq.,  177  ; 
*An.swers  to  letters  of  thanks  :  to  the  Bishops  of  Meaux,  Septem- 
ber 13,  Grenoble  and  Noyon,  September  29,  Sarlat,  December  13, 
1653,  Tulle,  March  21,  1654,  thid.,  X.,  n.  16,  22,  23,  52,  93  ; 
to  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  Poitiers,  October  9,  1653,  ibid., 
n.  28  ;  to  the  Universities  of  Douai  and  Poitiers,  ibid.,  95.  Papal 
Secret  Archives. 


THE    FIVE    PROPOSITIONS   CONDEMNED.        279 

In  delivering  sentence  he  wished  to  take  every  possible 
precaution  so  as  to  leave  no  ground  for  further  recrimination. 
Kvery  Uni\'ersit\'  in  Europe  was  asked  for  its  opinion  ; 
the  best  Roman  theologians  of  every  Order  were  summoned. 
The  Dominicans  and  Augustinians  furnished  two  each  and 
these  could  not  be  suspected  of  being  in  favour  of  Molinism.^ 
Whilst  the  cardinalitial  Congregations  were  in  progress, 
Cardinal  Chigi  had  to  make  a  report  each  night  and  this 
often  took  from  two  to  three  hours. ^  During  the  final  Congrega- 
tions, in  the  Pope's  presence,  he  listened  with  tense  attention 
on  each  occasion  for  some  four  hours  ;  he  took  no  notice 
of  the  suggestions  of  his  sister-in-law,  Olimpia,  that  he  should 
spare  himself ;  to  the  French  ambassador  he  even  declared 
that  he  would  deem  himself  happy  if  he  were  permitted  to 
sacrifice  his  life  for  the  faith  in  the  pursuit  of  this  task.' 
He  thought  and  spoke  of  nothing  else,  one  of  the  delegates 
of  the  eighty-si.x  French  Bishops  wrote  ;  he  could  have  done 
no  more  even  if  the  Kings  of  France  and  Spain  had  come  to 
Rome  to  push  tlie  affair.*    At  the  first  session,  on  May  27th, 

'  Letter  of  Lagault,  November  20,  1652,  in  Rapin,  II.,  n.  11  ; 

cf-  ^.  35- 

-  Lagault,  January  20,  1653,  ibid.,  34,  note  ;  cf.  35,  where 
K.\piN  says  :  "  L'on  sut  qu'il  se  faisoit  rendre  compte  deux  fois 
lii  scmaine,  en  deux  heures  a  chaque  fois  par  le  card.     Chigi." 

'  Ibid.,  73  ;  Lagault,  March  17,  1653,  ibid.,  68,  note.  Albizzi 
also  writes  :  "in  quibus  [sessionibus]  maxima  cum  attentione 
et  paticntia  semper  fere  per  quatuor  horas  SS.  D.  N.  adstitit  " 
(in  ScHiLL,  488).  "  II  est  attcntif  a  tout  ce  qu'on  lui  dit,  n'intcr- 
rompt  personnc  (L.\<..\ui,r,  loc.  cit.).  Cf.  Lagault  and  Halher 
to  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  June  14  and  16,  1653,  in  Coste,  IV., 
607  seqq.,  (no  seqq. 

*  Rapin,  II.,  S<j.  "  *I()  non  so  se  al  nostro  tempo  sia  mai  piu 
seguita  azzione  in  cui  maggiore  cvidenza  si  sia  veduta  dell'assis- 
tcnza  di  Dio  ;  mcntre  il  Papa,  che  di  professione  non  era 
teologo,  cosi  -sagacemente  capiva  nulladimeno  i  sensi  dei  Consultori, 
che  appena  proferiti  il  repeteva  e  rapplicazione  impieg6  all'affare, 
che  voile  anco  separatamente  sentirc  ciascheduna  clas.se  di 
dottori,  con  capacitarc  i  niedesimi  della  piu  sicura  interpretazione 
che  si  do\c\a  al  trattato  di  S.  Agostino  e  per  pienamcnte  quelli 


280  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

1653,  Innocent  felt  justified  in  saying  that  he  thought  he 
had  employed  every  means  which  could  be  legitimately 
made  use  of.^ 

(4.) 

On  the  evening  of  June  9th,  1053,  Saint-Amour  and  his 
colleagues  were  in  the  very  act  of  drawing  up  their  reports 
to  France  when  news  was  brought  to  them  that  the 
Constitution  on  the  five  propositions  was  affixed  outside  the 
papal  Chancellery.  They  hastened  to  the  Chancellery  but 
by  the  time  they  got  there  the  document  had  been  removed  ; 
so  they  hurried  on  to  St.  Peter's  but  there  it  was  just  being 
taken  down."-^  All  they  could  do  now  was  to  report  the  fact 
to  France  and  to  make  ready,  in  a  very  depressed  state  of 
mind,  for  their  departure.  But  according  to  Albizzi  the 
depression  of  the  consultors  who  had  advocated  Jansenius' 
cause,  was  even  greater  ^  ;  the  blow  was  a  particularly  hard 
one  for  the  two  Dominicans  ■*  whose  opinions,  for  the  rest, 
were  by  no  means  shared  by  all  their  brethren  in  religion.^ 

Very  different  were  the  feelings  of  the  other  side.    "  When 

sodisfare,  patientemente  soffri  lo  stare  cinque  e  sei  here  ben  fisse 
assistente  alia  discussione  del  negozio.  Questo  finalmente  a 
sufficienza  digerito,  lunedi  7  di  giugno,  fu  publicata  un'ampia 
Costituzione  (De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  Vatic.  8873,  p.  105,  Vatican 
Library) . 

^  ScHiLL,  492. 

2  Saint-Amour,  530;    Rapin,  II.,  112. 

3  ScHiLL,  493. 

^  As  Hallier  and  Lagault  wrote,  the  Pope  reprimanded  them  ; 
in  Rome  it  was  already  said  that  a  decision  on  physical  pre- 
determination would  be  made  (Rapin,  II.,  114,  note;  118,  note). 
Wadding  submitted  explicitly  and  unreservedly  to  the  decision 
of  Innocent  X.  ([Dumas],  III.,  92). 

5  Rapin,  II.,  38.  In  Paris  the  Dominicans  Nicolai  and  Guyard 
defended  Thomism  against  its  supposed  affinity  to  Jansenism 
(Feret,  v.,  236,  242  ;  HuRTER,  IV.,  39,  67  ;  their  confrere 
Alexander  Sebille  did  the  same  at  Louvain  (Hurter,  III.,  1017). 


PREMATURK    REJOICING.  281 

I  think  of  all  the  plots  and  intrigues,  I  can  only  say  :  '  It  is 
the  act  of  God  '  !  "  Lagault  remarked  '  ;  "  The  Dominicans 
have  done  all  they  could  ;  a  Cardinal  of  their  Order  strove 
his  utmost  ;  the  General  of  the  Augustinians  was  allied 
with  them  and  on  top  of  everything  there  was  a  powerful 
l-rench  plot  which  time  alone  will  bring  fully  to  light,  yet 
the  Pope  has  not  given  way."  He  wrote  even  more 
cnthusiasticalh'  on  June  9th,  when  the  impression  of  the 
publication  of  the  recent  decision  was  still  fresh. ^  He  did 
not  know  himself  for  joy,  he  wrote.  The  Constitution  could 
not  be  better  if  he  and  his  friends  had  had  the  framing  of  it. 
It  contained  two  master  strokes  :  viz.  the  name  of  Jansenius 
was  in  it  as  well  as  the  condemnation  of  the  fifth  proposition 
in  the  sense  therein  stated  ;  and  when  in  conclusion  the 
Pope  declared  that  the  remaining  propositions  of  Jansenius, 
though  not  expressly  condemned,  were  not  for  that  reason 
approved,  he  did  not  know  what  more  could  be  desired  : 
"  God  be  praised  !    Good-bye,  Jansenism  !  " 

However,  these  shouts  of  triumph  were  premature.  The 
Jansenist  delegates  were  in  no  mind  to  allow  themselves 
to  be  taught  by  the  supreme  ecclesiastical  authority  in  matters 
of  faith.3  In  view  of  the  fact  that  Innocent  X.  had  fixed 
June  13th  for  a  farewell  audience,  their  first  preoccupation 
was  what  they  should  do  if  the  Pope  insisted  on  their  signing 
the  definition.  They  agreed  to  plead  inadequate  instructions 
from  their  emploj'ers  and  in  the  last  extremity  to  sign  with 
the  reservation  of  the  doctrine  of  ef^cacious  grace  and  the 


'  On  June  30,  Rapi.x,  II.,  118,  n.  i.  "  II  no  se  pout  dire  conibicn 
d 'obstacles  on  forma  en  France,  en  Espagne,  en  Flandre,  en 
Italic  et  a  Rome  meme,  pour  s'opposer,  combien  d 'intrigues 
on  fit  joucr  dedans  et  dehors  le  palais,  dans  la  ville  et  dans  la 
mai.son  du  pape,  pour  lui  faire  changer  dc  resolution,  tant  par 
les  dcgouts  qu'on  lui  doniioit  de  I'affaire  en  elle — meme  que  par 
les defiances  qu 'on  lui  vouloit  inspirer  contrc  le  IVancc."  Ibid.,  iiS. 

*  Ibid.,  112,  n.  I . 

'  This  is  clear  from  the  statements  in  S.m.nt-.\.mour,  compiled 
by  D/.M.\s  (I.,  47-51). 


282  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

teaching  of  St.  Augustine.^  At  their  audience,  at  which  they 
were  not  requested  to  sign  anything,  they  asl<ed  the  Pope, 
as  it  were  casually,  whether  he  had  defined  anything  on 
the  latter  points.  The  answer  could  only  be  in  the  negative. 
Thereupon,  in  reporting  to  the  eleven  French  Bishops,^  they 
stated  that  the  five  propositions  had  only  been  condemned 
in  the  bad  sense  in  which  they  might  be  construed,  which, 
in  fact,  they  themselves  had  condemned.  Not  only  had 
nothing  been  done  to  the  prejudice  of  the  propositions,  the 
fully  Catholic  sense  of  which  they  had  maintained  before 
the  Pope,  on  the  contrary,  they  may  be  said  to  have  received 
papal  approbation.  They  caused  their  supporters  to  spread 
the  report  in  Rome  that  neither  they  themselves  had  been 
condemned,  nor  the  five  propositions  as  understood  by  them  ; 
that  the  Pope  had,  in  fact,  declared  that  he  had  defined 
nothing  concerning  efficacious  grace  and  the  teaching  of 
St.  Augustine.^  The  delegates,  in  their  letters  to  their  patrons, 
went  so  far  as  to  extol  divine  Providence  which  had  guided 
their  steps  to  Rome  that  they  might  discern  truth  from 
falsehood  in  the  presence  of  the  Pope  and  thereby  prevent  the 
condemnation  of  error  from  recoiling  upon  truth.*  Hence 
the  conduct  of  the  Jansenist  delegates,  when  they  thanked 
the  Pope  for  his  definition  and  promised  submission, ^  needs 
no  explanation. 

However,  the  cheerful  assurance  which  the  delegates 
exhibited  in  public  could  not  easily  be  reconciled  with  the 
speed  of  their  departure,  which  was  such  that  they  did  not 
even  take  leave  from  the  Cardinals  of  the  Congregation. 
They  only  reached  Paris  about  the  middle  of  September. 
In  a  letter  from  Florence  they  suggested  to  their  friends 
that,  in  view  of  the  alleged  obscurity  of  the  papal  definition, 
they  should  pray   the   Holy   See   to  have   the   propositions 

1  Saint-Amour,  533. 

-  June  16,  ibid.,  534. 

•'  Lagault,  June  23,  Rapin,  II.,  116. 

*  Saint-Amour,  534. 

^  Lagault,  June  16,  Rapin,  II.,  117,  note. 


JANSENIST   INSINCERITY.  283 

which  tlic  (k'logatcs  had  subniittcd,  cxainiru-d  in  a  pubhc 
Congregation  and  to  allow  them  to  speak  in  their  defence.^ 
From  Rome  their  sympathizers  wrote  that  anyone  with 
any  degree  of  education  attached  but  httle  importance  to  a 
censure  which,  they  said,  was  the  result  of  passion  ;  let 
Saint-Amour  make  sure  of  the  favour  of  the  court — that 
would  be  the  best  deterrent  of  all.^  News  soon  came  from 
Paris  that  the  possible  value,  for  the  purposes  of  the  sect, 
of  Innocent  X.'s  casual  remark  about  St.  Augustine,  had 
already  been  grasped.  The  Constitution,  the  message  stated, 
had  added  to  the  number  of  the  "  disciples  of  St.  Augustine  " 
instead  of  diminishing  it  ;  all  felt  a  new  courage  and  would 
exploit  the  Pope's  remark  to  the  utmost.^ 

If  these  observations  enable  us  to  make  out  the  main 
lines  of  the  developments  which  were  about  to  ensue,  the 
same  is  true  of  a  document  *  which  Hallicr  left  behind 
at  his  departure  from  Rome  on  September  6th,  1653.  In 
it  he  suggested  that  the  conventicles  of  Port-Royal  should 
be  stopped,  that  the  Abbey  should  be  once  more  placed 
under  Citeaux  and  the  nuns  distributed  in  other  convents. 

However,  the  success  of  these  plans  depended  before  all 
else  on  the  co-operation  of  the  court  which,  at  that  very 
time,  had  incurred  Rome's  displeasure  by  the  imprisonment 
of  Cardinal  Retz.^  With  a  view  to  concihating  the  Pope  in 
these  circumstances,  the  French  ambassador  in  Rome 
counselled  that  the  sentence  against  the  Jansenists  should 
be  received  with  every  mark  of  respect  and  that  expressions 
of  gratitude  should  reach  the  Pope  from  all  sides. ^  The 
Government  was  all  the  more  willing  to   fall  in  with   this 


1  Saint-Amour,  549  scq.  ;    Rapin,  II.,  121. 
^  Saint-Amour,  554. 
'  Saint-Amour,  55S  seq. 

*  "  *Acta  in  Galliis  circa  Constitiitioncm  damuantcni  qmnque 
propositiones  lanscnii  a.  i'')53-6,"  f.  751  scq.  Archives  of  the 
Roman  Inquisition.    (Paptrs  loft  by  A.  Sciiill.) 

*  Cf.  above,  p.  68. 
»  Rai'in,  II.,  118. 


284  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

suggestion  as  Queen  Anne  continued  in  her  dislike  of  the 
Jansenists  and  the  youthful  King  was  under  the  influence 
of  Jesuit  confessors.  Hence  Bagno  was  graciously  received 
when  he  presented  the  Constitution  on  June  3rd  and  at 
the  same  time  requested  Mazarin  to  issue  a  royal  ordinance 
in  due  form  for  its  execution,  whilst  he  prayed  for  Queen 
Anne's  protection  in  view  of  the  opposition  ^  which  was 
already  being  set  on  foot  by  various  assemblies  and  in  which 
even  some  Bishops  and  parish  priests  seemed  to  be  involved. ^ 
A  royal  ordinance  of  July  4th  "  exhorted  "  the  Bishops  and 
commanded  the  secular  officials  to  do  their  part  for  the 
publication  and  execution  of  the  papal  definition.^  On  July 
8th  Bagno  dispatched  the  customary  124  copies  to  the  Bishops. 
A  few  days  later  Bagno  reported  that  there  was  great  need 
of  the  help  of  the  secular  arm  if  the  Bull  was  to  be  carried 
into  effect.  So  far  the  papal  Constitution  had  not  encountered 
open  opposition,  but  without  the  King's  patronage  many 
difficulties  would  be  encountered  on  the  part  of  Parhament 
and  certain  powerful  gentlemen  who  favoured  the  new 
teaching,  including  even  some  Bishops.  Already  some  ill- 
disposed  people  were  complaining  of  the  fact  that  the  Bull 
had  been  first  communicated  to  the  King  instead  of  to  the 
Bishops ;  the  expression,  "  we  command,"  in  the  royal 
ordinance,^  was  disrespectful  towards  the  Bishops  ;  the  five 
propositions  should  have  been  examined  first  in  France  and 
only  then  submitted  to  the  Pope's  judgment.  Others  expressed 
their  fear  that  by  the  present  action  the  way  was  opened 
for  the  King  to  decide  whether  or  no  Roman  ordinances  were 


1  *Nunziat.  di  Francia,  106,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

2  "  .  .  .  gli  dissi,  haver  inteso  che  gia  si  facevano  alcune 
congregazioni  sopra  cio  per  muover  qualche  oppositione  alia 
bolla,  giudicandosi  che  alcuni  vescovi  e  curati  di  questa  citta 
vi  concorrino."    Ibid. 

*  Thus  according  to  the  later  text  at  least  :  D'Argentre, 
III.,  2,  271  ;    [Dumas],  III.,  73. 

■*  The   later   text   has   only  :      "  exhortons   et   admonestons,' 
fDuMASJ,  III.,  74. 


THE    CONDEMNATION    ACCEPTED.  285 

to  be  received  ;    a  French  work  against  the  Constitution  had 
already  appeared  in  print. ^ 

The  Constitution  owed  its  acceptance  by  the  Bishops  solely 
to  the  skill  and  prestige  of  the  Prime  Minister.  At  Mazarin's 
invitation  six  Archbishops  and  twenty-six  Bishops  met  on 
July  11th  at  the  former's  rooms  at  the  Louvre.  Since  the 
judgment  on  the  five  propositions,  Mazarin  urged,  was  due 
to  the  urgent  requests  of  the  King  and  the  French  Bishops, 
as  the  Pope  himself  declared  in  his  Brief  to  Louis  XIV. 
and  the  Bishops,'^  it  followed  that  they  were  bound  not  only 
to  submit  to  the  decision  as  such,  but  to  thank  the  Pope 
for  it.  The  Bishops  agreed  and  commissioned  Pierre  de 
Marca,  Archbishop  of  Toulouse,  to  draw  up  a  letter  to  that 
effect.  It  was  also  decided  to  send  a  circular  letter  to  all 
the  Bishops  which  Bishop  Godeau  of  Grasse  was  instructed 
to  write.'  There  was  less  unanimity  when  Mazarin  ordered 
the  royal  ordinance  concerning  acceptance  of  the  papal 
decision  to  be  read.  It  was  objected  that  the  Constitution 
would  be  forwarded  to  individual  Bishops  in  any  case  so 
that  there  was  no  need  to  receive  it  in  a  body.  Mazarin  had 
the  affair  put  to  the  vote  ;  thereupon  the  Archbishops  of 
Embrun  and  Rouen  complained  that  the  Constitution  had 
only  been  come  to  by  trampling  on  the  rights  of  the  Gallican 
Church  ;  the  Bishop  of  Dol  asked  that  its  publication  be 
put  off,  in  fact  there  were  those  who  spoke  of  having  the 
papal  sentence  examined  by  a  national  council  or,  alternately, 
they  suggested  that  the  President  of  the  Assembly  should 
alone  sign  the  letter  to  the  Pope.  Mazarin  conceded  that  in 
the  royal  letter  the  King's  "  command  "  to  the  Bishops 
would  be  toned  down  to  a  "  wish  "  and  eventually  succeeded 
in  getting  the  condemnation  of  the  live  propositions  accepted.'* 
On  Jul\'   l()th  nine  Bishops  met  at  Mazarin's  residence  for 

'  *Bagnn,  July   11,    1653,  toe.  cit. 
^  May  31,  1653,  in  [Dumas],  III.,  Uccucil,  69,  71. 
'  *Bagno,  July  18,  1653,  ^^^-  ^''• 

'  Kapin,  II.,  130  ;  BouRLON,  II  ;  *rep<)rt  in  Excirpta,  1653-6, 
i.  Si 2  seq.     Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome,  S.  3,   i. 


286  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  purpose  of  examining  De  Marca's  and  Godeau's  letters. 
Godeau  criticized  De  Marca's  draft  and  succeeded  in  getting 
one  sentence  struck  out ;  however,  even  so  the  text  finally 
agreed  upon  ^  expressly  describes  the  five  propositions  as 
Jansenius'  teaching,  in  fact  De  Marca  draws  a  parallel  between 
the  sentence  of  Innocent  X.  and  that  of  Innocent  I.  against 
Pelagianism  "  which  was  accepted  by  the  Church  of  that 
period  without  hesitation,  on  the  sole  basis  of  the  communion 
and  authority  of  the  See  of  Peter  ",  for  in  view  of  Christ's 
promises  and  the  action  of  former  Popes,  especially  that  of 
Damasus  I.,  the  Church  of  that  time  held  it  as  certain  that 
the  dogmatic  definitions  of  the  Popes  rested  on  divine  authority 
and  accordingly  demanded  the  internal  assent  of  all  Christians.^ 
Godeau's  circular  ^  strikes  a  different  note.     It  invites  the 

1  D'Argentre,  III.,  2,  275  seq.  The  *Original  letter  with 
27  original  signatures  in  Excerpta,  f.  824,  loc.  cit. 

2  In  a  letter  to  the  Pope  of  July  19,  1653,  De  Marca  draws 
special  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  these  propositions  the 
Gallican  doctrine  of  the  superiority  of  the  Council  over  the  Pope 
has  been  abandoned  :  "  *Enimvero  prae  gaudio  me  continere 
vix  possum,  quin  Beatitudini  Vestrae  gratuler,  quod  eius 
auspiciis,  agente  me  hac  in  causa,  altera  illi  laurea  placide 
obvenerit  de  sententia  ilia  Parisiensium  nomine  famosa,  quae 
summum  de  rebus  fidei  iudicium  Papae  una  cum  concilio  generali 
vindicabat.  Contrariam  epistulae  prudens  inserui  solamque  Petri 
cathedrae  communionem  et  auctoritatem  ad  damnandas  haereses 
valuisse  quondam,  eademque  nos  fide  imbutos  illam  in  S.  V. 
hodie  colere  docui,  et  ab  episcopis  ut  subscriberetur  obtinui. 
The  Bull  of  Leo  X.  against  Luther  had  never  been  published 
in  France,  on  account  of  Gallicanism  holding  sway  there,  but 
instead  only  an  extract  authorized  by  the  King  :  "  Quae  in 
posterum  non  sunt  subsecutura,  postquam  non  solum  exemplo, 
sed  etiam  epistolae  magisterio,  satagente  me,  contrariam 
sententiam  episcopi  profiteantur  "  {Excerpta,  1653-6,  f.  829 
seq.,  loc.  cit.).    Cf.  Bourlon,  12. 

*  About  him  A.  Cognet,  Ant.  Godeau,  eveque  de  Grasse  et  de 
Vence,  un  des  premiers  membres  de  V Academic  frangaise  1615-1672, 
Paris,  1900  ;  G.  Doublet,  Godeau,  eveque  de  Grasse  et  de  Vence 
1605-1672,    Paris,    1911-13.       Godeau   was  a  good   Bishop,    but 


THE    bishops'    reaction.  287 

]-}ishops,  for  the  sake  of  concord  in  the  Church,  to  accept 
the  papal  decree  and  to  have  it  published  by  the  parish  priests. 
However,  "  such  discretion  should  accompany  publication  " 
that  no  one — presumably  the  Jansenists  included — should 
have  cause  to  complain.^  The  condemned  doctrines  could 
not  be  defended,  nor  may  anyone  depart  from  the  language 
of  the  Constitution.  About  Jansenius  not  a  word  :  his  name 
is  not  as  much  as  mentioned. 

Rome  was  naturally  dissatisfied  with  Godeau's  equivoca- 
tions. Lagault  wrote  from  the  Eternal  City  ^  that,  in  point 
of  fact,  the  drafting  of  the  circular  could  not  have  got  into 
worse  hands.  None  the  less  from  now  onwards  publication 
of  the  papal  decree  followed  quickly  enough  in  individual 
dioceses  ;  by  the  middle  of  September  only  a  very  few  Bishops 
were  behind  with  it  ^  and  not  a  few  wrote  to  thank  the  Pope 
as,  for  instance,  the  Bishops  of  Noyon,  Cahors,  Grenoble, 
Meau.x,  Poitiers.  De  Marca's  letter  was  pubhshed  together 
with  a  French  translation  and  with  the  signatures  of  sixty-two 
Bishops.'*  The  King  himself  thanked  the  Pope  for  the 
Constitution  ;  in  a  consistory  of  September  22nd  Innocent  X. 
e.xpressed  his  joy  at  this  action  of  the  monarch.^ 

However,    opposition    to    the    papal    condemnation    was 

"  il  ne  sflt  pas  discerner  I'heresie  naissante,  il  flirta  avec  elle  ". 
{Rev.  d'hist  de  VEglise  de  France,  IV.  [191 3],  600.)  Cf.  also 
Baumgartner,  Weltliteratiir,  V.,  291  ss. 

^  "  *Vous  ordonnant  en  outre  de  vous  gouverner  en  cette 
publication  avec  tant  de  sagesse,  que  vous  ne  donniez  sujet  a 
aucun  de  se  plaindre."    Excerpta,  1653-6,  f.  830,  loc.  ciL,  31. 

-  On  August  II,  1653,  in  Rapin,  II.,  132. 

'  *Bagn(j,  September  12,  1653,  loc.  cii.  Some  "  I'haniu) 
fatta  publicare  in  lingua  latina  in  alcun  luoghi,  dove  sono 
poche  persone  chc  I'intendono  ". 

*  *  Excerpta,  1653-6,  f.  886,  loc.  at. 

"  *Ibid.,  f.  842.  Ibid.,  *Letters  of  thanks  for  the  decision, 
from  the  Bishop  of  Noyon,  August  24,  Cahors,  September  i, 
Grenoble,  August  10,  Meaux,  August  3.  A  printed  circular 
of  July  29,  1653,  to  the  Oratory  from  its  General  Bourgoing, 
about  the  acceptance  of  the  decision,  ibid.,  872.  *Ans\vers  of 
the    Pope    to    the    Bishop    of    Meaux,    September    13,     1653,    in 


288  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

anything  but  dead.  From  Sullay,  the  "  official  "  of  Paris, 
Bagno  learnt  that  a  number  of  men  of  position  had  urged 
various  objections  against  publication  ^ ;  that  the  Duke  of 
Ventadour,  who  was  a  Canon  of  Notre  Dame,  had  expressed 
his  regret  that  some  members  of  the  Chapter  were  against  the 
definition  and  that  he  had  told  the  Queen  that  if  the  King 
did  not  punish  a  few  rebellious  Jansenists  the  sect  would 
raise  its  head  once  more.-  The  Bishop  of  Rennes  met  with 
no  opposition  when  he  expounded  to  the  Sorbonne  the  royal 
decree  concerning  the  Constitution,  in  fact  it  was  embodied 
in  the  acts  of  the  University.  Bagno,  however,  was  well 
aware  that  if  there  had  been  no  opposition,  it  was  solely 
because  no  one  had  the  courage  to  offer  any.^  "  Come  what 
may,"  the  Sorbonnist  Taignier  wrote,*  "  we  allow  things 
to  run  their  course  at  the  Faculty  because  in  existing 
circumstances  it  is  impossible  to  do  anything  without  raising 
a  tremendous  storm  against  ourselves  and  thus  creating 
difficulties  for  truth."  "  Christ  Himself,"  he  added,  "  said  : 
'  My  hour  is  not  yet  come.'  "  The  shrewder  ones  among 
the  opponents  of  the  Jansenists  likewise  avoided  everything 
liable  to  cause  friction  and  the  supporters  of  the  Pope  acted 
in  like  manner.  Vincent  de  Paul  paid  several  friendly  visits 
to  Port-Royal  after  publication  of  the  papal  decree,^  and 

Innocentii  X.  Epist.,  IX.,  p.  i6,  to  the  Bishops  of  Grenoble  and 
Noyon,  September  29,  ibid.,  22,  23,  to  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of 
Poitiers,  October  9,  ibid.,  28,  to  the  Bishop  of  Sarlat,  December  13, 
ibid.,  52,  to  the  Bishop  of  Tulle,  March  21,  1654,  ibid.,  93,  to 
the  professors  of  Douai  and  Poitiers,  ibid.,  94  seq.  Pap.  Sec. 
Archives. 

^  *Bagno,  July  25,  1653,  loc.  cit. 

-"*...  che  se  il  Re  non  punisce  qualcheduno  de'  Jansenisti 
disubbedienti,  ritornera  in  piedi  la  loro  setta,  et  che  la  regina 
rispose  che  si  fara,  quando  sara  necessario."    Ibid. 

^  "  *che  essendosi  molti  di  contrario  senso,  alcuno  non  ha 
havuto  ardire  di  parlare."  Bagno,  August  i,  1653,  loc.  cit.  ; 
*Report  of  Halliers,  Excerpta,  1653-6,  f.  S48,  loc.  cit. 

*  July  14,  1653,  in  Rapin,  II.,  127. 

*  Maynard,  II.,  349. 


THE    BULL    ATTACKED.  289 

the  General  of  the  Jesuits  forbade  all  noisy  expressions  of 
satisfaction  at  the  decree  on  the  part  of  his  subjects  ^  and 
Olier  was  anxious  to  win  over  the  party  by  friendliness  and 
straightforwardness.^ 

Thus,  at  least  outwardly,  everything  was  quiet  for  a  time. 
Angeliciue  wrote  that  the  Jesuits  must  be  allowed  to  enjoy 
what  they  looked  upon  as  their  triumph  ;  God  would  know 
how  to  uphold  His  truth.  The  five  propositions  had  been 
condemned  solely  because  a  wrong  meaning  could  be  attached 
to  tluin,  but  tiic  Fope  had  protested  that  he  was  not 
condenming  St.  Augustine  ;  more  they  did  not  ask  for.^ 
However,  thougii  in  public  the  Jansenists  observed  a  policy 
of  silence,  they  spread  in  underhand  fashion  the  document 
presented  bv  them  to  the  Pope  in  which  they  had  distinguished 
a  threefold  interpretation  of  the  live  theses,  viz.  the  Calvinistic, 
the  one  defended  by  the  delegates  and,  as  they  claimed,  by 
St.  Augustine  and,  lastly,  one  which  they  attributed  to 
their  opponents,  the  Molinists,  and  which  they  had  asked 
till'  Pope  to  condemn. 

The  public  attack  against  the  Bull  was  inaugurated  by 
Antoine  Arnauld's  brother  Henri,  Bishop  of  Angers.  When 
publishing  the  Bull  that  prelate  made  use  of  the  formula 
drawn  up  by  Godeau  and  approved  at  the  Bishops'  meeting, 
but  with  two  additional  clauses  of  his  own.  Whereas  Godeau 
had  not  said  a  word  about  the  authorship  of  the  five  pro- 
positions, Henri  Arnauld  stated  that  they  were  being  ascribed 
to  Jansenius.  After  that  the  Bishop  forbids  the  extension 
of  the  papal  condemnation  of  the  five  propositions  "  to  the 
sacred  and  intangible  teaching  of  the  Apostolic  See  and  the 
Church,  which  up  to  the  present  time  the  Popes  had 
acknowledged    to    have    been   preserved    in    the   writings   of 

'     K.M'IN,    11.,    137. 

-  "  Ma  pcn.sce  scrait,  dans  ce  commencement,  de  no  point 
blesscr  Ics  Janscnistes,  mais  d'agir  envers  eux  avcc  douceur  et 
gramle  ouvcrtiiro  de  coeur,  pour  Ics  attircr  a  I'union."  I-'aili-ON, 
IL,  456. 

'  July  8  and   10  and  .Xugust  22,   1653,   Lettres,   IL,    341,    343, 

VOL.     .\.\,\.  U 


290  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

St.  Augustine  and  which  our  Holy  Father  protested  that 
he  had  no  intention  to  touch  ".^  Language  of  this  kind 
was  bound  to  give  rise  to  the  suspicion  that  there  was  an 
intention  to  give  the  partisans  of  the  five  propositions  a 
handle,  or,  as  Bagno  wrote,  "  pretexts  ".^  The  Bishop  of 
Angers  was  followed  by  Bishop  Gilbert  de  Choiseul,  of 
Comminges.^  After  he  had  published  the  papal  Constitution 
at  a  diocesan  synod,  the  Bishop  allowed  himself  to  be 
persuaded  that  it  was  possible  to  deduct  from  the  text  of 
the  definition  arguments  against  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine 
and  St.  Thomas  to  which  the  University  of  Toulouse  was 
particularly  attached.  Accordingly  he  formally  forbade  all 
such  deductions.*  In  like  manner,  during  the  illness  of  the 
Bishop  or  Orleans,  his  Vicar  General  forbade  preachers  and 
catechists  to  speak  of  the  five  propositions  and  the  papal 
Constitution,  except  with  such  discretion  that  no  one  would 
have  reason  to  complain.  What  this  meant  was  soon 
experienced  by  a  Jesuit  who,  having  spoken  with  some 
warmth  against  the  propositions,  was  forbidden  the  pulpit.^ 
In  the  same  way  Bishop  Buzenval  of  Beauvais  commanded 
the  Constitution  to  be  published  in  such  a  manner  that  no 

1  The  *pastoral  of  August  14,  1653,  in  Excerpta,  1653-6, 
f.  872  {loc.  cit.).  "  Propositions  que  I'Dn  attribue  a  feu  M.  Jansenius 
d'lpres."  Prohibition  "  de  faire  retomber  cette  condamnation 
sur  la  doctrine  sainte  et  inviolable  du  Siege  Apostolique  et  de 
rfiglise  que  les  papes  jusqu'a  notre  siecle  on  declaree  etre 
enfermee  dans  les  oeuvres  de  S.  Augustin  et  a  laquelle  notre  tres — 
saint  et  tres  venerable  Pere  a  temoigne  qu'il  n'avoit  point  entendu 
toucher." 

2  *pretesti.  Bagno,  September  12,  1653,  Nunziat.  di  Francia, 
106,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

*  Henri  Arnauld,  personally  of  irreproachable  conduct  (Rapin, 
L,  340),  was  a  good  Bishop,  as  was  Choiseul,  subsequently  Bishop 
of  Tournai  [ob.  1689],  in  spite  of  his  Jansenism  and  Gallica.nism. 
Cf.  Desmons,  Gilbert  de  Choiseul,  eveque  de  Tournai,  Tournai, 
1907  ;   A.  Degert  in  Bullet,  de  litt.  e'ccles.,  Toulouse,  1908,  13 1-8. 

*  Rapin,  II.,  164. 
5  Ibid.,  165. 


EPISCOPAL  PROTESTS  AGAINST  CONDEMNATION.     2gi 

one  could  feil  liit  by  it  ;  no  one  was  to  make  use  of  tlie  live 
propositions  in  order  to  defend  laxity  and  impenitence.^ 

Archbishop  Gondrin  of  Sens  spoke  even  more  clearly  than 
all  the  above-named. 2  His  pastoral  letter  begins  with  a 
eulogy  of  St.  Augustine's  teaching  on  grace  ;  he  then  goes 
on  to  speak  of  those  who  "  have  recourse  to  the  tricks  of  the 
Semi-Pelagians  in  order  to  discredit  this  teaching  ;  this  they 
did  when  they  drew  up  five  propositions  susceptible  of  a 
heretical  interpretation  and  ascribed  them  to  the  late  Bishop 
of  Vpres,  of  holy  memory  ".  These  ambiguous  propositions, 
it  was  said,  did  not  embody  the  doctrine  of  St.  Augustine 
and  were  equivocally  worded  out  of  sheer  malice,  so  as  to 
secure  more  readily  their  condemnation.  The  Pope  had 
only  condemned  them  in  general  terms  and  without  touching 
on  the  doctrine  that  had  been  maintained  in  his  presence. 
Of  course  sentence  should  have  been  first  pronounced  by 
the  French  Bishops.  Instead  of  this  the  episcopate  was 
being  further  humiliated  from  day  to  day,  hence  he  left  it 
to  the  faithful  to  lament  with  the  groans  of  the  dove  and 
the  feelings  of  good  and  loving  children,  the  eclipse  and  the 
abasement  both  of  the  episcopal  dignity  and  of  the  Gallican 
Church.^  The  letter  ends  with  an  order  for  the  publication 
of  the  Bull  with  the  explicit  declaration  that  it  affected  neither 
the  doctrine  of  efficacious  grace  nor  Augustine,  and  preachers 
were  not  to  pass  from  the  general  terms  of  the  five  propositions 
to  the  particular  meaning  which  embodies  the  fundamental 
teaching  of  St.  Augustine. 

On  October  17th  the  nuncio  forwarded  the  pastoral  letter 
to  Rome.    He  described  it  as  worse  than  that  of  the  Bishop  of 

'  Ibid.,  i66. 

^  Ibid.,  167  seq.  Printed  pastoral  of  September  23,  in  Excerpta, 
1653-6,  f.  Q31,  loc.  cit. 

"  Complaint  that  the  episcopate  "  s'abbat  do  jour  en  jour  par 
les  cntreprises  do  ceux,  ou  qui  en  ignorent  la  grandeur,  ou  qui 
en  meprisent  la  saintete,  ou  qui  en  redoutent  la  puissance.  Nous 
nous  contcntons  de  laisser  aux  peuples  qui  nous  sent  commis, 
a  deplorer  par  dcs  gcmissements  de  colombes  et  par  les  sentimcns 
(k'  hons  et  tendres  enfants  I'obscurcissement,  etc." 


292  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

Angers  and  complained  at  the  same  time  that  the  Government 
took  no  steps  against  the  largely  attended  gatherings  at 
Port-Ro3'al,  although  the  King's  ministers  had  been  requested 
to  do  so  ;  hence  there  was  reason  to  fear  that  within  a  short 
time  there  would  be  a  considerable  increase  in  the  number 
of  the  Jansenists.^  In  vain  had  he  drawn  attention,  through 
Vincent  de  Paul  and  the  Grand-Penitentiary  of  Paris,  to 
the  pastoral  letter  of  the  Bishop  of  Angers  and  to  the  evils 
to  which  it  may  give  rise.  He  had  fared  no  better  with  regard 
to  the  pastoral  letter  of  the  Archbishop  of  Sens.  In  the  opinion 
of  many,  the  Jansenists  had  led  astray  these  two  prelates 
in  order  that  they  might  be  in  a  position  to  appeal  to  Parlia- 
ment on  the  ground  of  abuse  of  office,  so  soon  as  the  Pope 
raised  his  voice.  Consequently  he  recommended  that  three 
or  four  of  the  best-disposed  Bishops  of  France  should  be 
given  power  to  take  action  against  disobedient  prelates  and 
priests,  though  without  naming  those  of  Sens  and  Angers. ^ 
Soon  after  Bagno  forwarded  a  list  of  the  most  zealous  among 
the  French  Bishops.^ 

It  is  not  surprising  that  Rome  was  indignant  at  the  conduct 
of  the  four  Bishops.  The  nuncio  was  instructed  to  inform 
the  court  that  the  Pope  resented  the  pastoral  letter  of  Sens 
as  an  insult.  At  the  same  time  the  Bishops  and  Halher  were 
asked  their  opinion  as  to  how  the  Archbishop  could  be 
punished."*    On  December  22nd,  1653  a  Brief  was  dispatched 

^  "  *si  pu6  dubitare  che  in  breve  tempo  siano  per  maggiormente 
augmentarsi  11  seguaci  di  questi  errori."  Kiinziat.  di  Fraticia,  106. 
Pap.  Sec.  Archives. 

^  *Bagno,  November  7,  1653,  ibid. 

'  They  are  the  Archbishops  of  Bordeaux,  Toulouse,  Narbonne, 
Aries,  the  Bishops  of  Le  Puy,  Saint-Flour,  Vabres,  La  Rochelle, 
Bazas,  Alet,  Lodeve,  Pamiers,  Toulon,  Langres,  Macon,  Saint- 
Malo,  Meaux,  Sarlat  (*Bagno,  November  14,  1653,  ibid).  The 
principal  Jansenists  of  the  Sorbonne  :  Dreux,  Sainte-Beuve, 
Feydeau,  Macaron,  Carre,  Fortin,  Loisel,  De  Lalane,  he  mentions 
on  November  21  {*ibid.). 

*  *Commission  of  November  17,  1653,  in  Excerpta,  1653-6, 
f.  345,  loc.  cit. 


STEPS   AGAINST   GONDRIN    OF   SENS.  293 

to  tlie  liishops  of  Aries,  Annecy,  Conserans  and  Macon, 
instructing  them  to  open  an  inquiry  against  the  Archbishop. 
The  hitter's  conduct  was  generally  condemned  even  in  France. 
The  Criminal  Court  of  Poitiers  prohibited  the  "  alleged  " 
pastoral  letter  and  threatened  to  ])unish  those  who  printed 
and  distiibuted  it.^  Even  the  Chancellor  and  the  Keeper 
of  the  Seals  described  it  as  heretical  ^  whilst  the  King  refused 
to  receive  the  Archbishop.^ 

h'or  all  that  no  decisive  measure  was  taken.  "  The  court," 
l^agno  wrote  on  November  7th,  "  was  more  lavish  of  words 
than  of  deeds.**  Wlien  on  December  Kith  he  spoke  to  the 
King  and  Queen  of  the  continual  meetings  at  Port-Royal, 
of  the  emiss.^aries  who  were  being  sent  out  from  there  to 
spread  the  old  errors,  of  the  four  Bishops  who  had  acted 
more  like  wolves  than  shepherds,  he  was  left  with  the 
impression  that  their  Majesties'  zeal  had  waxed  cold.^ 
Mazarin's  answers  to  his  protests  were  also  couched  in  general 
terms.**  Hallier  submitted  tangible  plans  to  the  Minister  ; 
they  were  to  the  effect  that  the  Constitution  should  be 
registered  in  Parliament  and  the  schools  and  the  community 
of  hermits  at  Port-Royal  suppressed.  I'>ut  e\-en  he  only 
obtained  vague  promises.' 

However,  the  prelates  of  Sens  and  Comminges  judged  it 

^  /lull.,  X.,  743  ;  *Excc)'pl(i,  f.  <j>Si,  loc.  cit.  In  the  .session  of 
the  Iii(]uisiti()n  of  December  i),  1653,  general  opinion  was  in 
favour  of  censuring  the  pastoral  letter  of  Sens.    *Ibid.,  i.  953. 

-  *Jbid.,  f.  953  ;  *Bagno,  November  7,  1653,  Numiat.  di 
Francia,  106,  Pap.  Sec.  Archives. 

^  *Hallier,  January  9,  1634,  i"  Excci'pla,  1653-6,  loc.  cit. 

'  *lbid. 

^  *]-5agn(),  December  19,  1633,  ibid. 

"  *Bagno,  December  20,  1653,  ibid. 

'  *Hallier  to  Rome,  December  23,  1633,  Exccrpta,  1653-6, 
i.  989.  The  "  pctites  ecoles  "  were  described  by  Hallier  as 
seminaries,  "  (juae  in  hac  urbe  et  circa  urbem  plura  sunt,  in 
<|uibus  ct  pueri  et  juvencs  primariae  nobilitatis  ct  alii  ad 
clericatum  forniandi  recipiuntur,"  the  hermits  are  called  "  con- 
gregatio  ista  luimiiiuni  sihestriuni  ". 


294  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

expedient  to  write  to  Innocent  X.  On  December  31st,  1653/ 
they  addressed  to  the  Pope  a  letter  of  substantially  identical 
tenor.  They  expressed  their  regret  at  the  report  which  had 
come  to  their  ears  that  they  had  offended  the  Pope  ;  would 
he  point  out  what  was  wrong  in  their  pastoral  letters  and 
hear  their  explanations  ?  They  would  then  amend  the  wrong. 
But  surely  it  could  not  be  wrong  on  their  part  to  make  a 
stand  for  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine  and  the  rights  of 
Bishops.  The  Pope  was  naturally  not  impressed  by  these 
explanations.  Meanwhile  the  commission  that  was  to  deal 
with  Archbishop  Gondrin  had  been  appointed,  but  it  did 
nothing,  though  both  the  King  and  the  Queen  renewed 
to  the  nuncio  the  old  assurances. ^  Accordingly  Hallier 
suggested  at  Rome  to  have  the  four  Bishops  tried  by  their 
colleagues  of  their  respective  Provinces,  or  Gondrin  by  the 
Primate  of  Lyons  ;  in  any  case  the  matter  should  not  be 
allowed  to  drift. ^  However,  Galilean  pride  rebelled  at  the 
thought  of  French  Bishops  being  judged  by  papal  com- 
missaries ;  so  on  the  ground  of  some  antiquated  judicial 
enactments  a  demand  was  made  for  a  tribunal  of  twelve 
Bishops.  Rome  consented  to  the  appointment  of  at  least 
eight, ^  and  of  another  seven  for  the  examination  of  the 
pastorals  of  Beauvais  and  Comminges.^  However,  several 
of  the  commissaries  refused  to  act  as  judges  in  the  affair  and 
Innocent  X.  died  before  anything  was  done.^ 

1  *Ibid.,  f.  998,  999. 

2  *Bagno,  January  23,  1654,  Exccrpta,  1653-6,  loc.  cit.  ; 
*Bagno  pointed  out  to  their  Majesties  that  of  the  125  French 
Bishops,  121  had  done  their  duty.     Ibid. 

3  "  *Eo  in  loco  positae  sunt  res  nostrae,  i.  e.  catholicae  Ecclcsiae, 
ut  ulterius  non  progredi  sit  cedere,  et  Ecclcsiae  unitatem,  fi,dei 
integritatem,  summi  Ecclcsiae  capitis  auctoritatem  certo  periculo 
exponere."    February  12,  1654,  ibid. 

4  Brief  of  March  16,  1654,  Bull,  XV,  760. 

5  Brief  of  October  26,  1654,  ibid.,  775. 

6  *Mariscotti's  report  (i66cS)  for  Bargellini,  Bibl.  Casanatense, 
Rome,  X.,  XVI.,  34,  p.  154-162.  The  fact  that  the  Pope  issued 
his  Brief  "  motu  proprio  "  hurt  the  French.    {Ibid.) 


ARNAULD    TAKES    THE    FIELD.  295 

It  woukl  SLcm  that  it  was  the  Princess  Guemene  who  at 
that  time  held  a  protecting  hand  over  the  sect.^  On  the  other 
hand  there  was  no  lack  of  opposition  to  the  four  Bishops. 
On  September  12th,  1653,  Bagno  forwarded  a  document 
of  the  Chapter  of  Angers  against  its  Bishop  and  another 
by  the  Advocate  Filleau  against  Gondrin,  and  on  February 
13th,  1654,  an  appeal  by  the  Chapter  of  Beauvais  which, 
notwithstanding  its  exemption,  had  been  threatened  by  the 
Bishop  with  excommunication  for  giving  effect  to  the 
Constitution.- 

Up  to  the  spring  of  1654  the  Jansenists  had  not  attempted 
to  influence  opinion  by  means  of  any  new  publication  ; 
they  were  content  to  spread  further  and  further  their  treatise 
on  the  threefold  meaning  of  the  five  propositions.  The 
confusion  thus  created  in  many  minds  led  the  new  royal 
confessor,  Franc^ois  Annat,  to  take  up  the  cudgels  against 
tliem.  In  a  Latin  work,^  which  soon  appeared  in  F'rench  also, 
he  showed  that  the  live  propositions  were  found  in  the  works 
of  Janscnius  and  that  the  latter  was  hit  by  the  papal  condemna- 
tion. The  work  also  dealt  with  the  Jansenists'  appeal  to 
Augustine  and  with  the  pastorals  of  the  four  Bishops. 

Arnauld  seemed  to  have  waited  for  some  publication  of 
this  kind.  Within  a  short  while  he  published,  one  after 
another,  four  books  intended  for  the  next  Assembly  of  the 
Clergy,  due  in  1654.  These  books,  with  the  exception  of 
the  fourth,  were  in  fact  laid  before  the  Assembly.  Now  that 
Annat  had  fanned  the  flame  with  his  publication,  so  Arnauld 
stated  in  his  first  book,'*  it  was  impossible  to  remain  silent 
any  longer.      The   honour  of  the  Church  was  at   stake   for 

'  .\n;^cli(iuc  Arnauld,  January  3,  1654,  Lcttrcs,  II.,  41b. 
.\iigcli(iue  considers  the  impending  action  against  Gondrin  like 
setting  fire  to  the  house  of  God  (letter  of  January  14,  1654, 
ibul.,  425). 

*  (Printed)  Lettres  cles  doyens,  chcDionics  ct  chapityc  de  Beauvais 
a  .V.  5.  P.  le  Pape  of  December  i,  1652,  loc.  cit. 

'  "  Cavilli  lansenianorum  contra  latam  in  ipsos  a  S.  Scde 
srntentiam  scu  Confutatio  iibelli  trium  cohimnarum." 

'  "  Reponsc  au  P.  .\iniat  "  {(JLuvres,  XIX.,  147  scqq.). 


296  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

Annat  ascribed  to  her  the  errors  of  his  Society,  the  honour 
also  of  the  Pope  whom  he  caused  to  condemn  as  heresies 
what  were  Cathohc  doctrines  ;  the  honour  of  St.  Augustine 
of  whom,  according  to  Annat,  the  Pope  had  made  no  account  ; 
the  honour  also  of  several  Bishops,  distinguished  for  their 
dignity  and  worth,  which  he  trod  under  foot.  After  that 
Arnauld  goes  on  to  prove  with  all  his  dialectical  and  rhetorical 
skill,  that  the  five  propositions  were  not  to  be  found  in 
Jansenius  ;  that,  in  point  of  fact,  the  latter  taught  something 
very  different.  Though  Arnauld  had  taken  the  opposite 
for  granted  in  his  previous  apologies  of  Jansenius  and  other- 
wise also,^  he  ends  by  throwing  at  the  Jesuits  the  reproach 
of  duplicity  :  before  the  papal  sentence  they  had  discovered 
Calvinism  in  the  five  propositions  ;  at  present  there  was 
no  longer  question  of  that,  on  the  contrary,  they  discovered 
in  them  the  condemnation  of  the  most  celebrated  and  the 
most  clearly  stated  principles  of  Augustine. 

A  second  pamphlet,  which  followed  close  on  the  first, 
endeavours  to  substantiate  this  accusation  in  detail.^ 
According  to  its  author,  with  regard  to  the  subjects  touched 
by  the  five  propositions,  the  teaching  of  Jansenius  is  identical 
with  that  of  Augustine  ;  if  Jansenius  had  been  condemned 
by  the  Pope,  Augustine  would  also  stand  condemned.  This 
is,   briefly,   the  thesis  of  the  second  pamphlet.      A   third  ^ 

1  [Dumas],  III.,  1-42,  Bossuet'.s  opinion  :  "  Je  crois  done  que 
les  propositions  sont  veritablement  dans  Jansenius  et  qu'elles 
sont  I'ame  de  son  livre.  Tout  ce  qu'on  a  dit  au  contraire  me 
parait  une  pure  chicane  et  une  chose  inventee  pour  eluder  le 
jugement  de  I'figlise."  *Letter  to  Marshal  de  Bellefonds  of 
September  30,  1677,  Covvespondancc,  ed.  Ch.  Urbain  et  E. 
Levesque,  II.,  Paris,  1909,  51. 

"  "  Memoires  sur  le  dessein  qu'ont  les  Jesuites  de  faire  retomber 
la  censure  des  cinq  propositions  sur  la  veritable  doctrine  de 
S.  Augustin  sous  le  nom  de  Jansenius  "  (CEitvres,  XIX.,  196  ss.). 

*  "  ficlaircissement  sur  quelques  nouvelles  objections,  .  .  .  ou 
il  est  montre  que  ce  que  les  Jesuites  s'efforcent  de  faire,  ne  peut 
qu'allumer  le  feu  d'une  tres-grande  division  dans  I'Eglise," 
ibid.,  208  seqq. 


MAZARIN    INTERVENES.  297 

defines  still  more  accurately  llie  point  of  \ie\v  which  the 
Jansenists  were  determined  to  maintain  for  the  future.  It 
was  impossible  to  believe  that  the  Pope  had  ascertained 
whether  the  five  theses  were  to  be  found  in  Jansenius,  for 
if  he  had  investigated  the  matter  he  would  have  discovered 
that  they  were  simply  not  to  be  found  in  his  writings.^  Rome 
had  only  inquired  whether  the  theses  were  true  or  erroneous, 
not  whether  Jansenius  was  their  author.'^  But  now,  under 
the  name  of  Jansenius,  the  most  solid  principles  of  Augustine 
were  to  be  reprobated  !  Let  them  examine  whether  Augustine 
of  Ypres  agrees  with  Augustine  of  Hippo  !  If  no  such  investiga- 
tion is  made,  if  Jansenius  is  surreptitiously  condemned,  nothing 
will  be  achieved.^  A  fourth  pamphlet  came  too  late  to  be 
submitted  to  the  Assembh'  l)ut  in  1654  every  Bishop  was 
given  a  copv  of  the  first  three. 

I-'or  all  that  Arnauld  failed  to  prevent  the  Bishops  from 
taking  some  steps  against  Jansenius.  On  the  advice  of  De 
Marca,  Mazarin  decided  to  convene  all  the  Bishops  then  in 
Paris  for  the  purpose  of  pronouncing  a  joint  condemnation 
of  the  threefold  meaning  of  the  five  theses.  However,  the 
.Assembly  rejected  Dc  Marca's  draft  of  the  condemnation,'* 
though  on  March  9th  a  committee  of  eight  Bishops  was 
chosen  for  the  purpose  of  examining  the  affair.^  On  March 
2()th  Aubusson  of  Embrun  presented  his  report.  The  only 
question,  he  explained,  was  whether  the  five  theses  were 
Jansenius'  and  whether  they  had  been  condemned  as  under- 
stood by  him  :  the  answer  to  both  questions  was  in  the 
affirmative.*  The  I-5ishops  of  l^cauvais  and  Comminges 
objected    and    on    March    2<Sth    Gondrin    of    Sens    heatedly 

•  Ibid.,  213. 
2  Ibid.,  220. 
'  Ibid.,  221. 

*  Rai'I.n,  II.,  206  seqq. 

^  They  were  Archbishops  Aubusson  of  Embrun,  Bouthillier 
of  Tours,  Harlay  of  Rouen,  Marca  of  Toulouse,  and  Bishops 
Attichi  of  .\iitun,  licrticr  of  Montauban,  Mothc-Houdencourt 
of  Krnncs,  and  Lcscot  of  Cliartrcs.     Gkkhkko.n,  II.,  225  scqq. 

«  I  hid. 


298  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

advocated  for  two  hours  the  cause  of  Augustine  of  Ypres 
and  Augustine  of  Hippo,  whose  teaching  must  not  be 
condemned.  But  the  meeting  did  not  allow  itself  to  be 
influenced.  A  letter  to  the  Pope,  drawn  up  by  De  Marca, 
states  without  equivocation  that  they  had  met  for  the  purpose 
of  declaring,  in  view  of  the  misuse  of  the  Apostolic  judgment, 
that  the  five  propositions  were  Jansenius'  and  had  been 
condemned  in  his  sense  by  the  Pope.^  A  circular  letter  to  the 
French  Bishops,  drawn  up  by  Lescot  of  Chartres,^  renewed 
this  declaration.  "  The  Constitution,"  we  read,  "  is  as  clear 
as  possible  ;  it  is  enough  to  read  it  to  judge  aright  the  vain 
arguments  of  the  opponents."  Thus,  for  the  first  time  since 
the  Council  of  Bale,  the  French  Bishops  solemnly  admitted 
the  Pope's  right  to  issue  decisions  on  matter  of  faith  binding 
in  conscience,  even  without  a  Council.^ 

Curiously  enough  both  these  letters  of  March  28th  bear  the 
signatures  of  Archbishop  Gondrin,  Choiseul  of  Comminges 
and  Choart  of  Beauvais.^  However,  on  April  9th  Gondrin 
and  Choiseul  explained  that  they  had  only  signed  for  the 
sake  of  peace  and  that  they  were  anxious  to  see  St.  Augustine's 
authority  safeguarded.^  The  day  after  they  swore  once 
more  that  they  had  no  intention  of  departing  in  any  way 
whatever  from  the  reverence  due  to  the  Holy  See.    On  April 

1  D'Argentre,  II.,  2,  f.  278  ;    Bourlon,  14. 

2  D'Argentre,  II.,  2,  f.  277.  Valen9ay  (Paris,  April  10,  1654), 
extols  to  the  Pope  Mazarin's  part  in  bringing  about  the  letter. 
There  was  reason  to  fear  a  schism  "  parmi  les  eveques  qui  peu 
a  peu  aiiraient  glisse  dans  I'hcresie.  Le  cardinal  Mazarin  n'a 
rien  neglige  pour  eviter  ce  malheur,  aplanir  ces  difticultcs  ct  faire 
cesser  ces  dissensions  spirituelles.  Par  ses  efforts  il  a  ramene 
I'union  parmi  les  eveques."  Annales  de  St.  Louis,  X.  (October, 
1905),  249. 

'  Thus  Pallavicino  (I.,  186). 

*  *Excerpta,  1653-6,  f.  1096,  loc.  cit.  The  letter  bears  31 
signatures  with  the  observation  that  8  Bishops  had  left  on 
account  of  the  Easter  festivities  and  therefore  their  names  were 
missing. 

5  Gerberon,  II.,  231. 


ACTION    OF   THE    POPE.  299 

17th,  K).")!,  tluy  and  the  Bishops  of  Bcauvais  and  Valence 
wrote  once  more  to  the  Pope  in  justification  of  their  conduct. 
The\-  began  by  declaring  that  they  accepted  the  Constitution 
without  reservation,  but  in  the  conclusion  they  took  shelter 
behind  the  name  of  St.  Augustine,  as  was  the  customary 
evasion  of  the  Jansenists.  For  the  sake  of  peace  they  had 
signed,  though  they  were  uncertain  whether  the  five  pro- 
positions were  Jansenius'  own  ;  in  other  words,  they  withdrew 
their  signature.^  On  the  same  day  Choiseul  also  wrote  a 
personal  letter  to  the  Pope  though  this  time  there  is  no 
mention  of  any  uncertainty  as  to  the  five  theses  being 
Jansenius'  ;  the  only  thing  he  could  be  reproached  with 
was  undue  attachment  to  Augustine  and  Thomas.-  The 
Pope  felt  hurt  by  the  letters  of  the  four  Bishops.  On  August 
•1th  Gondrin  and  Choiseul  sought  to  excuse  themselves, 
though  without  withdrawing  anything.^ 

As  a  matter  of  fact  by  that  time  Innocent  X.  had  answered 
both  of  them  by  other  means.  By  a  decree  of  the  Inquisition 
dated  April  23rd,  1654,  all  Jansenist  writings  of  the  preceding 
four  years  were  inserted  in  the  list  of  prohibited  books.  They 
were  about  fifty  in  number,  beginning  with  the  Attgnstinus 
of  Jansenius  down  to  the  first  two  pamphlets  addressed  by 
.\rnauld  to  the  Assembly  of  the  Clergy  of  1654  ;  the  pastoral 
letters  of  Sens  and  Comminges  were  likewise  included.*  To 
the  Bishops  of  the  As.sembly  of  the  Clergy  the  Pope 
addressed  a  most  kindly  Brief. ^  He  praised  their  sub- 
mission to  the  Constitution  "  in  which  we  have  con- 
demned, under  five  headings,  the  teaching  of  Cornelius 
Jansenius  contained  in  his  liook  Aii^iisfiniis  "."    In  Germany 


'   *Exccrpta,  1653-6,  f.   11 19,  loc.  cit. 

*  Ibid..  iiiS. 
^  Ibid.,  I  14  I . 

*  [Dumas],  111.,  Rccucil,  82  seqq. 

*  September  29,  1654,  ibid.,  107. 

'  "  Damnavimus  in  quinque  propositionibus  Cornelii  Tanscnii 
(Idctriiiam  ciiis  libro  contcntam,  cui  titulus  .\ugustiniis,"  ibid. 
.Vhx'udy  in  the  decree  of  thr  IiKiuisition  mentioned  above  it  was 


300  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

and  Spain  the  publication  of  the  Bull  met  with  no 
opposition.^ 

Innocent  X.  had  every  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the 
result  obtained  and  to  reward  the  men  who  had  helped  in 
the  drawing  up  and  the  publication  of  the  Constitution. 
Hallier  declined  the  See  of  Toul  but  both  he  and  his  associates 
were  rewarded  with  benefices.  The  Augustinian  Bruni  who, 
notwithstanding  the  strange  behaviour  of  his  General,  had 
faithfully  fought  the  new  doctrine,^  was  raised  to  the 
episcopate.  But  the  most  important  contribution  to  the 
negotiations  had  come  from  Albizzi  :  "  God  alone  knows 
how  much  I  have  toiled  in  this  weighty  affair  "  he  writes 
himself  ;  "  may  a  reward  await  me  in  heaven  !  "  ^  His 
elevation  to  the  cardinalatc  was  richly  deserved. 

(5.) 

During  the  whole  of  Innocent  X.'s  pontificate  the  Jansenist 
teaching  remained  an  open  sore  both  for  France  and  for  the 
land  of  its  birth. 

With  the  accession  of  a  new  Pope  hopes  had  arisen  that  a 
more  energetic  attitude  towards  the  adherents  of  the  Bishop 
of  Ypres  would  be  adopted  in  Flanders  also.  At  Madrid 
the  new  nuncio,  Rospigliosi,  the  future  Pope  Clement  IX., 
worked  in  this  sense  and  the  King's  confessor,  Martinez, 
showed  considerably  greater  zeal  against  the  Jansenist 
teaching  on  grace  than  his  predecessor,  John  of  St.  Thomas  ; 
in  Flanders  the  internuncio  x^ntonio  Bichi,  Abbot  of  S. 
Anastasia,  did  all  that  was  possible  and  the  new  Governor, 
Castel  Rodrigo,  was  not  unwilling  to  support  Bichi.  Yielding 
to    Rospigliosi's   repeated   requests,    the    Inquisitor   General 

said  :  "  post  condemnatam  sua  constitutione  ...  in  quinque 
propositionibus  Augustini  Cornelii  lansenii  episcopi  Iprensis 
doctrinam  "  (ibid.,  82). 

^  *Excerpta,  1653-6,  f.  121 3-1 246,  loc.  cit. 

2  Rapin,  II.,  138. 

^   Katholik,  1883,  II.,  494. 


JANSENISM    IN    FLANDERS.  3OI 

forbade  the  passage  of  Jansenius'  book  through  the  harbours 
of  Spain  and  commanded  the  Bishops  of  the  peninsula  to 
pubhsh  Innocent  X.'s  Bull  against  the  Bishop  of  Ypres, 
whilst  a  royal  ordinance  was  issued  to  the  effect  that,  in 
accordance  with  the  wish  of  the  Pope,  the  Bull  should  also 
be  published  in  the  Netherlands.  From  Rome  came  Briefs 
to  the  .same  effect  addressed  to  the  Bishops  of  Xamur,  (ilient, 
Antwerp, Tournai,  Bruges,  Saint-Omer  and  to  the  Universities.^ 
The  Bishops  of  Antwerp,  Bruges  and  Xamur  obeyed  the 
Pope's  command  -  and  the  University  of  Douai  thanked  him 
for  his  Brief  and  promised  complete  submi.ssion.^  Thus  it 
looked  as  if  every  one  of  those  in  authority  were  on  the  side 
of  the  Pope,  yet  for  all  that  the  Jansenists  had  no  cause  for 
despair.  The  King  was  weak  and  it  was  a  long  way  from 
Madrid  to  Brussels.  One  man,  one  moreover  laid  up  with 
gout,  namely  Archbishop  Jacob  Boonen  of  Malines,  was 
powerful  enough,  in  conjunction  with  Peter  Roose,  President 
of  the  Council  of  State,  to  paralyse  the  royal  ordinance."* 
ShortU'  after  the  receipt  of  the  latest  papal  Briefs,  internuncio 
Biclii  wrote  that,  to  judge  by  certain  symptoms,  he  thought 

'  Rapin,  I.,  20  scq.  Bichi,  arrix  ing  at  Brussels  on  April  8,  1642, 
♦reports  to  Rome  on  May  6,  1645,  that  he  dispatched  13  Briefs 
to  the  Bishops,  for  the  vacant  sees  of  Cambrai,  Roermond  and 
Tt)urnai  to  the  Vicars  General  resp.,  and  the  one  for  the  University 
of  Lou  vain  to  the  Rector  [Lelierc  del  Ahbate  di  S.  Anastasia, 
t-  -9  [37].  Pap.  Sec.  Arch.).  He  also  communicated  the  Brief 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Malines.  Boonen  seemed  well  disposed, 
so  long  as  he  had  not  spoken  to  Van  Caelen.  Castel  Rodrigo 
presented  his  Brief  to  the  State  Council  (* Bichi,  May  13,  1645, 
ibid.).  On  May  20  he  *announccs  the  execution  of  the  Brief  in 
Antwerp  and  Bruges  (ibid.).  Cf.  the  Briefs  in  *lnnoceniii  X. 
lipist.,  I.  (1644  to  December,  1645,  secretario  Gaspare  de 
Simeonibus)  :  n.  63,  to  Malines  ;  n.  97,  to  Roermond,  Namur, 
St.  Omer,  Ypres,  Bruges,  Antwerp,  Tournai,  Ghent,  to  tlie 
Universities  of  Lou  vain  and  Douai  (all  of  February  20,  1645), 
and  to  the  Governor.    Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

2  Rapin,  L,  75. 

^  *May  26,  1645,  Letiere,  loc.  cit.,  t.  29. 

«   Kai'In.  I.,  4,  13.S. 


302  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

that  the  Archbishop  had  conceived  fresh  hopes  for  the  defence 
of  Jansenism.^ 

Intellectually  Boonen  was  of  no  great  account.  He  was  a 
mere  tool  in  the  hand  of  his  Vicars  General,  Henry  Van 
Caelen  (Calenus)  and  Libertus  Froidmont  (Fromondus),  who 
both  favoured  Jansenism  and  nourished  resentment  against 
the  Pope  who  had  refused  to  confirm  their  nomination  to 
the  sees  of  Roermond  and  Tournai.^  Such  was  Fromond's 
prestige  at  the  University  of  Louvain  that  he  could  do  what 
he  liked  with  it,  whilst  Van  Caelen  controlled  a  large  part 
of  the  secular  and  regular  clergy.  Boonen  and  Roose  were 
at  the  head  of  the  Council  of  State  of  Flanders  which  played 
an  important  role  in  the  execution  of  royal  ordinances.  This 
body  favoured  Jansenism.^  One  of  the  chief  arguments  with 
which  its  members  were  for  ever  intimidating  the  King  and 
the  Governor  was  the  high  esteem  in  which,  they  alleged, 
Jansenism  was  held  in  Flanders,  so  that  it  would  be  an 
exceedingly  dangerous  thing  to  provoke  the  people  of  the 
Low  Countries  whilst  they  were  at  war  with  France,  by  any 
measures  against  the  Bishops.* 

With  a  view  to  supporting  the  royal  ordinance  for  the 
publication  of  the  Bull,  the  internuncio  had  obtained  a  papal 
Brief   for   the    Governor,    Castel    Rodrigo,^   after   which   he 

1  "  *Ho  havuti  inditii  che  Msgr.  archivescovo  di  MaHnes  pigli 
animo  di  nuovo  a  difesa  del  Jansenio  sperando  di  poter  vincere 
con  danari  a  Roma  et  in  Spagna,  come  ha  fatto  qua  in  beneficare 
i  suoi  adherenti.  Per  havere  favori  dal  sig.  Marchese  di  Castel 
Rodrigo,  dice  di  volar  impegnare  de'  stabili  del  suo  arcivescovato 
per  assistere  il  Re  di  Spagna."  Bichi,  July  i,  1645,  Nunziat. 
di  Fiandra,  t.  27,  Pap.  Sec.  x\rch. 

2  Rapin,  15,  68  ;  *Letter  to  Bichi,  April  29,  1645,  Nunziat. 
di  Napoli,  39  A,  p.  82  seq.,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch.  Fromond  was  a 
personal  friend  of  Jansenius  and  the  excellent  Latin  of  Augustinus 
is  attributed  to  him.     Rapin,  II. ,   182. 

^  A  survey  (from  July  19,  1643,  onwards),  of  the  ensuing 
negotiations  is  given  in  a  "  *Smmnarium  in  Excerpta  ex  actis 
s.  Officii  a.  1647-1652  " ,  f.  434-449,  loc.  cit.  (Schill). 

■*  Rapin,  II.,  74,  76. 

^  *March  2,  1645,  Epist.,  I. 


PUBLICATION    OF   THE    BULL    PREVENTED.      303 

pressed  him  to  take  action.  I  If  obtained  nothing:  Castel 
Rodrigo  explained  that  he  was  dependent  on  the  Council 
of  State  and  that,  moreover,  he  was  so  taken  up  with  the 
Hispano-French  war  that  he  had  no  time  for  anything  else.^ 
The  nuncio  in  Madrid  secured  a  royal  ordinance  to  the 
Council  of  State  for  the  publication  and  Innocent  X.  himself 
caused  a  friend  of  the  Governor,  Cardinal  Cueva,  to  write 
to  him.2  In  his  reply  to  the  Cardinal  ^  Castel  Rodrigo  declared 
that  the  internuncio  was  over-keen  and  allowed  himself  to 
be  too  much  guided  by  the  Jesuits  ;  in  the  Low  Countries 
violent  measures  were  inadvisable  and  the  Council  of  State 
insisted  on  the  privileges  of  the  country  ;  all  the  same  he 
hoped  to  settle  the  matter  before  long. 

However,  for  the  time  being,  Castel  Rodrigo  did  not 
dare  to  take  a  decisive  step  in  view  of  the  critical  position 
of  Spanish  arms  in  the  war  with  France  and  even  the  inter- 
nuncio, though  repeatedly  urged  by  Rome,*  did  not  feel 
inclined  to  press  him  in  these  circumstances,^  all  the  more 
so  as  the  resistance  of  the  University  of  Louvain,  whose 
prestige  was  considerable,  seemed  to  him  insurmountable 
just  then.  From  the  first  the  University  had  led  the  opposition 
to  the  Bull  and  only  a  short  time  after  Innocent  X.'s  accession 
it  had  presented  to  the  Governor  a  memorial  in  favour  of 
Jansenius.®  In  its  opinion  the  Bishop  of  Ypres'  only  fault 
was  his  having  brought  to  light  the  errors  of  certain  modern 
theologians,  such  as  Molina,  Suarez  and  Vasquez.  Hence 
the  hatred  of  the  Jesuits  for  him.  This  is  why  they  had 
obtained  a  Bull  in  which  it  was  alleged  that  Jansenius  had 

'   K.M'iN,  IL,  20,  75  ;     *Bichi,  May  27,   1645,  Lcttere,  loc.  cit. 

2  I-Jai'in,  II.,  79.  *Praise  of  Bichi's  zeal  in  a  letter  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  to  the  "  Abbate  di  S.  Ana.stasia  "  at  Brussels, 
July  29,  1645,  Kunzial.  di  Napoli,  39  .X.    Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^  July  8,  1645,  Rapin,  1 1.,  79  seq. 

*  *Numiat.  di  Fiandra,  t.  28,  under  July  29,  October  21 
November  4,  11,  18,  1645,  etc.    Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

*  Rapin,  II.,  80. 

*  *Cod.  Preuckianiis,  C.  43,  f.  601-5,  Library  of  the  Anima, 
Rome. 


304  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

reasserted  propositions  that  had  ah-eady  been  condemned  by 
the  Pope.  The  delegates  of  the  University  of  Louvain  had 
failed  to  obtain  in  Rome  a  fresh  inquiry  into  the  question 
whether  Jansenius'  accusations  against  the  Jesuits  were 
founded  on  fact,  though  in  a  matter  of  this  kind,  which  was 
purely  one  of  fact,  the  Pope  was  liable  to  err.  Since  the 
innocence  of  Jansenius  and  the  genuine  teaching  of  St. 
Augustine  were  being  sacrificed  to  the  violence  and  the 
tricks  of  the  Jesuits,  the  University  prayed  the  Governor 
for  a  hearing  so  that,  with  full  knowledge  of  the  situation, 
he  might  obtain  in  Rome  the  inquiry  which  they  had  demanded 
before  this. 

A  second  memorial  of  the  University  ^  offers  to  prove  before 
a  commission  that  no  proposition  condemned  by  the  Popes, 
nor  any  doctrine  contrary  to  that  of  Augustine,  could  be 
found  in  the  works  of  Jansenius.  The  minutes  of  the  discussions 
of  the  commission  should  then  be  laid  before  the  Pope  by 
the  King  of  Spain  :  if  the  Pope  decided  that  the  University 
was  in  the  wrong,  they  were  prepared  to  accept  Urban  VIII. 's 
Bull. 

At  that  time  only  a  minority  of  the  professors  of  Louvain 
University  sided  with  the  Pope  against  Jansenius,  chief 
among  them  being  John  Schinckel,  Christian  Beusecom  and 
William  ab  Angelis.^  But  after  the  new  Pope  had  addressed 
Briefs  to  the  Bishops  of  Flanders,  to  Douai  and  to  Louvain,^ 
the  University  decided,  on  May  5th,  1645,  to  submit 
unreservedly  to  the  papal  ordinances.  With  this  declaration 
it  looked  as  if  everything  were  settled,  but  the  internuncio, 
in  forwarding  the  decision  to  Rome,*  expressed  his  misgivings 

1  *Ibid.,  f.  609. 
-  Rapin,  I.,  17. 

*  *February  20,  1645  (see  above,  p.  301,  n.  i),  Cod.  Preiick., 
p.  497,  loc.  cit.  Ibid.,  495,  *Letter  of  Bichi  to  the  Rector  of  the 
University,  May  2,  1645. 

*  *May  6,  1645,  Lettere  del  Abbate  di  S.  Anastasia,  t.  29  (37), 
Pap.  Sec.  Arch.  Cf.  Rapin,  I.,  77  seq. — *Fussero  quasi  tutti 
concordi  a  concludere  per  robedienza,  e  solo  reclamassero  il 
Fromondo  con  due  o  tre  compagni.   .   .   .     Non  resta  in  questa 


PUBLICATION    PREVENTED.  305 

as   to   whether   deeds   would    follow   words,   and   his   doubts 
proved  justified. 

Schinckcl  explained  to  the  Rector  what  were  the  practical 
proofs  of  submission  on  which  the  Roman  Inquisitio/i  insisted  : 
they  were  the  prohibition  of  Jansenius'  work  and  its  with- 
drawal both  from  the  trade  and  from  the  hands  of  the  students.^ 
Vernulaeus,  the  Rector,  was  prepared  to  submit,  for  though 
a  Jansenist  himself,  he  was  a  member  of  the  Faculty  of  arts 
which  was  in  favour  of  obedience  to  the  Pope  because  other- 
wise it  feared  the  loss  of  its  privileges. ^  Accordingly  Vernulaeus 
replied  that,  for  the  moment,  he  had  put  off  the  discussion  of 
the  decision  of  the  University  because  the  Janst-nists 
threatened  to  interfere  with  it  through  the  court  and  the 
officials. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  opposition  came  from  all  sides.  President 
Roose,  warned  by  Bichi,  avoided  the  necessity  of  having  to 
give  an  answer  to  the  internuncio  by  going  into  the  country, 
taking  Innocent  X.'s  Brief  with  him.^  Fromond  spread  the 
report  that  Bichi  only  demanded  the  publication  of  the  Bull 
because  he  wanted  to  become  a  Cardinal,  that  the  University's 
declaration  of  submission  had  been  tampered  with  ;  if  it 
was  authentic,  the  Pope  should  be  requested  to  grant  a 
delay  owing  to  the  opposition  of  the  Council  of  State."*  Now 
it  is  true  that  the  Council  of  State  did  create  difficulties, 
but  it  did  so  precisely  because  the  University  did  not  take 
its  own   submission   seriously.'^      At   the   beginning  of  July 


Xunziatura  alcun  sospetto  d'inobedienza  fuor  chc  hii  (the 
Archbishop)  con  il  sue  Calcno,  Fromondo  e  pochi  altri  thcologi 
(li  Lovanio  (Bichi,  June  24,  1645,  Joe.  cit.).  Cf.  *Siiiiiiininin)!, 
Excerpta,   1647-1653,   f.  434-44<). 

•  *Schinkel  to  Bichi,  .May  16,  1645,  loc.  cit. 
-  Rapin,  I.,  6g,  75. 

^  Ibid.,  77  ;    *Bichi,  June  24,  1645,  loc.  at. 

*  Rapin,  I.,  76. 

^  *Bichi,  September  30,  1645,  loc.  cit.  It  is  false,  he  writes, 
when  Sinnich  speaks  in  Rome  of  the  obedience  of  the  University, 
for  the  "  consegli  "  interfered  only  because  "  .sollecitati  da  parti 

VOL.   x.xx.  X 


306  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Bichi  wrote  to  Rome  that  the  assurances  of  submission  were 
not  sincere  and  already  by  then  the  Council  of  State  had 
forbidden  the  Rector  and  those  professors  who  were  loyal 
to  the  Pope,  to  obey  the  internuncio.  A  memorial  by  the 
procurator  fiscal  explained  that  on  the  basis  of  Flemish 
privileges,  special  leave  from  the  King  was  necessary  before 
the  Bull  could  be  published,  hence  he  must  put  off  publication 
until  further  orders  from  the  King.^  Bichi  was  instructed 
by  Rome  to  investigate  this  Flemish  privilege.  He  found 
that  it  had  never  been  made  use  of  for  the  purpose  of 
prohibiting  writings  forbidden  by  Rome,^  but  his  investigation 
did  not  induce  the  Council  to  withdraw  its  prohibition.  Small 
wonder  that  just  then  the  internuncio  should  have  been  in 
a  despairing  mood.  He  wrote  to  Rome  that  it  would  not 
mean  dropping  the  Bull  even  if  they  decided  to  forgo 
immediate  publication  since  it  had  been  published  in  several 
dioceses  in  Flanders  :    this  might  be  deemed  sufficient.^ 

To  this  Rome  would  not  consent.  Accordingly  Bichi  wrote 
that  the  only  hope  lay  in  a  formal  royal  ordinance  strictl3- 
enjoining  publication  of  the  Bull.  Such  an  order  was  in  fact 
secured  through  the  intervention  of  the  Spanish  nuncio, 
Rospigliosi,^    and    communicated    to    the    Bishops    and    the 

che  vi  hanno  interesse.  Di  piu  mi  consta,  che  il  conseglio  private 
ancora  ha  stato  sollecitato,  et  a  nome  del  Universita  di  Lovanio, 
non  gia  di  particolari  ". 

1  Bichi,  July  i,  1645,  in  Rapin,  I.,  77.  The  *Summarium  (see 
above,  p.  304,  n.  4)  reports  that  on  June  2,  1645,  the  State  Council 
had  sent  to  Bichi  "  una  instanza  fatta  dal  procuratore  fiscale, 
affinche  risponda  e  fra  tanto  non  innovi  cosa  alcuna  ".  The 
"  instanza  ",  which  had  been  sent  already  to  Bichi's  predecessor, 
said  :  "  che  non  si  venisse  a  publicatione  d 'alcuna  bolla  o  decreto 
senz'il  Placeto  regie,  e  che  percio  si  sospendesse  ogn'atto  fatto 
sine  alia  risolutione  di  S.  Maesta." 

2  Rapin,  I.,  78  s.  ;    *Bichi,  July  8,  1645,  loc.  cit. 

3  Rapin,  I.,  78. 

*  January  30,  1646  :  "  Ho  havuto  per  bene,  che  ITnternuntio 
di  S.  S.  e  suoi  ministri  publichino  et  esseguiscane  la  detta  bolla, 
senza  che  per  li  miei  vi  si  ponga  alcun  impedimente.   .   .  .     Ho 


THE    INTERNUNCIO    PUBLISHES    THE    BULL.      307 

Universities  by  the  Pii\\-  Council.  Hut  e\en  so  all  difficulties 
were  not  yet  removed.  The  Bishops  of  Antwerp  and  Namur 
indeed  published  the  Bull  a  second  time,  but  by  the  end  of 
1645  Sinnich  was  back  from  Rome  and  he  influenced  Boonen, 
the  Archbishop  of  Malines,  in  his  own  sense.  Armed  with 
recommendations  from  Boonen,  Sinnich  called  upon  the 
Bishops  of  Ghent,  Bruges  and  Ypres  who  thereupon  requested 
their  metropolitan  (Boonen)  to  pray  both  Pope  and  King  to 
cancel  their  order  for  publication  of  the  Bull.  Boonen  agreed 
to  this  request.^ 

The  royal  ordinance  gave  great  satisfaction  to  those 
professors  at  Louvain  who  were  loyal  to  the  Pope.  Schinkel, 
though  ailing,  held  a  discussion  with  them  at  which  he  exerted 
himself  so  much  that  he  died  in  March,  1046.2  At  a  meeting 
of  the  University  all  objections  were  not  considered  as 
overcome  even  now,  but  on  March  8th,  1646,  Bichi  published 
the  Bull  on  his  own  initiative  without  meeting  with  any 
opposition.^  The  University,  however,  complained  that  the 
Bull  lacked  the  royal  placet,'^  and  when  Bichi  had  it  affixed 
at  the  University,  by  a  notary,  it  was  at  once  torn  down  by 
one  of  the  students.'' 

The  internuncio  now  thought  of  applying  ecclesiastical 
sanctions,  in  accordance  with  the  Pope's  orders,^  but  it  was 
represented  to  him  that,  for  the  moment,  minds  were  too 
excited   and   that   if,    in   consequence   of   the   unfavourable 

voluto  anco  incaricarvi  come  v'incarico  che  diatc  gli  ordiii 
necessarii,  perche  scnza  piii  dilatione  corra  questo  negotio 
come  lo  dispone  la  delta  boUa,  per  la  publicatione  della  quale 
si  dara.  al  Internuntio  I'assistenza  ncccssaria  per  gli  ofliciali, 
a'  quali  tocca."  The  order  arrived  in  March.  *Sii»imariu)n, 
he.  cit.  ;  Latin  text  in  Claeys  Bouiiacrt,  in  the  Rev.  d'hist.  cedes.. 
1927,  803. 

*  Claeys  Bouuacrt,  loc.  eit.,  801-817. 
-   Rapin,  I.,  139  seq. 

'  *Siiynmariitm,  loc.  eit.  ;    K.^I'IN,  L,  140. 

*  *Snt)imamtm,  loc.  cit. 

*  Rapin,  L,  144. 

*  May  17,  i(>4(>,  *Stiin)naiiii»i,  loc.  cit. 


308  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

military  situation  a  rising  were  to  Ijreak  out,  the  blame 
would  be  laid  at  his  door.^  Accordingly  Bichi  counselled 
Rome  to  think  of  some  other  means  of  coercion.  The  resistance 
of  the  University,  he  wrote  to  Pamfili,^  came  only  from  a 
few  hotheads,  not  one  of  whom  was  a  Spanish  subject. 
Fromond,  Van  Caelen  and  the  Rector,  Pontan,  hailed  from 
Liege,  Sinnich  was  an  Irishman  and  Van  Werm  came  from 
Maestricht  :  if  the  King  were  to  expel  these  men  there  would 
be  peace.  However,  Innocent  X.  chose  to  pursue  the  course 
he  had  adopted  ;  he  accordingly  urged  the  Spanish  nuncio 
to  make  further  efforts  with  Philip  IV. ^  Circumstances  were 
more  favourable  just  then  as  the  Council  of  State  no  longer 
opposed  publication  ;  as  a  matter  of  fact  a  rumour  was 
circulating  that  if  there  was  further  opposition  President 
Roose  might  be  removed  from  his  post.^  The  Governor  also 
showed  more  zeal  and  a  last  effort  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Malines  to  win  him  over  proved  unsuccessful.^ 

But  the  hoped-for  intervention  by  the  King  was  long  in 
coming.  It  was  December  before  Philip  IV.,  on  his  return 
from  the  campaign  in  Catalonia,  expressed  his  amazement  ^ 
that  his  orders  should  have  been  so  badly  executed.  Meanwhile 
the  Jansenists  had  pulled  every  imaginable  string  with  a 
view  to  delaying  matters  in  Flanders.  They  began  by  pressing 
to  the  utmost  Van  Caelen's  candidature  for  the  See  of  Roer- 
mond  :    by  this  means  they  hoped  to  occupy  the  internuncio 

^  Rapin,  I.,  145. 

'  April  14,  1646,  ibid.,  145  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  146. 

*  Ibid.,  144.  On  May  18  the  Council  of  Brabant  gave  the 
order  that  no  obstacle  be  put  to  the  publication  of  the  Bull., 
but  it  added  the  clause  :  "  modo  fiat  locis  consuetis  et  in  forma 
ordinaria  "  {*Svmimarium,  loc.  cit.).  The  clause,  according  to 
Bichi,  signified  that  the  pubhcation  had  to  be  made  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Malines  who,  it  was  well  known,  would  never 
consent  to  do  so.  *Bichi,  June  3,  1646,  in  Letterc,  t.  30.  Pap. 
Sec.  Arch. 

*  Rapin,  L,  149. 

«  December  7,  1646,  in  Rapin,  I.,   154. 


FURTHER   JANSENIST   RESISTANCE.  309 

elsewhere  and  to  distract  his  attention.  Van  Caelen 
personally  discussed  his  promotion  with  Bichi  and  on  January 
<Sth,  1016,  he  agreed  to  swear  obedience  to  the  Pope.^  However, 
suspicions  concerning  his  orthodoxy  were  not  removed  even 
by  this  means  and  a  formal  judicial  process  was  opened  at 
which  eight  witnesses  testified  that  Van  Caelen  held  opinions 
condemned  by  the  Pope.  The  affair  was  nevertheless  quashed, 
out  of  consideration  for  the  Archbishop  and  the  President 
and  in  view  of  the  warlike  disturbances  and  the  sensation  it 
would  have  created.- 

The  University  remained  the  chief  hope  of  the  Jansenists. 
At  one  time  that  body  resolved  ^  that  Boonen  should  obtain 
a  papal  pronouncement  to  the  effect  that  the  teaching  of 
St.  Augustine  had  not  been  condemned  and  that  Jansenius' 
Angitstinus  contained  none  of  the  propositions  condemned  by 
the  Pope  ;  two  days  later  they  decided  to  pray  the  King  to 
appoint  a  meeting  of  Bishops  with  Boonen  as  chairman.* 
But  their  real  sentiments  appeared  at  a  gathering  at 
(irimberghe,  where  they  declared  that  they  would  never 
admit  that  Jansenius  had  taught  any  condemned  propositions  : 
moreover  Urban  VIII.'s  Bull  did  not  demand  obedience  since 
the  Pope  was  not  infallible  in  questions  of  fact.^    When  at 

*  *Bichi,  November  4,  1645  {Lettere,  t.  29),  and  January  13, 
1646  {ibid.,  t.  30,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch.).  On  January  8,  1646,  Van 
Caelen  declared  under  oath,  before  the  internuncio  and  before 
witnesses,  that  out  of  reverence  for  the  Pope  he  would  for  ever 
refrain  from  reading  Jansenius,  but  that  he  was  still  convinced 
that  the  doctrine  of  Jansenius  was  that  of  St.  Augustine. 
Documentary  proof  of  this  declaration  is  in  Cod.  Pyeuckianiis 
(without  signature),  f.  461  scqq.,  Library  of  the  Anima,  Rome. 
On  March  2S,  1648,  he  refused  to  take  a  second  oath  suggested 
by  ]3ichi  and  declined  the  bishopric  of  Kocrmnnd.     Ibid.,  f.  477. 

2  Rapin,  I.,  156. 

'  June  8,  1646,  tbid.,  130. 

*  Ibid. 

*  Ibid.,  133  ;  *nichi,  September  8,  1646,  Lettere,  t.  30,  loc.  cit. — 
"  che  il  Jansenio  non  difende  le  propositioni  dannate  nella  boila, 
chc  non  sono  obligati  nelle  cose  che  concernono  il  fatto  a  cattivar 
rintelletto  in  obscquium  fidei."    Ibid. 


310  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

last  the  letter  arrived  in  which  the  King,  under  date  of 
December  7th,  expressed  his  astonishment  that  since  January 
20th  of  that  year  nothing  had  been  done  to  give  effect  to  his 
orders,  Castel  Rodrigo  laid  the  blame  on  the  internuncio 
whom  he  accused  of  lukewarmness  in  pushing  the  business. 
Previously  to  this  Cardinal  Cueva  had  complained  to  the 
Governor  of  the  internuncio's  excessive  eagerness,  with  the 
result  that  Bichi  had  been  studying  moderation  ever  since. 
Even  now  he  did  not  dare  to  employ  coercive  means  though 
President  Roose  was  once  more  successfully  delaying  matters. 
In  effect  Roose  acted  as  if  he  had  a  mind  to  publish  the  Bull 
himself  and  he  caused  the  Governor  to  circularize  the  Bishops 
of  Flanders  for  their  consent.  By  this  means  time  was  gained 
and  he  had  an  explanation  for  the  King  for  the  delay  in  the 
publication  of  the  Bull.^ 

Castel  Rodrigo's  governorship  came  to  an  end  without  the 
royal  ordinance  having  been  carried  into  effect.^  Meanwhile, 
Jansenism  had  had  time  to  consolidate  itself.  The  Rector  of 
Louvain  University  was  a  friend  of  Fromond  and  the  Deans 
of  all  the  Faculties  were  looked  upon  as  Jansenists.^  The 
secular  clergy  studied  the  Archbishop  of  Malines  who  allotted 
benefices  to  those  who  supported  his  views.*  Many  religious 
Orders  favoured  Jansenism,  for  instance  the  Augustinians, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  claimed  that  Jansenius  was  an  exponent 
of  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine  ;  the  Dominicans,  because 
they  believed  that  Jansenius'  book  decided  in  their  favour 
the  controversy  on  grace  that  had  broken  out  during  the 
pontificate  of  Clement  VIII.  ;  other  Orders  because  they 
felt  that  the  Jansenists  counterbalanced  the  Jesuits  or  because 
they  allowed  themselves  to  be  carried  away  by  the  authority 

1  Rapin,  I.,  154  seq. 

2  Only  a  short  time  before  its  close,  on  March  30,  1647,  at  the 
instigation  of  the  internuncio,  he  persuaded  the  Privy  Council 
to  order  the  Rector  of  the  University  to  remove  a  picture  of 
Jansenius  (with  verses  in  his  praise).  L.  Van  der  Essen  in 
Bull,  de  la  Commission  Royal  d'hist.,  Brussels,  1924,  313-18. 

'  *Bichi,  September  23,  1645,  Leitere,  t.  29,  loc.  cit. 
*  Rapin,  I.,  84,  151. 


STRENGTH    OF    FLEMISH    JANSENISM.  3II 

of  influential  superiors,  with  the  result  that,  with  the  exception 
of  the  Jesuits,  hardly  a  single  Order  was  free  from  Jansenism.^ 
A  great  sensation  was  caused  by  a  sermon  preached  on  the 
feast  of  St.  Dominic,  in  the  church  of  the  Dominicans  at 
Louvain,  by  the  Augustinian  Christian  Le  Loup  :  he  was 
reported  to  have  drawn  a  parallel  between  the  Jesuits  and 
the  Jews  who  had  crucified  our  Lord,  to  have  denied  the 
Immaculate  Conception  and  declared  that  though  truth  was 
being  persecuted,  it  would  yet  triumph  inasmuch  as  God 
countered  the  Pope's  precipitancy  by  means  of  the  secular 
princes. 2  On  Bichi's  proposal  the  Generals  of  the  Orders 
were  made  to  write  to  their  subjects  in  Flanders  but  the 
measure  did  not  produce  the  effect  that  had  been  expected 
from  it.^  Efforts  were  made  to  create  sympathy  for  the  new 
teaching  even  among  the  people  b}^  setting  it  in  rhymes  which 
were  then  spread  among  the  masses.'* 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  authority  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  Archbishop  and  his  advisers,  all  of  them  supporters  of 

*  Ibid.,  83  scq.  On  March  7,  1647,  the  Bishop  of  Antwerp 
♦writes  to  Innocent  X.  :  "  Videntur  multi  simpliciores  facti 
esse  lanseniani  decepti  specioso  nomine  doctrinae  s.  Augustini, 
quo  et  alii  abutuntur,  qui  lansenianos  so  profitentur  ex  acmula- 
tione  contra  Patres  Societatis  Icsu,  quos  in  lansenio  et  per 
lansenium  conantur  persequi,  qui  et  hac  ratione  populo  imponunt 
asserentes  tantum  esse  quaestionem  inter  opiniones  lansenii  et 
dictorum  Patrum."  Even  women  call  themselves  Janscnists. 
The  Bishop  had  accepted  the  Bull  at  once  and  after  the  order  of 
the  King  he  published  it  a  second  time  on  May  10,  1646.  Exccrpta 
ex  actis  s.  Officii  a.  1647-1652. 

*  Rapin,  I.,  82  seq.  ;    *Bichi,  August  10,  1645,  loc.  cit. 

'  Rapin,  I.,  84  ;  *Bichi,  July  8,  1645,  Lcttere,  t.  29,  Pap. 
Sec.  Arch.  One  should  try  to  influence  especially  the  Provincial 
of  the  Dominicans,  because  he  was  on  friendly  terms  with  Sinnich, 
Van  Caelen,  and  Leonardi,  a  Dominican  professor  of  Louvain, 
"  che  hora  essendo  de'piu  ferventi  Janscniani  e  ...  da  quclla 
fattione  promosso  ad  csser  della  stretta  facolta  theologica,  per 
la  quale  promozione  e  in  lite  con  il  Schinchelio  et  altri  obedienti 
che  hanno  promosso  Jacomo  Speech  prete  secolare."    Ibid. 

*  Rapin,  I.,   156;     cf.  i-j()  scq. 


312  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Jansenism,  it  was  inevitable  that  the  orthodox  should  fall 
into  discouragement.  In  1646  Bichi  wrote  that  there  were 
some  at  Louvain  who,  until  then,  had  sided  with  Schinckel 
but  had  now  joined  the  ranks  of  the  rebels  for  the  sake  of 
securing  some  benefice  from  the  Archbishop,^  and  that  when 
appointments  were  made  deserving  men  had  been  passed 
over  because  they  had  rendered  service  to  the  internuncio. 
The  Archbishop  was  to  blame  for  everything ;  Spain's 
attention  should  be  drawn  to  these  deplorable  conditions 
and  the  distribution  of  benefices  should  either  be  entrusted 
into  other  hands  or  no  prebend  should  be  granted  to  anyone 
who  had  not  previously  declared  before  the  nuncio  that  he 
accepted  the  Bull.^  Baron  von  Rassenghien,  who  had  been 
chosen  for  the  See  of  Tournai  instead  of  Fromond,  was  the 
object  of  special  persecution  on  the  part  of  the  Archbishop 
and  Van  Caelen.^  On  the  other  hand  the  Bishop  of  Namur 
was  strictly  orthodox  and  there  were  no  Jansenists  in  his 
diocese.* 

There  seemed  to  be  a  hope  of  a  change  when  Archduke 
Leopold  William  became  Governor  of  the  Low  Countries  in 
1647.^  The  Jansenists  sought  at  once  to  win  him  over  to 
their  side,  but  the  Archduke  listened  to  Bichi's  representations. 
The  latter  drew  up  a  detailed  account  of  the  situation  and 

^  *Bichi,  June  3,  1646,  Lettere,  loc.  cit.  Bichi  advised  the  Pope 
to  encourage  and  praise  especially  William  ab  Angelis.  A  *Brief 
to  him  followed  on  July  7,  1646  {Cod.  Pretick.,  f.  467  seq.,  Library 
of  the  Anima,  Rome).  The  modest  man  refused  all  the  benefices 
obtained  for  him  (Rapin,  I.,   151). 

-  *July  7,  1646,  Lettere,  loc.  cit.  "  Tutto  il  male  viene  per 
Tappoggio  di  questo  arcivescovo,  quale  mi  pare  impossibile  di 
guadagnarlo  e  ridurlo."    Ibid. 

^  *  Bichi,  July  21,  September  8  and  15,  and  December  i,  1646, 
Lettere,  loc.  cit. 

*  *Bichi,  August  22,  1646,  ibid.  On  August  7  the  Bishop 
wrote  :  "  Omnes,  cum  saeculares  turn  regulares,  deferre 
[obedientiam]  decreto  Apostolico  "  {ibid.).    Cf.  above,  p.  301. 

^  He  arrived  in  Flanders  on  April  11,  1647.  *  Bichi,  April  13, 
1647,  Lettere,  t.  31,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 


ROYAL   COMMAND    TO    PUBLISH    THE    BULL.   313 

as  the  chief  means  of  checking  the  progress  of  the  new  teaching 
he  recommended  that  no  benefice  should  be  granted  to  any 
candidate  who  was  in  any  way  suspect  of  Jansenism.^  Leopold 
William  went  even  beyond  this  suggestion  when  he  carried 
zeal  so  far  as  to  demand  a  sworn  declaration  against  Jansenius.^ 
Notwithstanding  his  goodwill,  the  Archduke  did  not  at 
once  succeed  in  enforcing  the  publication  of  the  Bull,  though 
orders  to  that  effect  came  from  Spain,  the  first  of  them  shortly 
after  the  arrival  of  the  new  Governor.'  On  the  occasion  of 
the  marriage  of  Maria  Anna,  daughter  of  the  Emperor 
Ferdinand  II.  to  Philip  IV.,  in  1649,  the  nuncio,  instructed 
by  the  Pope,  prompted  her  to  ask  of  her  husband,  as  a  first 
token  of  his  affection,  that  he  should  publish  the  Bull  in 
Flanders.*  The  fresh  royal  order  of  August  3rd,  1640,  was 
followed  by  a  third  in  a  letter  to  the  Archduke  dated  July 
loth,  1650.^  However,  again  and  again  the  opponents' 
adroitness  discovered  ways  and  means  to  prevent  their 
integral  execution.     Archduke  Leopold  William  had  made 

'  Rapin,  L,  176  sc(j.  *Hichi  to  Rome,  April  27,  1647  :  "  Hcbbi 
commodita  [April  26]  di  scuoprirli  le  arti  con  Ic  quali  li  Janseniani 
si  son  cercati  di  avanzare  e  come  alcuni  di  qucsti  ministri  li 
hanno  aiutati  direttamente  e  indirettamente,  e  le  accennai  li 
remedii  che  credevo  piu  facili  .  .  .  e  fra  I'altri  di  non  promuovere 
a  bcnefitii  li  sequaci  di  quella  setta."  The  Archduke  was  well 
disposed.    Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

•  "  *Particolarmente  si  dogliono  del  giuramento  che  prestano 
(juelli  che  aspirano  a  bcnefitii.  Si  vede  che  restano  mortificati 
dal  u.so  di  qucsto  giuramento,  ma  S.  A.  lo  trova  bene,  e  continua 
avanti  di  nominarc  ad  abbatie  ct  altri  bcnefitii  ecclcsiastici  da 
farmi  avvisarc,  che  informi  sc  siano  Janseniani."  *Bichi,  Septem- 
ber 9,  1649,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  ibid.  *Bichi,  December  7, 
1647,  and  January  25,  1648.  Innocent  X.  praised  the  Archduke 
on  September  9,  1647,  for  his  zeal  against  the  Jansenists 
(I'rikdensburg  in  Quellen  iind  Forsch.,  IV.,  275). 

^  May  14,  1647,  Rapin,  I.,  177  seq.  ;  *Excerpta,  May  15,  1647, 
loc.  cit. 

*  Rapin,  I.,  3S7  ;  cf.  *Bichi,  August  28,  1649,  Excerpta, 
loc.  cit. 

"  Rapin,  I.,  389. 


314  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

a  start  with  the  pubHcation  of  the  Bull,  and  that  in  Ghent, 
whose  Bishop  favoured  Jansenism,  but  he  gave  up  the  idea 
of  doing  so  in  all  the  other  towns  on  receipt  of  a  letter  from 
the  Archbishop  of  Malines  ^  in  which  Boonen  spoke  of  the 
excitement  such  a  measure  would  provoke,  as  well  as  of 
the  great  number  of  Jansenius'  adherents  and  the  fact  that 
the  Pope  may  have  allowed  himself  to  be  misled  when  he 
condemned  the  book.  Should  the  Archduke  refuse  to  listen 
to  him,  Boonen  prayed  leave  to  retire  to  France  lest  he 
should  have  to  witness  the  troubles  that  would  befall  his 
native  land.^  The  Bishop  of  Ghent  wrote  in  the  same 
strain.^ 

Philip  IV. 's  first  order  to  Leopold  William  demanded  the 
suppression  of  Jansenius'  Augustmns  and  a  search  in  the 
bookshops  for  all  Jansenist  writings,  for  the  Jansenists 
exercised  considerable  influence  in  the  Low  Countries  by 
means  of  the  press,  especially  as  they  distributed  their 
publications  gratuitously.*  However,  Roose  knew  how  to 
oppose  the  execution  of  the  order  ^  and  when  this  was  achieved 
Fromond  and  Van  Caelen  made  a  show  of  zeal  by  counselling 
the  Archduke  to  suppress,  on  his  own  authority,  all  writings 
on  the  subject  of  grace.  Had  he  done  so,  the  latter  would 
have  exceeded  his  powers,  his  ordinances  would  only  have 
caused  confusion  and  Catholic  publications,  of  which  the 
Jansenists  disapproved,  would  have  been  suppressed.  How- 
ever the  Archduke,  who  as  a  matter  of  fact  showed  himself 
at  all  times  a  sincere  Catholic,  listened  to  Bichi  ^  who  advised 
him  to  replace  the  censor  of  books,  the  Jansenist  Rector  of 
Louvain    University,    by    a    fervent    Catholic,    William    ab 


1  September  17,  1647,  ihid.,  183  seq. 

2  Rapin,  I.,  183. 

'  Ibid.,  184.  His  *Letter  of  September  28,  1647,  in  Excei'pta, 
1647-1652,  f.  103,  loc.  cii. 

*  Rapin,  I.,  393. 

5  *Bichi,  June  15,  1647,  Excerpta,  loc.  cii. 

•*  Rapin,  I.,  180  scq.  ;  *Bichi,  September  19,  1647,  Excerpta, 
loc.  cit. 


THE    GOVERNORS    STRONG   ACTION.  315 

Angclis.^  Moreover  tlie  (io\'ernor  gave  no  credence  to  the 
calumnies  by  which  it  was  sought  to  make  Bichi's  position 
untenable  ^  and  installed  the  zealous  Baron  de  Rassenghien 
in  the  see  of  Tournai.^  His  conduct  earned  him  a  Brief  from 
Innocent  X.'*  All  the  priests  at  court  were  made  to  swear 
obedience  to  the  Bull.^  One  Oratorian  and  three  Capuchins 
were  stopped  from  preaching  the  new  teaching  in  his  presence.*' 
He  likewise  induced  the  University  of  Douai  to  pronounce 
for  the  Bull  and  against  Jansenius,  a  circumstance  that  could 
not  fail  to  bring  pressure  to  bear  on  Louvain.'  It  was  probably 
lie  too  who  obtained  the  sudden  recall  to  Spain  of  President 
Roose  in  1648.^  After  that  Roose's  influence  in  Flanders 
was  at  an  end  ;  he  died  in  1073.  On  his  return  from  Spain  in 
1653,  the  nobility  gave  him  indeed  a  great  reception,  but  the 
Archduke  informed  him  publicly  that  the  King  thanked  him 
for  his  services  and  that  he  might  take  his  retreat.^  Roose 
had  been  an  adroit  and  resourceful  official  as  well  as  a  personal 
friend  of  Jansenius  whom  he  had  provided  with  the  material 
for  his  Mars  Gallicus}^  For  reasons  of  policy  he  opposed  the 
condemnation  of  his  friend  and  he  was  wont  to  boast  that 


'  Raimx,  I.,  170. 

-  Ibid.,  180.  On  a  "  longissimum  scriptiini  "  in  (It'fcnce  of 
Jansenism  to  tlie  Archduke,  of  which  the  latter  took  no  notice, 
see  *Exccypta,  September  19,  1647  (Letter  of  Schega,  S.J., 
the  Archduke's  confessor),  loc.  cit. 

^  Rapin,  I.,  177. 

'  *  Brief  of  September  9,  1647,  Epist.,  II. -III.  (October,  1645, 
to  October,  1647),  n.  204,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

*  *Richi,  May  2,  1648,  Exccrpta,  loc.  cit. 
"  Raimn,  I.,  295  seq. 

'  *Declaration  of  July  27,  1648,  to  the  Archduke,  whom  it 
exhorts  "  ut  pergat  doctrinam  illam  iansenianam  serio  extirpare, 
qua  nequaquam  docetur  b.  Augu.stini  mens  ".  lixccrpta,  t.  29, 
loc.  cit.  ;    Rapi.v,  I.,  296  .<;eqq.    Fleury,  LXI.,  572. 

*  Rapin,  I.,  299.  Recalled  December  4,  1648,  left  on  October  15, 
1649  (Biogr.  nat.  de  Belgiquc,  XX..  68). 

»   Rapi.v,  I.,  536. 
^^  Bxogr.  itat,  dc  Belgiquc,  XX.,  64. 


3l6  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

(luring  his  administration  the  clergy  had  not  gained  an  inch 
of  ground.^ 

At  the  pressing  request  of  the  Superior  of  the  Pre- 
monstratensians  and  the  University  of  Louvain,  Archbishop 
Boonen  had  dispatched  to  Madrid  a  certain  Recht  with 
mission  to  explain  more  fully  the  Archbishop's  attitude 
towards  the  Bull.  In  May  1649,  Philip  IV.  informed  Boonen 
that  he  was  willing  to  receive  the  envoy  and  that  he  would 
take  no  definite  step  before  hearing  him.  However,  before 
Recht's  credentials  reached  him,  in  October,  the  order  for 
the  publication  of  the  Bull,  which  the  young  Queen  had 
obtained  from  her  husband,  had  been  issued  on  August  3rd. 
Phihp  IV.  received  Recht  on  January  1st,  1650,  though  it 
would  seem  that  the  latter  had  had  a  secret  interview  with 
the  King  before  that  date,  and  when  on  that  occasion  Recht 
asked  that  account  should  be  taken  of  Boonen's  and  the 
State  Council's  objections  to  the  Bull,  the  King  rephed  that 
he  was  doing  so  in  any  case.  Recht  promptly  reported  this 
answer  to  Louvain  ;  his  letter  arrived  there  at  the  same 
time  as  the  royal  ordinance  of  August  3rd,  1649.^  The  Arch- 
bishop was  not  slow  in  exploiting  the  new  situation  in  the 
State  Council.  Since  the  King  wished  the  affair  to  be  further 
examined,  so  he  explained  in  a  long  speech,  there  was  nothing 

^  Rapin,  I.,  295,  299.  "  *Si  vanta  che  al  sue  tempo  li  ecclesias- 
tici  non  hanno  acquistato  un  dito  di  terra  "  (Bichi,  November  23, 
1647,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit.  On  his  friendship  with  Jansenius,  see 
Rapin,  I.,  4. 

2  Rapin,  I.,  304,  388  ;  *Boonen  to  the  State  Council, 
February  5  and  18,  1650,  in  Appendix  to  *Bichi's  nunciature 
report  of  March  17,  1650,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit.  At  the  audience  of 
January  i  the  King  said  (according  to  Boonen)  :  "  informatum 
se  esse,  quanti  ponderis  esset  haec  causa,  seseque  adhibiturum, 
quod  et  Dei  et  Ecclesiae  servitio  futurum  est  "  (ibid.).  According 
to  Bichi's  *Despatch  of  April  20,  1650  {ibid.),  Recht's  instructions 
were  :  that  the  King  should  induce  the  Pope  to  have  the  book 
of  Jansenius  examined  by  theologians,  to  decide  the  dispute 
de  auxiliis  and  to  show  the  King  the  groundlessness  of  the  pro- 
hibition.   *Bichi,  July  29  and  August  28,  1649,  ibid. 


STATE   AID    FOR   THE    PUBLICATION.  3I7 

for  it  but  to  j)ostj)()iK'  tlic  j)ublication  of  thr  iJull.'  Thus 
matters  remained  until  tlie  King  renewed  his  order  in  the 
following  year.^  For  the  rest  Leopold  William  only  returned 
from  the  theatre  of  war  in  November. 

Meanwhile  the  situation  in  Flanders  had  undergone  a 
considerable  change.  Bichi  had  asked  for  the  help  of  the 
secular  arm  to  enforce  the  publication  of  the  Bull,  as  otherwise 
he  had  no  hope  that  the  Jansenists  would  submit.^  None 
the  less  it  was  his  wish  that  tlie  formal  publication  should 
come  from  him  alone  ;  all  lie  wanted  from  the  secular  power 
was  support  for  his  action.'*  The  Madrid  nuncio,  Rospigliosi, 
also  declared  that  it  was  necessary  to  publish  the  Bull  as 
soon  as  possible, ^  to  bar  ecclesiastical  positions  to  the  Jansenists 
and  to  grant  to  the  internuncio  the  help  of  the  secular  arm 
as  often  as  he  required  it,  whether  for  the  purpose  of  searching 
bookshops  for  works  forbidden  by  the  Bull,  or  in  order  to 
punish  those  who  acted  in  contravention  of  its  ordinances. 
But  this  did  not  yet  satisfy  the  representatives  of  the  State. 
Even  during  Roose's  presidency  numerous  decrees  were 
drafted  with  a  view  to  the  publication  of  the  Bull  ;  however, 
they  pleased  the  internuncio  but  little  and  the  Archduke 
rejected  them."     It  would  seem  that  at  that  time  Leopold 


1   KAriN,  I.,  388  seq. 

-  See  above,  p.  313. 

'  "  Vcdo  esser  necessario  che  S.  A.  vi  dia  qualchc  ordinc, 
altrimenti  non  si  leva  la  scusa  alii  disobedienti."  Bichi,  June  13, 
1648,  Excerpia,  loc.  cit. 

*  "  Continual  le  instanze  tlcl  braccio  .secolarc  .  .  .  e  con  varii 
argomenti  cereal  di  persuadergli  che  non  dcve  far  altro  in  questa 
materia  che  quelle  che  io  li  domando  "  (Bichi,  I'ebruary  22, 
1648,  ibid.).  "  *Continuando  le  diligenze  per  havere  Tassi-stenza 
del  braccio  secolarc  .  .  .  et  indirizzando  li  miei  officii  per  havcrla 
senza  che  si  pubblichi  cditto,  conforme  una  lettcra  della  S.  Con- 
gregatione  di  s.  Officio  dc  i  febbraio  "  {ibid.). 

*  April  30,  1649,  ibid. 

"  *Appendiccs  to  Bichi's  letter  to  Pamfili  of  December  28, 
1O47,  and  .May  2,   1648,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 


3l8  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

William's  sentiments  were  still  strictly  those  of  a  devoted 
son  of  the  Church.^ 

Gradually  a  change  came  over  him.  At  the  very  moment 
when  the  royal  ordinance  seemed  to  assure  publication  of 
the  Bull,  Madrid  had  shown  great  consideration  for  Boonen 
and  his  envoy  Recht.  A  committee  was  formed  for  the 
purpose  of  discussing  their  objections  ^  and  in  the  order 
for  the  execution  of  the  Bull  ^  it  was  said  that  the  King 
would  request  the  Pope  to  have  Jansenius'  book  revised  and 
to  approve  it  once  it  had  been  amended.  Bichi  was  determined 
to  insist  that  it  was  not  possible  to  correct  a  book  whose 
very  root  and  heart  were  wrong,  but  he  received  instructions 
from  Rome  to  say  nothing  on  the  subject.* 

More  regrettable  was  the  circumstance  that  Roose's 
successor  as  President  of  the  Council  of  State,  D'Hovyne,^ 
was  an  unmitigated  exponent  of  a  policy  of  csesaro-papalism 
and  that  he  gained  great  ascendency  over  the  Archduke.*^ 


^  Cf.  the  *Letter  of  his  confessor  Schega  to  Bichi,  September  i6, 
1648  ;  the  Archduke  wrote  to  the  King  about  Bichi  :  "  quod 
ipsi  tamquam  ministro  Ap.  Sedis  potissimum  conveniat  agere 
hoc  negotium,  quod  est  totum  iuris  ecclesiastici  et  concernit 
auctoritatem  Pontificiam,  quam  HI.  D.  V.  debet  prae  ceteris 
defendere  ac  tueri.  Deinde  quod  Concilium  privatum  in  hac 
materia  non  debeat  quicquam  censere  ct  iudicare,  sed  solum 
111.  D^e  Va^'.tanquam  agenti,  nomine  SS.  D.  N.  porrigere  brachium, 
saeculare,  ubi  opus  videbitur."     Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

2  *Bichi,  March  14,  1650,  ihid. 

^  July  15,  1650,  Rapin,  I.,  389  scq.  ;  *Rospigliosi  to  Bichi, 
July  16,   1650,  Excerpia,  loc.  cit. 

*  *Bichi,  September  15,  1650,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit.  There  also 
the  Roman  *Reply  of  October  12,  1650. 

5  On  the  form  of  the  name  cf.  Biogr.  nat.  de  Belgique,  IX.,  563. 

^  "  *Quale  [Hovyne]  essendo  in  credito  appresso  di  S.  A.  gli 
fa  creder  quel  che  vuole  "  (Bichi,  September  16,  1651,  Excerpta, 
loc.  cit.).  Hovyne  had  his  son  educated  at  Tournai  in  the  hou.se 
of  Canon  Fromond,  a  nephew  of  the  professor  ;  the  son  had  already 
delivered  a  discourse  in  favour  of  Jansenius  (*Bichi  to  the  nuncio 
of  Madrid,  September  12,   1651,  ibid.). 


A  CHANGE  IN  THE  ARCHDUKE.      319 

Leopold  William  had  set  up  a  commission  in  connexion  with 
the  Bull.  It  was  composed  of  Counts  Fuensaldaha  and 
Schvvarzenberg  and  the  Secretary  of  State  Navarro  ^ ; 
they  were  subsequently  reinforced  by  the  Bishop  of  Antwerp 
and  the  Bishop-Designate  of  Ypres,  the  Chancellor  of  Brabant, 
Kinscot,  and  D'Hovyne  and  Bereur  who  were  members  of 
the  State  and  Privy  Councils.^  Strangely  enough  Boonen 
himself  and  the  Bishop  of  Ghent  ended  by  obtaining  a  seat 
in  the  commission.^  The  influence  of  caesaro-jxipalism  and 
Jansenism  was  soon  apparent.  An  ordinance  of  the  Go\ernor 
did  indeed  promise  the  Bishops  the  support  of  the  secular 
power  in  connexion  with  the  publication  of  the  Bull  ;  it 
e\'en  inculcated  the  various  clauses  of  the  Bull  and  lixed 
pi'ualties  for  those  who  contravened,  but  all  this  was  done 
in  virtue  of  the  authority  of  the  State  and  both  the  order 
and  the  penalties  were  applicable  to  all,  hence  to  the  clergy 
also,  though  this  was  against  the  principle  of  clerical  immunit\-. 
.\  U'tter  to  the  Bishops  charged  them  to  publish  the  Bull  on 
March  2(ttli  and  to  see  to  it  that  it  was  complied  with  ;  to 
secure  this  end  they  could  have  the  assistance  of  the  secular 
j)ower.  The  letter  expressly  states  that  the  clause  in  Urban 
VIII.'s  l^ull  which  declares  that  pul)lication  in  Rome  was 
sulticient,  was  not  to  be  recognized  ;  that  the  King  would 
press  for  a  revision  of  Jansenius'  book,  so  that  it  might  be 
republished  and  that. the  Bishops  must  not  tolerate  anything 
that  might  diminish  the  prestige  of  St.  Augustine  and  the 
Fathers.  A  third  decree  orders  the  Councillors  of  State  to 
have  the  l^ull  jMomulgated,  to  lend  assistance  to  the  Bishops 
and  to  denounce  them  to  the  Governor  should  they  fail  in 
their  duty.^  Thus  by  the  terms  of  these  drafts  the  Bull  was 
valueless  unless  the  State  published  it,  clerical  exemption 
from  secular  tribunals  was  ignored,   whilst   the   inter\ention 


'    *Iiichi,  Nox-enilxT  3,  1650,  ihu/. 
-   *l5ichi,  J  an  liar  V  12,  1631,  tbid. 
'  *Bichi,  I'ebruary  25,  1651,  ibid. 

*  *Appen(lices  to  Hichi's  letter  to  Painlili,  I'elMuary  -5,   1651, 
iLid. 


320  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

on  behalf  of  St.  Augustine  gave  the  Jansenists  a  pretext, 
despite  every  papal  condemnation,  for  holding  to  their 
teaching  which,  so  they  claimed,  was  simply  that  of  St. 
Augustine. 

For  some  time  already  Rome  had  watched  developments 
in  Flanders  with  grave  misgivings.  At  the  end  of  1647  Bichi 
was  instructed  to  procure  the  help  of  the  secular  arm,  but 
two  months  later  his  orders  were  :  "  simple  assistance,  but 
no  edict  "  ;  and  still  later  "  not  even  assistance  if  it  cannot 
be  had  without  a  decree  "  ;  and  at  the  end  of  1649  :  "  on  no 
account  must  he  give  his  assent  to  the  publication  of  the 
Bull."  ^  On  February  23rd,  1651,  the  Inquisition  decreed 
once  more  ^  that   Bichi  was  not   on   any  account   to   have 


^  The  decrees  are  grouped  together  in  *Bichi's  letter  of 
March  17,  1650  {Excerpta,  loc.  cit.)  :  December  28,  1647  :  "  di 
procurare  il  braccio  secolare  "  ;  February  i,  1648  :  "  di  non 
far  altra  istanza  che  di  una  semplice  assistenza  del  braccio 
secolare  "  and  no  edict  ;  June  6,  1648  :  "  che  non  faccia  istanza 
di  publicatione  di  editto,  anzi  vi  si  opponga  e  lassi  dileguare  la 
pretensione  che  si  e  havuta  di  questa  assistenza,  mentre  non  ci 
dia  senza  publicatione  di  editto  "  ;  December  18,  1649  :  "  di 
non  consentire  in  verun  modo  alia  publicatione  della  bolla,  e 
quanto  alli  altri  mezzi  per  reprimere  I'audacia  delli  Janseniani, 
lassi  la  cura  a  S.  A.,  e  quando  debbia  gastigare,  non  faccia  atto 
positivo  senza  parteciparlo  prima."  The  decision  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion of  June  6,  1648,  is  found  once  more  in  the  appendix  of 
*Bichi's  Letter  of  March  4,  1651.  He  finds  fault  with  the  assertion 
that  clerics  are  called  subjects  of  the  King  and  that  they  are 
threatened  with  banishment.  Similar  "  *a  tergo  "  comments  on 
Bichi's  dispatches  are  frequently  met  with,  e.g.  December  28,  1647, 
September  9,  1649,  August  18,  1650.  In  the  *  Instructions  to 
the  Spanish  nuncio  mention  is  often  made  of  the  Jansenist 
question  in  Flanders  :  Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  347.  Lettere  al  Niintio 
of  March  17  and  24  and  July  7,  1646,  February  5  and  July  13, 
1647,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

*  "  *Non  potest  ibi  deveniri  ad  novam  publicationem  absque 
magno  praeiudicio  auctoritatis  huius  s.  sedis."  Excerpta  (accord- 
ing to  Bichi's  dispatch  of  January  19,  1651),  loc.  cit. 


PROMULGATION  BY  THE  SECULAR  AUTHORITY.       32I 

anything  to  do  with  a  new  pubhcation  of  the  Bull  since  it 
had  been  published  in  Rome  and  had  been  communicated  to 
the  Bishops  and  had  also  been  handed  to  the  Louvain  delegates 
Sinnich  and  Paepe  before  a  notary  and  witnesses  ;  a  fresh 
publication  would  be  greatly  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Roman 
See.  If  Bichi  desired  to  reprint  the  Bull,  he  might  do  so 
though  there  was  no  need  for  it,  but  no  decree  about  the 
secular  arm  or  anything  else  must  be  added  to  the  text. 
On  the  whole  Rome  would  have  preferred  the  whole  affair 
to  be  dropped  ^  and  representations  were  made  to  Philip  IV. 
with  a  view  to  obtaining  from  him  what  it  seemed  so  difficult 
to  secure  from  Leopold  William. - 

The  internuncio  failed  in  his  attempt  to  persuade  the 
Archduke  to  recall  the  decree.  The  latter  met  Bichi's 
representations  with  the  statement  that  the  deliberations 
had  been  held  in  presence  of  four  ecclesiastics  and  that  was 
enough  to  exonerate  his  conscience.  D'Hovyne's  answer  was 
that  the  internuncio  overstepped  his  authority  and  abused 
the  kindness  of  the  Archduke  ;  the  decree  would  be  issued 
whether  Bichi  liked  it  or  not.^ 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  decree  was  published  in  all  the 
dioceses  of  Flanders  in  the  last  days  of  April.*    The  effect 

'  On  May  2,  1648,  Bichi  forwarded  the  draft  of  an  edict  of  the 
Archduke,  but  "  *le  fu  scritto  sotto  U  4  junio,  che  procurasse  in 
ogni  maniera,  che  quel  editto  non  si  publicasse  in  quella  forma, 
anzi  non  facesse  piii  instanza,  ma  lasci  a  poco  a  poco  svanire 
la  pretensione  dell'assistenza,  quando  s'habbia  a  publicar  editto  ". 
*Stimmarinni  (see  above,  p.  304,  n.  4). 

-  To  the  Spanish  nuncio  "  si  e  scritto,  che  insista  co'  suoi 
ufficii  per  ottenere  il  decreto  dell'assistenza  rappresentando 
esser  hora  il  tempo  opportune  per  la  presente  debbolezza  de' 
Jaiiseniani  ".  March  6,  1649,  to  Bichi,  Nunziat.  di  Fiandra, 
t.  28,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

^  *Bichi,  March  4,  1651,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

*  The  edict  of  February  28,  1651,  in  Fleurv,  LXI.,  750  seq. 
Bichi  ♦reports  on  April  15,  1651,  on  the  publication  in  Ghent, 
Antwerp,  Bruges,  Ypres,  Cambrai,  Tournai,  Namur,  Arras, 
Saint-Omer    {Excerpta,    loc.    cit.).      The    Archbishop   of  Malines 

VOL.    XX.K.  Y 


322  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

seemed  good  :  Jansenius'  work  and  the  other  forbidden  books 
were  no  longer  bought.^  For  all  that  the  internuncio  saw 
himself  compelled  to  protest  against  the  one-sided  procedure 
of  the  Archduke.  He  was  ordered  to  do  this  by  Rome  on 
April  1st  in  case  the  edict  had  already  been  published.  In 
doing  so  he  was  to  use  a  formula  bearing  the  date  of  April 
20th  which  was  sent  to  him  from  Rome.  That  document 
stated  that  it  was  enough  if  the  Bull  was  published  in  Rome 
and  whatever  was  contrary  to  the  authority  and  jurisdiction 
of  the  Holy  See  and  the  Church's  liberty  and  immunity  was 
null  and  void.^  As  a  matter  of  fact  as  early  as  March  16th 
Bichi  had  drawn  up  a  similar  formula  on  his  own 
authority.^  The  ministers  were,  of  course,  angry  that  Bichi 
should  not  only  have  protested  but  should  even  have  declared 
the  decree  null  and  void.  The  Archduke  ordered  the  Council 
of  Brabant  to  take  no  notice  of  the  protest  and  caused  the 
printer  to  be  fined.*  One  of  the  Councillors  informed  the  inter- 
nuncio that  if  he  quietly  accepted  the  intimation  of  the 
decree  of  the  Court  of  Cassation,  the  Council  of  Brabant 
would  take  no  action,  whereas  if  he  acted  otherwise  recourse 
might  be  had  to  forcible  measures.^ 

had  his  pastoral  affixed  to  all  the  parish  churches  and  the  decree 
of  the  Archduke  to  the  town-halls  of  Brussels,  Malines,  and 
Lou  vain,  but  the  Bull  nowhere.  *On  April  22  Bichi  reports 
that  the  Bull  was  published  "  assai  negligentemente  "  also  at 
Roermond  {ibid.). 

^  *Bichi,  April  15,  1651,  ibid. 

2  *Excerpta,  Appendix  to  Bichi's  report  of  March  4,  1651, 
loc.  cit. 

3  *Bichi,  March  18,  1651,  ibid. 

■*  *Bichi,  July  15,  1651,  ibid.  The  *circular  of  the  Archduke 
to  the  "  consegli  "  is  in  the  appendix  of  Bichi's  *letter  of  August  12, 
1 65 1,  ibid.  The  Archduke  did  not  know,  however,  that  the 
protest  was  made  by  order  from  Rome  (*Bichi,  July  29,  1651, 
ibid.).  The  *cassation  edict  of  the  Council  of  Brabant,  of  August 
31,  1 65 1,  is  in  the  appendix  of  Bichi's  *letter  of  September  16, 
1651,  ibid. 

*  *Bichi,  July  22,  1651,  ibid. 


MEASURES   AGAINST    lUCIII.  323 

Measures  ol  this  kiml  had  .ihtady  Ixfii  taken  on  a  iirevious 
occasion.  In  a  dispute  between  some  convents,  Bichi  had 
given  judgment  without  exhibiting  his  faculties.  According!}' 
the  Council  of  lirabant  caused  him  to  be  formally  beleaguered 
in  his  lodgings  until  he  withdrew  his  sentence.^  The  inter- 
nuncio was  of  opinion  that  these  molestations  were  instigated 
by  the  Jansenists  who,  by  this  means,  sought  to  revenge 
themselves  for  their  exclusion  by  him  from  benefices  and 
ecclesiastical  offices.  The  Archduke,  who  at  that  time  still 
sided  with  the  papal  envoy,  advised  him  to  yield  since  there 
was  question  only  of  the  ambition  of  a  couple  of  monks. - 
When  Bichi  withdrew  his  ordinance  the  Council  likewise 
displayed  a  conciliatory  disposition  :  it  suspended  its  first 
judicial  executor  though  the  latter  had  done  no  more  than 
carry  out  the  decrees  of  the  Council  ;  it  did  this  on  the  pretext 
that  in  dealing  with  the  internuncio,  he  had  exceeded  his 
powers.^  Innocent  X.  protested  against  these  proceedings, 
which  he  described  as  breaches  of  international  law,  but 
consented  to  consider  the  punishment  of  the  judicial  executor, 
which  he  ascribed  to  the  Archduke,  as  a  satisfaction.*  Mean- 
while, on  August  4th,  the  Council  had  taken  another  violent 
measure  against  the  internuncio  in  connexion  with  a  certain 
Canon  Hughes.  For  the  sake  of  his  personal  safety  Bichi 
repaired  to  Saint-Gislain  until  the  Archduke,  through  his 
confessor  Schega,  invited  him  to  his  headquarters  after  which 
he  caused  the  proceedings  to  be  suspended.^ 

A  few  months  later.  Innocent  X.  adopted  a  sharper  tone 


'   *Bichi,  July  15,  1649,  Lettere,  t.  33,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

-  *Bichi,  July  21,  1649,  ibid. 

•'  *  Bichi,  July  2i>,  1649,  ibid. 

*  *  Brief  to  the  Archduke  of  August  28,  1649,  Epist..  IV. -VI. 
(May,  1648,  to  September,  1650,  Franc.  Nerlio  secretario),  n.  260, 
Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

'  *Bichi,  August  5  and  18,  1649,  Lettere,  loc.  cit.  On  April  26, 
1 65 1,  acts  of  violence  were  again  feared  in  Rome  ;  in  that  case 
Bichi  should  withdraw  to  Aix-la-Chapelle.  Xnnziat.  di  Xapoli, 
Cifre  al  Nuntio,  39  A,  f.  9S,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 


324  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

towards  tlic  Arclidukc.^  After  praising  liis  conduct  during 
the  iirst  period  of  his  administration,  the  Pope  complained 
that  he  had  allowed  his  advisers  to  induce  him  to  issue  a 
decree  which  was  at  variance  with  the  Church's  authority. 
It  was  an  unheard  of  thing  for  ecclesiastical  persons  to  be 
cited  before  secular  tribunals.  He  (the  Pope)  had  contented 
himself  with  protests  and  a  declaration  that  these  proceedings 
were  null  and  void,  but  instead  of  amending  his  conduct, 
the  Governor  had  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  by  his 
advisers  to  issue  a  fresh  circular  in  which  he  sought  to  over- 
throw even  the  Pope's  judicial  power  in  matters  of  faith, 
for  those  men  asserted  that  Urban  VIII. 's  decree  did  not 
bind  in  conscience  unless  it  were  published  anew,  with  the 
royal  placet.  In  justification  of  such  conduct  they  had  appealed 
to  privileges  and  customs  ;  but  no  such  privilege  had  ever 
been  granted  by  either  Pope  or  Council  and  no  prince  had 
ever  claimed  anything  of  the  kind  ;  there  could  be  neither 
custom  nor  prescription  against  papal  authority,  especially 
in  matters  of  faith.  Moreover,  the  Governor  had  been  induced 
to  declare  the  protest  to  be  null  and  void  and  to  punish  the 
printer.  The  Archduke  had  become  another  Absalom  ;  if 
everybody  was  free  to  write  against  the  dogmas  to  the  faith, 
could  the  printing  of  a  papal  protest  be  looked  upon  as  a 
crime  ?  As  a  loyal  son  of  the  Church,  Leopold  William  should 
have  kept  an  eye  on  his  advisers,  for  the  Pope  took  it  for 
granted  that  the  Archduke  had  been  deceived  by  them. 
Innocent  X.  wrote  in  the  same  strain  to  Philip  IV. ^  The 
Governor  took  the  Brief  in  good  part  but  the  Privy  Council 
raised  loud  protests  on  the  plea  that  its  tone  was  one  that 
should  not  be  adopted  towards  an  Archduke.^  Bichi's  answer 
was    that    the    language    of    the    archducal    ordinance    was 

1  *Brief  of  November  ii,  1651,  Epist.,  VI. -VII.  (September, 
1650,  to  September,   1652),  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

2  *Brief  of  November  11,  1651,  ibid.,  11.  119  ;  Excerpta,  f.  645, 
loc.  cit.  Both  Briefs  were  issued  by  the  decision  of  the  Commission 
for  Jansenism,  September  7,  1651.  Schill  in  Katholik,  1883  ; 
II.,  293. 

3  *Bichi,  December  9  and  23,  1651,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 


ACTION    BY    PHILIP    IV.  325 

undoubtedly  far  sharper.^  Thereupon,  Leopold  William 
communicated  the  Brief  to  all  the  Provincial  Councils  from 
whom  no  protests  against  State  usurpations  were  to  be 
expected.  Bichi  ^  looked  on  this  proceeding  as  a  manoeuvre 
of  d'Hovyne  ^  to  induce  the  King  to  change  his  mind.  The 
memorials  of  the  Provincial  Councils  were  all  against 
the  prerogatives  of  the  Church.'*  At  Madrid  the  King  had  the 
matter  examined,^  whilst  the  Spanish  nuncio  pressed  from 
dav  to  day  for  a  decision.®  At  last  Philip  IV.  instructed  the 
Archduke  to  have  the  Bull  carried  into  effect  and  to  lend  the 
assistance  of  the  secular  arm  for  the  purpose.'  Apparently 
the  King  saw  in  this  a  virtual  withdrawal  of  the  decrees 
but  Bichi  insisted  on  an  explicit  repeal.^  To  this  Madrid 
would  not  agree.  The  Archduke,  he  was  told,  had  been 
instructed  not  to  encroach  in  any  way  on  the  Church's 
immunity  and  to  maintain  good  relations  with  the  inter- 
nuncio ;  by  doing  so  tli('\-  had  done  all  that  it  was  possible 
to  do." 

(6.) 

^leanwhile  a  fresh  comphcation  had  arisen,  one  that  had 
been  preparing  for  several  years.    When,  in  KilT,  Phili])  I\'.'s 

'   *January  6,  1652,  ibul. 

-  *Ibid. 

3  *"  Dircttore  principale  di  tutto  il  ncgotio."    Ibid. 

*   *Bichi,  February  3,  1652,  ibid. 

•'  *Bichi,  August  12,  1651,  ibid. 

•■'  *Rospigliosi  to  Bichi,  October  14  and  Xovcmber  4,  1651, 
ihid. 

'  Rospigliosi  to  Bichi,  December  2,  1651,  ibid. 

•*  *Bichi,  December  23,  1651,  ibid. 

'  "  *Che  per  nessun  modo  diretta — o  indirettamento  si  facessc 
prciuditio  quantunquc  minimo  aH'immunita,  ecclesiastica  e  chc 
se  usassc  ogni  tcrmine  di  buona  corrispondenza  con  11  mlnistro 
Apostollco  ;  onde  pareva  loro,  non  restare  al  prcsente  da  provcdcr 
(11  vantaggio  persuadendosl  chc  S.  A.  havcrebbc  opcrato  chc 
^'li  editti  rimanghlno  scnza  osservanza."  Rospigliosi,  Madrid, 
March    i(),    H>^2,  in   Iixcrypta,  lor.  cit. 


326  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

strict  injunction  for  the  publication  of  the  Bull  arrived, 
Roose  looked  for  pretexts  to  put  it  off.  Accordingly  he  wrote 
to  the  Bishops  requesting  them  to  inform  him  why  they  had 
not  yet  obeyed  the  royal  commands.^  The  Bishop  of  Ghent, 
Anthony  von  Triest,  rephed  in  a  long  letter  dated  March  20th, 
1647.2  He  had  not  published  Urban  VIII. 's  Bull,  he  states, 
because  it  had  been  obtained  by  fraud  and  was  unfair  to 
Jansenius,  and  its  publication  would  only  have  created 
confusion.  When  he  had  done  with  the  Bull  there  was  not 
much  left  in  it  that  was  of  any  use.  According  to  him  the 
Bull  is  wrong  when  it  asserts  that,  contrary  to  Rome's 
prohibition,  Jansenius  revived  the  dispute  on  grace  which 
had  broken  out  under  Clement  VIII.  ;  all  he  did  was  to 
expound  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine,  and  the  prohibition 
in  question  had  neither  been  published  nor  observed.  "  It 
was  the  blackest  of  calumnies  "  we  read,  to  say  that  Jansenius 
restated  the  theses  of  Baius  ;  so  far  from  doing  so,  his  book 
ought  to  be  crowned  with  laurels  forasmuch  as  it  shows  the 
agreement  of  the  Holy  See  with  St.  Augustine.  Not  Jansenius, 
but  his  opponents  were  the  cause  of  the  scandal.  The  Bishop 
of  Ypres  is  then  extolled  "  as  a  loyal  subject,  a  man  of  out- 
standing scholarship  and  exemplary  conduct,  an  ornament 
of  the  University  ".  The  Privy  Council  subsequently  consulted 
the  Bishops  more  than  once.^  Another  letter  of  the  Bishop 
of  Ghent  ^  in  answer  to  a  question  of  September  1st,  restates 
practically  the  same  sentiments  :  Jansenius  is  once  more 
described  as  an  innocent  victim  ;  not  he  is  the  author  of 
scandal  but  "  the  infamous  theses  and  preachments  of  the 

1  "  *Mendicando  pretest!  colic  lunghezze,  in  luogo  d'ordinare 
die  senza  replica  si  eseguissero  gFordini  di  S.  M.,  haveva  scritto 
a'  prelati  di  quelle  provincie  chc  gl'avisassero  le  cagioni  per  le 
quali  non  havessero  adempiti  gFordini."  Bichi,  March  30,  1647, 
Excerpta,  loc.  cit.     Rapin,  I.,   155. 

2  Excerpta,  f.  402  s.,  loc.  cit. 

3  "  affinche  havessero  campo  rarcivescovo  di  Malines  e  gli 
altri  disobedienti  di  scrivere,  come  poi  han  fatto."  *Summarium 
(see  above,  p.  304,  n.  4,  June  19,  1647). 

■•  September  28,  1647,  Excerpta,  f.  103,  loc.  cit. 


ARCHBISHOP   BOONEN.  327 

Jesuits  ".^  Consequently  the  Bull  should  not  be  made  public, 
but  they  should  demand  a  Provincial  Council  from  the  Pope. 
Archbishop  Booncn  also  presented  a  memorial  to  the  King  at 
this  time.  In  it  he  makes  a  historical  survey  of  the  questions 
in  dispute,  the  object  of  which  was,  since  Clement  VIII., 
the  doctrine  of  grace.  In  his  opinion  also  the  Jesuits  were  the 
cause  of  all  the  mischief.  Through  Molina  these  defended  new 
dogmas,  persecuted  the  Bishop  of  Ypres  and  had  procured 
a  Bull  against  him.  In  the  Low  Countries,  Boonen  claimed, 
there  was  no  obligation  to  publish  the  Bull  on  account  of 
that  country's  privileges  ;  in  France  also  the  better  part  of 
the  clergy  refused  to  acknowledge  it.^  Boonen's  memorial 
and  Triest's  first  letter  were  thrown  to  the  general  public  in 
1649  by  means  of  the  printing  press. 

This  was  not  Boonen's  only  offence.  During  his  visitation 
of  the  archdiocese.  Van  Caelen  had  distributed  hundreds  of 
Flemish  and  French  copies  of  the  Janscnist  catechism  of 
grace  among  women  and  nuns.  Thereupon  a  Douai  Doctor 
wrote  an  orthodox  catechism  as  an  "  antidote  "  against  the 
Jansenist  product.  Rome,  however,  prohibited  even  the 
orthodo.x  catechism  on  the  ground  that  it  was  forbidden  to 
write  on  certain  points  of  the  doctrine  of  grace  and  because 
the  topic  was  too  abstruse  for  the  people.^  But  the  Archbishop 
thought  he  would  give  Rome  a  lesson  ;   accordingly,  he  wrote 


1  "  Ex  infamibus  illis  thcsibus  et  concionibus  Patrum  Socictatis 
ea  de  re  petulanter  habitis,"  ibid. 

*  "  Rationes,  ob  quas  111.  et  Rev.  D.  Archiepiscopus  Mech- 
liniensis  a  promulgatione  bullae  .  .  .  abstinuit,  ex  mandate 
Regie  allegatae  ac  catholicae  Maiestati  exhibitae.  E  Galileo  in 
Latinum  translatae  1649  (40,  27  p.)."  Cf.  Biogr.  nat.  de  Belgique, 
II.,  705  ;  Rapin,  II.,  29  seq.  The  letter  is  dated  September  17, 
1647  {*Sit}U))iarium,  loc.  cit.).  A  Refutation  :  "  *Notanda  qitaedmii 
circa  scriptuvi  III.  ac  Rev.  Archiepiscopi  ]\Iechliniensis  "  in  Bibl. 
Barberini,   Rome,  XVIII.,  51,  f.   163  seqq. 

'  *Bichi,  July  14,  1650,  together  with  the  decree  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion of  October  6,  1650,  Excerpia,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  Reusch,  Index, 
II..  471. 


328  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

to  the  Pope  ^  that  he  could  not  pubhsh  the  prohibition  of 
the  two  catechisms  without  scandal,  danger  to  souls  and 
grave  injury  to  the  reputation  and  authority  of  the  Apostolic 
See,  for  according  to  that  decree  the  reply  to  the  Jansenist 
catechism  was  free  of  errors  whereas  Boonen  endeavours 
to  show  that  there  were  no  less  than  fourteen  errors  in  it.  He 
then  goes  on  to  defend  himself  against  the  accusations  that 
were  being  made  against  him  in  Rome.  "  Would  that  age  and 
health  would  allow  me  to  throw  myself  in  person  at  your  feet 
in  order  to  exculpate  myself  !  "  But  since  such  a  thing  was 
out  of  the  question,  he  prayed  the  Pope  not  to  give  credence 
to  calumnies  against  himself  and  against  so  many  men 
distinguished  for  virtue,  learning  and  devotion  to  the  Holy 
See,  as  if  they  were  rebels  against  the  Pope.  He  also  prayed 
that  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine  be  at  last  examined  with 
becoming  impartiality. 

If  these  words,  unaccompanied  as  they  were  by  deeds, 
were  hardly  calculated  to  soften  Rome's  opinion  of  the 
Archbishop,  Boonen's  ordinance  which  accompanied  the 
publication  of  the  Bull  on  March  29th,  1651,  was  even  less 
likely  to  produce  such  a  result.^  The  old  objections  against 
Urban  VIH.'s  decision  are  here  reproduced,  though  not  in 
so  many  words  as  the  Archbishop's  personal  view,  yet  as 
the  view  of  men  "  no  less  pious  than  learned  ".  The  complaint 
that  the  Bull  had  been  issued  without  adequate  preliminary 
inquiry  is  also  renewed  in  another  form.  Jansenius'  piety  and 
learning  are  extolled  and  the  accusation  of  heresy  against 
him  is  described  as  a  dreadful  calumny  ;  when  it  is  finally 
stated  that  it  was  not  the  Pope's  intention,  in  issuing  the  Bull, 
to  trench  on  St.  Augustine's  teaching,  the  words  can  only 
mean  that  the  Jansenists  were  free  to  go  on  defending  their 
own  peculiar  views.  Thus  Boonen.  The  covering  letters 
with  which  the  Bishop  of  Ghent  ^  and  the  Vicar  General  of 

1   *January  28,  1651,  Excerpta,  f.  543,  loc.  cit. 

-  Reproduced  (from  D'Argentre)  in  Fleury,  LXL,  758  scqq. 

^  March  26,  1651,  ibid.,  752  seq.  There  it  is  stated  that  the 
observance  of  the  Bull  was  commanded  "  saltem  quantum 
colligere   potuimus,    donee   et   quousque    Sedes   Apostolica   post 


BOONEN    AND    TRIEST    SUMMONED    TO    ROME.    329 

Ypres  ^  accompanied  the  publication  of  the  Bull,  were  in  a 
similar  strain.  All  three  covering  letters  were  condemned 
by  the  Inquisition  together  with  the  pamphlets  with  which 
Boonen  and  Triest  (the  latter's  pamphlet  is  dated  March 
20th,  1647),  sought  to  justify  their  failure  to  publish  the  Bull. 2 
The  decree  of  the  Inquisition  informed  those  concerned  that 
recourse  would  be  had  to  ecclesiastical  sanctions  against  them 
unless  they  exculpated  themselves  as  soon  as  possible.  Ypres 
declared  its  unquestioning  readiness  to  obey  the  Pope  ^ 
but  the  two  Bishops  remained  silent.  Accordingly,  on 
Nov-ember  18th,  1651,  both  were  summoned  to  appear  in 
Rome*  Unless  they  appeared  there  in  si.x  months,  they  were 
to  be  suspended  from  the  exercise  of  episcopal  functions 
nor  would  they  be  allowed  to  enter  a  church.  On 
December  12th  and  13th  this  sentence  was  communicated  to 
the  two  prelates.^  Archbishop  Boonen  replied  that  he  had 
justified  himself  in  writing  and  his  seventy-nine  years  prevented 
him  from  going  to  Rome.  Both  he  and  the  Bishop  of  Ghent 
appealed  against  the  citation  to  the  Royal  Privy  Council  ® 
which  referred  the  affair  to  the  Council  of  Malines  ;  the 
latter,  however,  declared  its  incompetence  in  the  matter. 
Thereupon  the  two  prelates  assured  the  Pope  of  their  innocence 
bv  letter,'  and  prayed  that  someone  be  appointed  to  judge 
them  since  their  years  made  it  impossible  for  them  to  appear 

novum  examen  dicti  libri  sive  illius  revisionem,  quam  sc  .  .  . 
procuraturam  cdixit,  .  .  .  (juatcnus  crrores,  si  qui  in  illo  inveniun- 
tur,  expurgentur  ct  .  .  .  quod  do  doctrina  illius  tenendum 
forct  dcclarasset.   .   .   . 

'  March  27,  1651,  ibid.,  755  scq. 

■  May  II,  1651  ;  see  Reuscu,  II.,  465  ;  Hilgicrs,  424.  In 
the  copy  of  the  decree  in  Fleurv,  LXI.,  the  "  Raisons  "  of  tlie 
Bishop  of  Ghent  are  omitted. 

'  *Scptcmber  19,  1651,  Excerpta,  f.  638,  loc.  cit. 

'   In  Fleurv,  LXI.,  764  seq. 

'■'  *Bichi,  December  30,  1651,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

"  *Bichi,  February  3,  1652,  ibid. 

'  *Triest  alone  on  I'cbniary  28,  1652,  ""both  together  on 
March  2,  ihid.,  f.  (■»>(),  698. 


330  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

personally  in  Rome  ;  in  fact  they  could  not  do  so  in  view  of 
the  privileges  of  Flanders  and  because  as  Councillors  of  State 
they  would  have  to  obtain  the  King's  leave.  Accordingly,  the 
two  were  ordered  to  send  a  representative  to  Rome  within  two 
months,  to  answer  for  them,^  but  they  replied  that  on  the 
ground  of  the  privileges  of  Flanders  they  could  not  be  called 
to  account  outside  their  own  country. ^ 

Meanwhile  Bichi  was  recalled  and  was  succeeded  by 
Andrea  Mangelli  as  internuncio  as  well  as  in  the  delicate  task 
of  coming  to  terms  with  the  Netherlands,  ever  most  jealous 
and  susceptible  where  their  privileges  were  concerned.^ 
In  his  very  first  report  the  internuncio  had  to  announce  that 
D'Hovyne  would  not  hear  of  the  two  Bishops  going  to  Rome. 
MangelH  vainly  insisted  that  if  the  two  prelates  sent  their 
representatives  to  Rome  someone  would  naturally  be  appointed 
to  make  a  judicial  inquiry  in  Flanders,  and  that  if  the  Pope's 
judicial  authority  in  matters  of  faith  were  circumscribed 
in  one  country,  it  would  also  be  limited  and  ruined  in  other 
countries.*  He  fared  no  better  with  the  Archbishop.  Boonen 
read  to  him  a  decree  of  the  Council  of  Brabant  forbidding 
him  to  name  a  representative  under  penalty  of  confiscation 
of  his  revenues.  He  begged  for  compassion  ;  all  former  Popes 
had  acknowledged  the  country's  privileges  and  there  was  no 
question  of  matters  touching  the  faith. ^  On  the  other  hand 
the  Bishop  of  Ghent  seemed  wiUing  to  submit  to  the  Pope 
but  expressed  a  fear  of  giving  scandal  were  he  to  appoint  a 
delegate.^  However,  Mangelli  remained  firm.  He  refused 
to  allow  the  appeal  to  the  Council  of  Brabant  ;  if  Boonen 
had  at  once  named  a  representative,  he  would  have  forestalled 

1   *To  Boonen,  July  26,  to  Trist,  August  2,  1652,  ibid.,  f.  809. 

-  *Boonen,  July  28,  1652,  ibid. 

^  The  change  was  decided  on  by  the  Jansenist  Congregation  in 
Rome  (ScHiLL  in  Katholik,  1883,  II.,  294).  *Mangelli's  credentials 
for  the  Archduke,  dated  January  20,  1652,  in  Innocentii  X. 
Epist.,  VII.-VIII.,  n.  138,  Pap.  Seer.  Arch. 

*  *Mangelli,  August  31,  1652,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

5  *Ihid. 

^  *Mangelli,  August  10,  1652,  ibid. 


THE  PRELATE  S  EXCUSES.         331 

the  decree  and  there  was  no  doubt  that  the  question  concerned 
the  faith.  As  for  the  Bishop  of  Ghent's  desire  to  obey,  MangelH 
observed  that  this  must  be  proved  by  deeds  and  that  the 
prelate's  fears  were  quite  unfounded.^  A  certain  advocate 
of  the  name  of  Mortelle  who,  when  speaking  on  behalf  of  the 
Archbishop,  dwelt  on  the  scandal  which  the  infringement 
of  the  privileges  would  cause,  was  told  that  it  was  a  much 
greater  scandal  when  an  Archbishop  and  Primate  refused 
to  submit  to  a  papal  decree  :  in  this  matter  no  Catholic, 
least  of  all  a  Bishop,  could  appeal  to  any  privilege.  For 
the  rest,  as  internuncio,  all  he  had  to  do  was  to  carry  out  the 
Pope's  orders  whilst  a  representative  of  the  Bishops  with  the 
Holy  See  would  promote  their  cause  far  better  than  he  could. - 
Thereupon  the  two  prelates  excused  themselves  in  Rome  for 
their  inability  to  send  a  delegate,^  but  their  pleading  was  not 
admitted  and  the  threatened  penalties  were  now  pronounced.* 
In  doing  so  the  Pope  observed  that  he  could  not  tolerate  that 
Bishops  who,  at  their  consecration,  had  taken  a  special 
oath  of  obedience  to  the  Pope,  should  refuse  submission 
under  such  futile  pretexts.^ 

The  internuncio  of  Flanders  was  informed  of  the  sentence 
by  the  nuncio  of  Venice  but  the  document  itself  was  inter- 
cepted at  the  frontier  of  Champagne  by  the  army  of  Prince 
de  Conde,**  and  only  on  February  22nd,  1653,  was  Mangelli 
able  to  acknowledge  its  reception.'    Its  execution,  however, 

'   *Mangelli,  August  lo  and  31,  1652,  ibid. 

-  *Mangclli  to  Cardinal  Barberini  and  the  Inquisition,  August  3, 
1652,  ibid. 

■'  *Mangelli,  September  7,  1652,  ibid. 

'  *On  October  19,  1652,  dispatched  to  Mangelli  on  21st,  ibid. 
Text  of  the  decree  with  date  of  December  10,  1632,  in  Fleury, 
FXL,  760  i.cq. 

'-  *October  19,  1052,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

'•  Rapin,  II.,  31. 

'  *Excerpta  ex  codice  S.  Officii,  cuius  inscriptio  :  Acta  in 
Belgio  circa  Constitutionem  damnaniem  5  propositiones  lansenii 
a.  1653-1656.  Acta  in  Calliis  circa  Constitutionem  praefatam, 
a.   1653  1656   (Schill). 


332  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

proved  difficult.  A  short  time  before,  on  September  14th, 
1652,  Bereuil,  who  was  the  oldest  member  of  the  Archduke's 
Privy  Council,  had  informed  Bichi,  the  then  internuncio, 
that  the  Privy  Council  had  ordered  the  Bishops  to  forgo  a 
judicial  procedure  and  to  throw  themselves  on  the  Pope's 
mercy  and  that  the  Bishops  had  consented  to  act  accordingly.^ 
However,  the  letter  to  the  Pope  which  they  then  considered, 
was  never  written  and  a  few  months  later  the  Council  of 
Brabant  had  changed  its  mind.  The  Archduke  declared  to 
the  internuncio  that  neither  his  archducal  authority  nor  that 
of  the  King  would  succeed  in  persuading  the  Council  of 
Brabant  to  allow  the  Bishops  to  send  a  delegate  to  Rome. 
Rather  than  allow  their  privileges  to  be  curtailed,  they  would 
renounce  all  obedience  to  the  Holy  See,  to  the  great  injury 
of  Pope  and  King  ;  this  was  bound  to  happen  if  they  adopted 
a  policy  of  force  towards  the  Bishops.^  These  were  strong 
words  !  Yet  the  Governor  was  a  gentle  nature  and  opposed 
to  violent  measures,^  nor  was  anything  worse  reported  from 
Spain  than  that  a  certain  Abbate  Vasquez  had  been  com- 
missioned to  go  to  Flanders  in  connexion  with  the  Bull  and 
to  induce  the  two  Bishops  to  obey.* 

1  "  *Che  con  humilissime  preghiere  si  gettino  alii  piedi  di 
S.  S.,  implorando  la  paterna  Sua  misericordia,  lasciando  da  parte 
ogni  altera  giustificatione,  che  o  per  se  stesso  o  per  mezzo  de 
procuratore  si  potesse  fare,  e  promettendo  ubbidire  ad  ogni 
comandamento  di  S.  B."    Ibid. 

2  "  *Che  ne  rautorita  del  S""  Archiduca  ne  dei  ministri  del 
Re  ne  del  Re  medesimo  bastava  per  indurre  il  Conseglio  di 
Brabante  a  permettere  che  si  faccia  dai  vescovi  la  deputatione 
del  procuratore  in  Roma,  apresa  da  loro  per  contraria  e  derogatoria 
ai  lore  privilegii,  e  che  piix  tosto  perderanno  la  totale  obedienza 
alia  Sede  Apostolica  con  mettere  in  grandi  fastidii  non  meno  il 
S.  Pontefice  che  il  re  di  Spagna,  e  che  altro  frutto  non  si  con- 
seguira  dal  volere  forzare  con  remedii  piu  rigorosi  li  sudetti 
vescovi.    Mangelli,  March  i,  1653,  ibid. 

^  "  *Placidis.sima  natura  con  soavissime  maniere  "  :  is  not 
able  to  act  "  con  fervore  et  efficacia  ".  Mangelli,  March  8,  1653, 
ibid. 

■»  *Bichi,  November  <),    1652,  Excerpta,  a.    1647  scqq.,  loc.  cii. 


A    SETTLEMENT.  333 

Notwithstanding  Uw  unsatisfactory  reports  from  Jirusscls, 
Rome  was  determined  on  the  execution  of  the  decree.  A 
notary  was  found  who  affixed  it  at  St.  Gudula's  at  Brussels, 
after  which  he  fled  with  all  speed. ^  The  Council  proposed 
a  reward  of  300  gold  florins  to  anyone  supplying  information 
as  to  the  identity  of  the  person  who  had  transcribed  and 
affixed  the  decree  ;  on  May  12th  it  declared  the  document 
to  be  false  and  null  ^  and  forbade  the  Bishops  to  present 
themselves  in  Romc.^  Orders  were  given  to  have  the  decree 
torn  down,*  but  the  Archduke  forbade  not  only  their  execution 
but  a  commission  was  convened  to  dehberate  on  the  means 
of  settling  the  dispute.^  The  commission  found  a  solution 
of  the  great  difficulty  of  safeguarding  both  the  privileges 
of  Flanders  and  the  authority  of  the  Pope  ^ :  this  was  that 
the  two  Bishops  should  protest  their  submission  to  the  Pope, 
acknowledge  their  fault,  beg  the  Pontiff's  pardon  and  appeal 
to  his  clemency.'  The  commission  likewise  decided  that  the 
citation  to  Rome  was  not  contrary  to  the  privileges  of 
Flanders  ;  consequently  the  Archduke  should  write  to  the 
Bishop  and  urge  them  to  obey  ;  meanwhile  the  two  prelates 
should  abstain  from  pontifical  functions  and  ask  for  absolution 
by  the  Pope.  The  Governor,  moreover,  was  requested  to 
order  the  Council  of  Brabant  to  revoke  the  decree  of  nullity 
of  May  r2th  and  to  make  their  excuses  to  the  internuncio. 
As  for  Mangelli,  he  might  safely  return  from  Spa  whither 


■  Rapin,  II.,  yS. 

-  *Mangclli,  May,  1653,  Excerpta,  a.  1653  seqq.,  loc.  cit. 

3  Fleurv,  LXI.,  768. 

*  May  22,  1653,  reprint,  ibid. 

'•'  *Mangelli,  July  18,  1653,  Excerpta,  a.  1653  seqq.,  loc.  cit. 

*  The  commission  consisted  of  the  Bishops  of  Cambrai,  Bruges, 
Antwerp,  Count  I'-ucnsaldana,  Dean  Le  Roy  of  Malines,  the 
Secretary  of  State  Navarro,  and  six  Councillors  of  State.  The 
reporter  was  the  passionate  Hovyne,  who  had  said  that  the 
Pope  owed  satisfaction  to  the  States.  *  Mangelli,  July  2  and  10, 
1653,  ibid. 

'   *The  same,  July  10,  1653,  ibid. 


334  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

he  liad  fled,  for  lie  liad  nothing  to  fear.'  IVleanwhile  orders 
had  come  from  Rome  to  the  two  Cathedral  Chapters  not  to 
allow  the  Bishops  to  enter  their  churches. - 

Even  so  Archbishop  Boonen  seemed  at  first  unwilling  to 
submit.  In  the  Council  of  Brabant  he  spoke  against  the 
commission  and  begged  the  Councillors  not  to  forsake  him. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  the  Councillors  sent  a  message  to  the 
Governor  begging  him  not  to  give  his  consent  to  any  curtail- 
ment of  Flanders'  privileges  ;  otherwise  the  States  would 
refuse  to  pay  their  subsidies  to  the  King.^  The  Archbishop 
of  Cambrai  vainly  sought  to  influence  his  colleague  ;  Boonen 
told  him  he  could  not  see  that  he  had  incurred  any  censures  ^ 
and  sought  to  cover  himself  with  the  oath  by  which  he  had 
bound  himself  to  defend  the  rights  of  his  country. 

Not  so  the  Bishop  of  Ghent.  From  the  first  he  seemed 
prepared  to  seek  absolution  in  Rome  through  an  envoy  and 
these  sentiments  grew  stronger  under  the  influence  of  the 
newly  named  Bishop  of  Antwerp.^  On  July  16th  he  informed 
the  internuncio  at  Spa  that  he  was  ready  to  obey  the  Pope 
and  apologized  for  his  hesitation.^  When  Mangelh  exhorted 
him  to  give  a  positive  proof  of  his  submission  the  Bishop 
sent  him  on  July  23rd  a  petition  in  which  he  named  the 
Carmehte  Isidore  of  St.  Joseph  as  his  representative  in  Rome 
and  asked  for  absolution  in  case  he  needed  it.'  After  that 
he  called  on  the  internuncio  at  Spa  and  assured  him  that 
since  the  Brief  to  his  Chapter  he  had  refrained  from  all 
episcopal  functions  and  had  urged  his  Chapter  to  elect   a 


1  *The  same,  July  17,  1653,  ibid. 

2  *Brief  of  June  28,  1653,  Innocentii,  X.,  Epist.,  X.  (Decio 
Azzohno  secret.),  n.  3,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

^  *Mangelli,  July  10,  1653,  loc.  cit. 

*  *The  same,  July  17,  1653,  ibid. 

^  *The  same,  July  24  and  26,  1653,  ibid.  ;  Rapin,  II., 
79  seq. 

6  *Report  of  the  nunciature  of  Brussels,  t.  37  ;  *Letter  of 
Mangelli,  July  31,  1653,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

'  *Mangelli,  July  31,   1653,   ibid. 


boonen's  recantation.  335 

Vicar  whilst  their  Bishop  was  inhibited,  and  that  this  had 
actually  been  done.^ 

On  July  31st,  1653,  Mangelli  was  able  to  report  a  further 
success  when  he  wrote  to  Rome  that  the  Archbishop  of 
Malines  had  likewise  expressed  his  willingness  to  submit. 
On  August  1st  Boonen  sent  his  nephew  to  the  internuncio 
to  confirm  the  fact  that  he  had  named  a  representative  in 
Rome  and  that  since  the  arrival  of  the  Brief  to  his  Chapter 
he  had  not  officiated  as  Bishop. ^  On  August  1st  he  effectively 
appointed  a  representative  in  Rome  in  the  person  of  Canon 
Henri  d'Othcnin  and  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Pope.  After 
Mangelli's  return  to  Brussels,  on  August  5th,  both  prelates 
called  on  him  and  renewed  their  assurances  although  the 
Council  of  Brabant  had  threatened  the  Archbishop  with  the- 
suppression  of  his  revenues  if  he  accredited  a  representative 
in  Rome. 3  On  October  21st,  1653,  in  virtue  of  a  papal  con- 
cession, Mangelli  was  able  to  absolve  the  Archbishop.* 

Boonen's  recantation  could  not  undo  the  evil  which 
he  had  sown  so  long.  A  report  by  the  internuncio  on  that 
period  ^  draws  a  gloomy  picture  of  the  state  of  religion  in 
the  country.  The  chief  advocates  of  the  new  teaching,  Van 
Caelen  and  Fromond,  in  conjunction  with  Boonen  and  Triest, 
Mangelli  writes,  had  spread  it  with  so  much  care,  caution  and 
zeal  and  obtained  so  many  adherents  for  it,  that  there  was 
hardly  a  soul  in  those  Provinces  that  remained  untouched  by 
it.  This  result  was  brought  about  by  filling  pastoral  posts  with 
Jansenists.  As  Bishops  these  men  had  the  bestowal  of  such 
benefices  as  were  in  the  gift  of  the  ordinaries  ;  as  members 
of  the  Council  of  State  they  were  able  to  influence  appoint- 
ments to  posts  where  the  King  enjoyed  the  right  of  patronage, 
with  the  result  that  there  was  no  Chapter  in  any  church  in 

^  *The  same,  August  2,  1653,  ibid. 
=  *Ibid. 
^  *Ibid. 

*  *Mangelli,  October  25,  1653,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit.  ♦Brief  with 
plenary  powers  for  absolution,  August  23,  1653,  ibid.,  f.  215. 

*  October  4,  1653,  Excerpta,  translated  in  R.\pin,  II.,  180-2. 


336  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

Flanders,  into  which  the  Archbishop  had  not  inducted  some 
Jansenist. 

In  the  Mendicant  Orders  Boonen  had  promoted  Jansenism 
by  the  bestowal  of  abundant  alms  on  its  adherents  and  by 
furthering  their  petitions  in  his  capacity  as  a  member  of  the 
State  Council,  the  Privy  Council  and  the  Council  of  Brabant. 
Almost  all  the  Abbots  who  had  a  seat  in  the  States  General 
had  been  won  over  by  his  tricks,  whilst  he  took  advantage 
of  the  prevailing  jealousy  and  aversion  for  the  Society  of 
Jesus  to  foster  Jansenism  in  all  the  other  Orders,  none  of 
which,  with  the  exception  of  the  Jesuits,  had  fought  the  heresy. 
No  girl  entered  a  convent  or  took  the  vows  without  being 
questioned  on  the  Jansenist  teaching  and  receiving  some 
booklet  in  which  it  is  expounded.  No  one  was  allowed  to 
preach  in  the  convents  who  was  not  affected  by  the  new 
teaching.  The  Oratorians  were  its  most  dangerous  as  well 
as  its  most  effective  exponents;  they  considered  it  to  be  the 
chief  duty  of  their  Congregation  to  lend  help  to  the  Bishops 
in  the  pastoral  ministry  and  they  stood  in  sharp  contrast  to 
the  Jesuits  ;  consequently  they  preached  the  evil  doctrine 
more  openly  and  more  zealously  than  the  rest  and  they  had 
also  done  greater  harm  in  these  countries.  Their  exemplary 
life  and  their  competence  in  the  pulpit  greatly  helped  towards 
this  result.  It  was  generally  believed  that,  more  than  anyone 
else,  one  of  their  number.  Van  den  Linden,  had  induced  the 
Archbishop  to  persevere  in  his  false  road  and  to  disobey 
the  Pope.  The  report  goes  on  to  describe  how  attacks  on  the 
Holy  See  went  hand  in  hand  with  the  spread  of  Jansenism. 
The  infallibility  of  the  Apostolic  See  was  called  in  question 
with  the  assertion  that  in  questions  of  fact  the  Pope  might 
err  and  that  decisions  in  matters  of  faith  must  come  from  a 
General  Council.  It  was  said  that  no  Roman  theologian 
understood  the  subtleties  of  the  doctrine  of  grace  ;  that  the 
Roman  clergy  was  as  full  of  ignorance  as  the  Roman  court  of 
vices. 

To  zeal  for  Jansenius,  his  adherents  joined  intolerance  of 
the  exponents  of  other  views.  Thus  at  Louvain,  on  a  solemn 
occasion,  the  Dominican  Alexander  Sebille  had  put  up  for  a 


GROWTH    OF   JANSENISM    UNDER    BOONEN.     337 

disputation  ^  tluscs  wliich  met  with  the  displeasure  of  the 
Jansenists.  They  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  prohibition  of 
the  disputation  whereupon  Sebille  appealed  to  Rome  through 
the  internuncio. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  University  of  Louvain  was  the 
strongest  bulwark  of  Jansenism  in  Belgium.-  In  its  various 
Colleges  it  disposed  of  over  six  hundred  burses,  viz.  founda- 
tions by  which  poor  youths  were  enabled  to  take  up  study. ^ 
These  burses  attracted  the  youths  to  the  Colleges  but  the 
Jansenists  saw  to  it  that  the  Presidents  of  these  Colleges 
were  always  men  of  their  party.  As  soon  as  a  President  had 
died  and  even  before  his  burial,  they  inducted  his  successor  ; 
in  the  College  of  Luxemburg  a  lawfully  elected  President 
was  thrown  out  the  very  first  night.  Another  means  of 
spreading  their  views  was  the  allocation  of  University  chairs. 
There  were  nine  chairs  of  theology  ;  the  King  had  the  right 
to  nominate  to  four  of  them,^  and  over  these  the  Jansenists 
had  but  little  power,  but  their  influence  was  all  the  greater 
with  regard  to  the  remaining  five,  viz.  the  so-called  ordinary 
chairs  which  svere  endowed  with  thirteen  benefices.  The 
right  of  presentation  to  these  belonged  to  the  city  of  Louvain 
and  on  those  occasions  the  Jansenists  almost  invariably  got 
in  their  candidate.      To  this  had  to  be  added  the  fact  that  the 

'  *July  I,  1649,  Excerpia,  f.  253,  loc.  cit.  ;  Rapin,  I.,  303. 
On  July  15,  164Q,  the  General  of  the  Dominicans  approved  the 
theses  and  ordered  their  defence  under  the  presidency  of  Sebille. 
Excerpta,  f.  259,  loc.  cit. 

-  *^Ieniorandum  (of  the  Jesuit  Schega  ?),  Appendi.x  to 
*Mangclli's  report  of  January  17,  1654,  Excevpta,  loc.  cit. 

3  "  The  University  posscs.ses  13  purely  theological  colleges  with 
over  300  burses,  11  mixed  Colleges  with  over  100  burses,  besides 
3  Colleges  of  jurisprudence,  i  of  medicine  and  3  of  humanities 
and  the  "  trilingue  "  with  their  bursaries.  The  schools  have  about 
800  pupils  and  with  the  "  domus  Standonica  "  over  200  bur.ses." 
Ibid. 

*  Namely,  one  for  catechetical  instruction  on  Sundays  and 
feast  days,  one  for  Holy  Scripture  and  two  for  scholastic 
theology.     Ibid. 

VOL.  .\.\.\.  z 


338  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

examinations  in  theology  and  tin'  c(;nfcnnont  of  theological 
degrees  were  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  so-called  Inner 
Faculty  consisting  of  eight  Doctors,  each  of  whom  had  an 
income  of  eight  hundred  florins.  This  college  of  eight  completed 
itself  by  election  whenever  a  vacancy  occurred  through 
death.  Thus  once  the  Inner  Faculty  became  Janscnist  it  was 
bound  to  remain  so.  Lastly  the  Faculty  had  the  disposal  of 
benefices.  All  this  made  it  possible  for  Jansenism  to  take  root 
within  the  space  of  a  few  years  among  the  nobility,  the  scholars 
and  even  among  the  common  people  and  the  women.  Even 
in  the  convents  of  nuns  some  of  the  inmates  stood  by  the 
Holy  See  and  the  others,  as  the  expression  was,  "  with 
St.  Augustine."  In  these  houses  the  chief  means  of  propaganda 
was  the  "  Catechism  of  Grace  ".  The  consequence  was  that 
from  a  variety  of  Orders,  appeals  reached  Boonen  not  to 
suffer  the  teaching  of  Jansenius  to  be  condemned.^  In  this 
connexion  the  attempt  of  the  Provincial  of  the  Augustinians, 
Rivius,  to  impose  Jansenism  on  all  his  subjects  by  barring 
all  influential  offices  to  the  party  of  the  opposition,  attracted 
a  great  deal  of  attention.  But  his  efforts  failed,  chiefly  owing 
to  the  opposition  of  Michel  Paludan,  also  an  Augustinian 
and  a  Doctor  of  Louvain  who  had  also  zealously  defended 
the  Pope's  cause  during  the  period  of  confusion  in  the 
University.  The  internuncio  reported  the  matter  to 
Innocent  X.  who  settled  the  dispute  through  the  General 
of  the  Augustinians.  Rivius  made  his  submission.  In  1650  the 
internuncio  was  able  to  write  to  Rome  that  among  the 
Augustinians  no  one  dared  to  stand  up  for  Jansenius  and  that 
this  example  was  having  a  salutary  effect  on  other  Orders.^ 
Thus  the  Premonstratensians  had  at  one  time  been  very 
enthusiastic  for  Jansenius ;  eight  of  their  Abbots  had 
requested   Boonen   to   prevent   the   execution   of   the   Bull ; 

^   *Bichi,  December  21,  1647,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

2  *The  same,  August  4,  1650,  ibid.  "  Adesso  ogni  cosa  e 
acquietata  [with  the  Augustinians]  e  non  vi  e  chi  ardisca  parlare 
per  il  Jansenio,  come  a  lor  esempio  succede  anco  in  diversi  altri 
ordini  religiosi."     Cf.  Rapin,  I.,  302  ;     II.,  227. 


WHENCE    THE    ENTHUSIASM    FOK    JANSENISM  ?       339 

hut  now  a  (Icckc  ot  tin-  (iciicial  (  liaptci   of  \'ci(lun  forbade 
tlie  ineml)ers  of  tlu'  Order  to  hold  the  opinions  of  Jansenius.' 

How  it  was  possible  that  teaching  so  appalling  as  that  of 
Jansenius  could  have  been  hailed  with  such  enthusiasm 
and  held  with  so  much  tenacity,  is  in  part  explained  by  a 
contemporary  memorial  to  the  Archbishop  of  Malines.- 
On  the  one  hand  the  Augusiiuiis  of  Ypres  was  believed  to 
represent  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine,  the  greatly  venerated 
Bishop  of  Hippo.  On  the  other  hand  a  certain  vague  senti- 
mentality, rather  than  intellectual  reasons,  may  have  attracted 
people  to  Jansenius.  The  author  of  the  memorial  referred 
to  above  writes  as  follows  :  "  Two  things  particularly  delight 
me  in  Jansenius :  the  first  is  that  he  so  greatly  exalts 
St.  Augustine  and  allows  himself  to  be  taught  by  him,  for 
he  takes  from  him  a  teaching  which  is  singularly  calculated 
to  humble  man,  to  take  away  all  reliance  on  ourselves  and  to 
force  us  to  call  unceasingly  upon  Him  Who  alone  is  able  to 
heal  humanity's  wounds.  Words  fail  me  to  express  the  delight 
I  derived  from  the  reading  of  Jansenius  and  how  the  truths 
of  a  doctrine  which  humbles  us  to  such  a  degree,  appealed 
to  me  far  more  than  all  other  writings  or  opinions  which 
deem  it  excessive  that  the  humble  will  of  man  should  be 
the  servant  of  grace,  and  which,  on  the  contrary,  seek 
to  give  it  the  mastery.  I  quickly  perceived  that  Augustine 
agrees  with  the  Apostle  Paul  and  I  rejoiced  like  a  thirsty 
man  who  has  found  a  spring  of  refreshing  water."  The  writer 
goes  on  to  say  that  he  could  not  think  that  the  Pope  had  any 
intention    of   trenching   on    the   teaching   of   St.    Augustine, 


'  *Cod.  Preuck.  (without  signature),  f.  433-7  (Libr.  of  the 
Anima,  Rome),  April  27,  1651.  Printed  sheet,  Ruremond,  1651, 
ibid.  On  February  15,  1653,  Mangelli  *rcports  that  the  newly 
appointed  Abbot  of  the  Premonstratcnsians,  Robert  van  Cou- 
wcrven,  of  St.  Michael's,  Antwerp,  accepted  under  oath  the 
Hull  of  Urban  VIII.  on  December  13,  1652,  and  on  January  21, 
1653,  commanded  his  subjects  to  receive  it.  Xunziat.  di  Fiaudra, 
t.  37,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

-  *Ninembcr  14,  1646,  Iixccrpta,  a.  1647  seqq.,  he.  cit. 


340  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

hence  he  prayed  the  Archbishop  to  do  his  utmost  so  that  the 
Bull  might  remain  in  abeyance  until  the  Pope  should  be  better 
informed,  for  those  deceived  the  Holy  See  who  said  or  wrote 
that  the  writings  of  Jansenius  had  given  scandal  ;  the  scandal 
came,  on  the  contrary,  from  the  teaching  with  which  the 
envy  of  Jansenius'  opponents  countered  his,  as  well  as  from 
their  attempts  to  belittle  him  and  even  to  get  him  out  of  the 
way  altogether.  The  opinions  of  the  writer  of  this  memorial 
were  shared  by  many  people.  From  the  lips  of  devout  and 
learned  men  the  Bishop  of  Ghent  heard  that  they  never 
wearied  of  reading  Jansenius  and  that  they  derived  from  him 
a  teaching  which  was  the  foundation  of  a  solid  Christian 
piety  and  humility.^ 

On  the  other  hand,  the  effects  of  Jansenism  on  the  people 
appear  from  a  report  on  the  archdiocese  of  Malines  after 
Boonen's  death  (in  1655)  ;  there  we  read  that  throughout 
the  archdiocese  the  exorbitant  penances  imposed  by  the 
Jansenist  confessors  had  driven  many  families  and  nearly 
entire  villages  into  the  arms  of  Calvinism.^ 

(7.) 

Although  the  two  Bishops  ended  by  submitting,  experience 
with  the  Bull  of  Urban  VIII.  up  till  then  showed  that  there 
was  everything  to  fear  in  Flanders  when,  in  1653,  Innocent  X. 
published  his  Bull  in  which  he  solemnly  condemned  the  famous 
five  propositions.  Even  in  the  Netherlands  many  people 
felt  the  need  of  such  a  decision.  Thus,  a  few  years  earlier  the 
theological  Faculty  of  Douai  had  presented  a  memorial  to 
the  Inquisition  drawing  attention  to  a  number  of  passages 

^  *The  Bishop's  letter  of  September  28,  1647,  in  Excerpta, 
a.  1647  ss.,  "  cuius  [lansenii]  tamen  lectione  se  saturari  non 
posse,  sed  ex  ilia  haurire  fundamentalem  doctri'nam  solidae 
christianae  pietatis  et  humilitatis." 

2  "  *Nella  sola  diocesi  di  Malines  molte  e  molte  familie  e  quasi 
villaggi  intieri  si  sono  alienati  dalla  religione  catholica."  Origine 
e  progressi  del  Giansenismo,  Barb.  3383,  f.  140,  Vatican  Library. 


STEPS  TO  ENFORCE  THE  BULL.       34 1 

in  Janscnius'  Aiigiistinus,  on  which  a  decision  was  sought.^ 
At  the  same  time  the  Bishop  of  Tournai  also  prayed  for  a 
papal  judgment,  if  not  on  every  one  of  the  controverted 
opinions  of  Jansenius,  then  at  least  on  the  more  important 
ones,  or  at  the  very  least  on  the  thesis  of  the  love  of  God 
as  a  necessary  condition  for  absolution  by  the  priest  and  on 
the  question  whether  sufficient  grace  was  given  to  all  men  and 
whether  Christ  had  died  for  each  and  all.^  Thus  the  Bishop 
found  fault  practically  with  the  same  points  of  Jansenius' 
teaching  as  were  subsequently  condemned  in  Innocent  X.'s 
Bull  on  the  five  propositions. 

MangcUi  received  the  Bull  on  July  17th,  l(i53  :  he  had  it 
reprinted  at  once  at  Cologne  and  on  July  31st  he  dispatched 
it  in  every  direction.  The  two  rebellious  Bishops  had  to  suffer 
the  humiliation  to  see  the  Bull  addressed  not  to  themselves 
but,  o\er  their  heads,  to  the  three  Chapters  of  ]\Ialines,  Ghent 
and  St.  Gudula  at  Brussels,  together  with  special  covering 
letters.^  On  July  10th  the  internuncio  communicated  it  to 
the  ailing  Archduke  ;  at  the  same  time  he  requested  support 
by  the  State  in  order  that  it  might  produce  its  full  effect 
and  to  prevent  fresh  attacks  on  the  Church's  immunity  and 
papal  inerrancy.  Leopold  William  conceded  everything  ^  ;  he 
promised  the  assistance  of  the  secular  arm  and  urged  the 
Bishops  to  see  to  it  that  the  papal  decision  was  carried  into 
effect.^ 


'   *May  31,  1649,  ibid.,  1025,  f.  3-6. 

-  *Exccrpta  a.  1647  seqq.,  f.  276,  loc.  cit. 

'  *Excerpta  a.  1653  seqq.  Nunziat.  di  Fiandra,  t.  37,  July  31, 
I 'a p.  Sec.  Arch. 

'  *Mangelli,  July  19,  1653,  Kxcerpta,  loc.  cit. 

•'  *The  same,  August  2  and  9,  1653,  Xioiziat.  di  Fiandra, 
t.  37,  loc.  cit.  ;  cf.  *the  same,  July  26,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit.  *Eclict 
of  the  Archduke,  August  11,  1653,  to  the  Bishops  ;  they  should 
see  to  it  "  que  las  intentions  dc  Sa  Saintete  soient  ponctuellement 
accomplies  et  les  diffmitions  et  determinations  observees  et 
suivics  par  Ics  voles  et  moyens  accoutumes  et  usites  en  regard 
dcs  hullcs  et  dilTmitions  dogmatiqiies  ".  Mangelli,  Octolx-r  4, 
1653,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 


342  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  Bull  was  received  ever3^where  ^ ; 
by  some  with  joy  and  unqualified  submission,  by  others 
coldly  and  with  words  rather  than  with  conviction. ^  At 
Malines  and  Ghent  the  Bull  was  promulgated  in  such  fashion 
that  hardly  anyone  was  aware  of  it  ;  at  Brussels  and  Louvain 
not  even  that  much  was  done,  so  that  Mangelli  expressed  his 
displeasure  ;  consequently  a  second  publication  ensued  and 
all  parish  priests  and  religious  Superiors  received  a  copy. 
With  the  exception  of  the  Jesuits,  no  member  of  any  Order 
had  a  word  to  say  in  praise  of  the  Bull ;  even  among  the 
common  people  the  remark  could  be  heard  that  the  five 
propositions  were  not  Jansenius',  or  that  they  had  not  been 
condemned  as  he  understood  them  and  that  in  such  questions 
of  fact  the  Pope  was  liable  to  error.^  This  was  preached  in 
Louvain  by  a  Dominican  and  openly  stated  by  a  parish 
priest  whilst  in  the  very  act  of  proclaiming  the  Bull.*  "  Those 
who  were  Jansenists  before  the  Bull  are  likely  to  remain 
Jansenists  after  the  Bull,"  Mangelli  wrote. ^ 

The  internuncio's  chief  concern  in  this  respect  was  the 
University  of  Louvain.  No  sooner  had  Innocent  X.'s  Bull 
been  published  than  some  of  the  Doctors  prepared  to  attack 
it  on  the  plea  that  not  Jansenius  but  St.  Augustine  was  the 
author  of  the  five  propositions.^   On  August  9th  the  Bull  was 

1  Published  in  Antwerp,  Tournai,  Besangon  on  30th,  Bruges, 
Juh/  31,  Ghent  on  ist,  Cambrai  i8th,  Namur  22nd,  St.-Omer 
August  23,  Malines  September  2,  Ypres,  no  date.  Mangelli, 
October  4,  1653,  ibid. 

~  *Mangelli,  August  16,  1653,  ibid. 

^  *Mangelli,  October  4,  1653,  ibid.  ;    cf.  Rapin,  II.,  181. 

■'  A  professor  of  Louvain,  September  23,  1653,  Excerpia, 
loc.  cit. 

*  "  *Tutte  queste  cose  fanno  dubitare  ad  alcuni,  che  quasi 
tutti  quelli  che  erano  Janseniani  avanti  la  bolla,  continuino  ad 
essere  tali  doppo  la  promulgatione  di  essa."  Mangelli,  October  4, 
1653,  ibid. 

*  *Mangelli,  July  24,  1653,  ibid.  The  Louvain  professors  were 
encouraged  in  their  objections  by  the  Archbishop  of  Sens  and 
his  pastoral  letter  (see  above,  p.  291).     Rapin,  II.,  178. 


ATTITUDE    OF    LOUVAIN    UNIVERSITY.  343 

indeed  published  and  accepted  by  \'ianen,  the  Rector  ; 
however,  not  all  the  Doctors  had  been  convened,  but  only  a 
few.  Others  stuck  to  the  five  propositions  under  various 
pretexts  ;  some  said  they  were  not  Jansenius',  others  that 
they  had  not  been  condemned  as  he  understood  them,  or 
again  since  there  was  question  of  propositions  taught  by 
St.  Augustine,  the  condemnation  by  the  Bull  could  do  no 
harm  whilst  some  expressed  themselves  to  the  effect  that 
only  a  general  Council  could  pass  judgment  in  such  matters.^ 
Accordingly,  Mangelli  suggested  to  the  Archduke  to  have  the 
Bull  registered  in  the  Acts  of  the  University  and  to  order  all 
the  Doctors  and  students  to  swear  to  it  and  that  this  oath 
should  be  taken  before  a  candidate  could  be  admitted  to  the 
Universit}'.  He  also  gave  it  as  his  opinion  tliat  so  long  as 
Fromond,  Sinnich,  Vianen,  Van  Werm  and  Pontanus  were  at 
the  University,  there  would  always  be  reason  to  fear  that  the 
heresy  would  raise  its  head  anew  ;  hence  he  kept  urging  their 
removal,  or  at  least  that  of  most  of  them.^  However,  Rome 
disapproved  of  such  severity  :  when  the  men  of  Louvain 
saw  the  submission  of  the  rest,  it  was  thought,  they  would 
submit  in  their  turn.^  The  Government  were  likewise  against 
sharper  measures  :  Jansenism  was  finished,  it  was  said,  the 
flame  must  be  allowed  to  die  out  instead  of  being  fanned 
afresh.^ 

The  University  published  a  decree  *  which  described  as 
false  the  rumours  that  it  defended  a  condemned  opinion. 
It  also  stated  that  it  received  the  condemnation  of  the  five 
propositions  with  due  reverence,  inasmuch  as  it  emanated 

*  *Mangelli,  August  6,  1653,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit.  Some  of  the 
professors  even  made  the  remark  :  "  chc  prima  si  lasciaranno 
abbrucciare  che  recedere  dalla  doctrina  di  Janscnio."  The  same, 
October  4,  1653,  ibid. 

-  ♦Mangelli,  August  q,  1653,  Ntmziat.  di  Fiandra,  t.  37,  Pap. 
Sec.  Arch.  ;    *  August  16  and  23,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

^  *Marginal  note  in  Mangelli's  report  of  August  16,  1653  : 
"  per  hora  non  cominci  con  rigore  ect."    Ibid. 

*  *Mangclli,  April  4,  1654,  ibid. 

*  September  29,  1653,  *lVIangelli,  October  4,  1053,  ibid. 


344  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

from  the  Head  of  the  Church  and  the  Father  of  all  Christians, 
to  whom  it  submitted  all  its  opinions,  now  as  in  the  past. 
Not  long  afterwards  it  defended  itself  in  a  letter  to  the  Pope  ^ 
against  the  rumours  which  were  being  circulated  about  its 
own  and  Fromond's  alleged  insubordination.  In  consequence 
of  a  thesis  containing  an  offensive  clause  having  been  defended 
on  August  18th,  Van  Werm,  Leonardi  and  Vianen  called 
on  the  nuncio,  on  October  18th,  for  the  purpose  of  offering  an 
apology. 2  On  November  3rd  the  University  published 
Innocent  X.'s  Bull  once  more,  together  with  a  "  splendid  " 
introduction  and  an  order  to  submit  to  the  papal  decision.^ 
However,  all  this  did  not  satisfy  the  internuncio.  The  splendid 
introduction,  he  said,  consisted  of  leaves  and  flowers  with 
few  fruits,  of  sonorous  words  and  phrases  w^hich  offered  little 
that  was  tangible.*  The  University,  he  represented  to  the 
professors,  had  so  often  shown  itself  rebellious  to  Urban  VIII. 's 
Bull  in  books,  letters,  pamphlets  and  theses,  that  it  ought  to 
display  no  less  zeal  in  its  obedience,  for  instance  by  swearing 
to  the  Bull,  by  revoking  what  was  done  in  the  past,  by 
combating  errors  ;  the  excuse  that  all  that  had  been  aimed 
at  was  to  defend  St.  Augustine  he  refused  to  accept.^  He 
admonished  Fromond  in  the  same  strain  ^  when  the  latter 
informed  him,  shortly  before  his  death,  that  he  had  received 
the  last  Bull  with  gladness. 

Meanwhile  the  University  gave  no  sign  of  the  zeal  which 
was  so  greatly  to  be  desired.  Not  a  word  was  said  about 
Jansenius.  Mangelli  had  requested  the  Jesuits  to  report  to 
him  on  the  Jansenist  movement,  but  the  latter  had  no  informa- 
tion to  give.'^     The  orthodox  professor  Dares  wrote  to  the 

1  *October  24,  1653,  Appendix  to  Mangelli's  letter  of  October  25, 
ibid. 

-  *Mangelli,  August  23  and  October  11,  1653,  ibid. 

^  *The  same,  November  15,  1653,  ibid. 

^  *Ibid. 

■'  *Mangelli,  October  11,  1653,  ibid. 

''  *October  20,  1653,  ibid. 

"  "  *Le  materia  di  Jansenio  in  Lovanio  passano  con  sommo 
silentio."  This  is  likewise  attested  by  the  Jesuits  :  "  vigilantissimi 


PROJECTED    VISITATION    OF   LOU  VAIN.         345 

internuncio  ^  that  in  former  years  the  University  disputations 
had  invariably  dealt  with  questions  connected  with  Janscnius, 
but  for  the  last  seven  months  his  name  had  not  been  as  much 
as  mentioned,  a  fact  which  seemed  to  him  an  ominous 
symptom  ;  he  felt  quite  sure  that  Jansenius'  adherents 
considered  that  his  book  had  been  unjustly  condemned 
whilst  in  his  teaching  they  saw  simply  that  of  St.  Augustine. 
A  memorial  of  the  period  ^  expresses  the  wish,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  the  theological  Faculty  properly  so  called  was 
"  an  ever  flowing  spring  of  errors  "  at  the  University,  for  a 
thorough  cleansing  not  by  demanding  an  oath — for  all  too 
often  the  Jansenists  had  nullified  such  measures  by  all  kinds 
of  interpretations — but  by  calling  the  professors  to  account 
on  the  subject  of  Jansenism  and  by  dismissing  the  suspects. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  the  memorial  prays  for  a  papal  visitation 
of  the  University,  such  as  had  taken  place  in  1617. 

Mangclli  was  in  complete  agreement  with  these  suggestions. 
As  visitors  he  submitted  in  Rome  the  names  of  the  Bishops  of 
Roermond  and  the  Dominican  Capello  who  had  just  been 
named  Bishop  of  Antwerp.^  He  also  insisted  with  the  Archduke 
on  the  need  of  a  visitation  and  the  removal  of  three  or  four 
zealots.*  However,  Rome  would  not  hear  of  such  stern 
proceedings  and  even  forbade  the  internuncio  all  further  talk 
of  a  visitation.-* 

Mangelli  himself  ended  by  admitting  ®  that  theses  had  been 
defended  at  Louvain  which  satisfied  the  orthodo.x  Dominican 
Sebille  and  other  theologians.  This  had  been  done  without  any 
reservation,  in  the  sense  that  the  arguments  in  favour  of  the 


speculatori,  li  quali  dal  Provinciale  a  mia  instanza  hanno  havuto 
strcttissimi  ordini  in  ogni  citta  di  avisare,  quanto  sentono  et 
intendono  in  simih  negotio."    Mangelli,  February  28,  1654,  '^'^• 

'   ♦February  17,  1654,  ^^'<^-    Appendix. 

-  By  ScHEGA  ?  (see  above,  p.  337,  n.  2). 

•'  *  January  17,  1654,  Excerpia,  loc.  cit. 

'   *October  17,  1654,  ibid. 

'-  *Mangeni,  January  16,  1655,  ibid. 

•  *Letter  to  Cardinal  .\lbizzi,  March  13,   1655,  ibid. 


346  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

condemned  propositions  were  strongly  emphasized  whereas 
those  against  them  were  but  lukewarmly  stated.  Undoubtedly 
the  best  thing  would  be  if  the  whole  dispute  were  buried  in 
eternal  silence.  There  were  some,  however,  who  never  ceased 
to  uphold  and  to  foster  the  remains  of  Jansenism.  Thus 
Mangelli,  although  he  had  had  to  make  an  inquiry  into  two 
very  equivocal  theses  of  Professor  Van  Werm.^ 

If  Jansenism  had  struck  such  deep  roots  at  the  University, 
it  is  not  surprising  that  the  internuncio  should  have  received 
reports  of  offensive  utterances  by  a  number  of  parish  priests.^ 
A  few  Dominicans  also  caused  him  anxiety  :  against  these  he 
sought  the  intervention  of  their  General,^  nor  was  he 
completely  satisfied  with  regard  to  the  long-standing  diffi- 
culties with  the  Augustinians.^  On  the  other  hand  the  Professor 
of  theology  at  Douai,  Valentin  Randoutt,  received  a  personal 
Brief,  praising  him  for  his  services  in  the  Jansenist  dispute.^ 

Mangelli  naturally  watched  with  special  care  the  attitude 
of  Archbishop  Boonen  of  Malines.  Soon  after  receiving 
Innocent  X.'s  Bull,  the  internuncio  was  informed  from 
Brussels  that  Boonen  had  summoned  the  Jansenists  to 
council.^  When  at  the  death  of  Fromond  '  there  was  question 
of  an  opponent  of  the  Jansenists  becoming  Dean  of  St.  Peter's 
at  Louvain,^  Boonen  did  not  at  once  confirm  the  nomination. 
Mangelli  kept  pressing  him  on  the  ground  that  so  long  as  he 
did  not  take  some  striking  and  public  measure  against  the 
Jansenists,  the  latter  would  continue  to  boast  that  he  was 
their  patron.    But,  as  so  often  before,  this  time  also  he  was 

^  August  29,  1654,  *Mangeni,  January  16  and  23,  1655,  ibid. 

-  *The  same,  October  25,  November  15,  December  13,  1653, 
and  January  17,  1654,  ibid. 

^  *The  same,  January  17,  February  7  and  March  7,  1654, 
ibid. 

*  *The  same,  April  4,  1654,  ibid. 

*  *March  21,  1654,  Innocentii  X.  Episl.,  X.  (Decio  Azzolino 
secret.),  n.  94,  Pap.  Sec.  Arch. 

*  *Mangelli,   July  16,    1653,  Ntmziat.  di  Fiandra,   t.   37,   ibid. 
"  October  27,  1653.    Van  Caelen  died  February  i,  1053. 

"  *Mangelli,  November  15,  1653,  Excei'pta,  loc.  cit. 


BOONEN    UNDECIDED.  347 

told  that  the  Bull  had  been  published  and  had  encountered 
no  opposition  ;  that  he  had  never  been  a  Jansenist  and  that 
his  only  wish  had  been  that  Jansenius'  work  should  be  purged 
from  its  errors.^  Suspicion  also  arose  out  of  the  Archbishop's 
failure  to  intervene,  in  a  case  where  this  would  have  been 
necessary.^  Acting  under  instructions  from  Rome,  Mangelli 
demanded  from  him  the  punishment  of  five  Jansenist  priests, 
but  all  he  obtained  was  vague  promises. ^  Five  drafts  for  a 
pastoral  letter  against  the  opponents  of  the  Bull  were 
submitted  one  after  another,  but  Mangelli  could  not  prevail 
on  Booncn  to  describe  the  five  propositions  as  the  teaching 
of  Jansenius.*  Thereupon  the  internuncio  began  to  discuss 
with  the  Government  the  advisability  of  giving  the  Arch- 
bishop a  Coadjutor,  a  measure  from  which  the  authorities 
were  not  averse.^  For  the  rest  Boonen  attested  on  oath  ^ 
that  the  letter  dated  September  17th,  1647,  and  published  in 
1649,  which  had  led  to  proceedings  being  taken  against  him, 
had  not  been  written,  occasioned,  or  published  by  himself 
and  that  he  disapproved  all  that  was  said  in  that  document 
against  the  Pope  and  the  Roman  authorities.  Previous  to 
this  '  an  ordinance  of  the  Inquisition  had  informed  the 
internuncio  that  with  regard  to  that  letter  and  anything 
connected  with  the  two  Bishops,  the  Pope  would  be  satisfied 
if  they  received  the  Bull  of  Urban  VIII.  and  his  own.  In  this 
respect,  as  well  as  with  regard  to  the  decree  of  the  Inquisition 
of  April  23rd,  1654,  the  Bishop  of  Ghent  made  a  full  submission 

•  *Thc  same,  November  29,  1653,  ibid. 
-  *Thc  same,  December  13,  ibid. 

'  *The  same,  l""ebruary  28,  March  7  and  May  2,  1654,  ibid. 

•  *The  same,  May  2,  1654,  ibid. 

•  *The  same,  June  20,  1654,  'ibid. 

•  *May  22,  1655,  ibid.,  i.  -jzb  :  "  quod  libclhmi  nunquam 
fecerimus  ant  scrij)serimus,  nee  unquam  scriberemus  quod  fieret 
aut  scribcretur,  cjuodque  eundem  multo  minus  pubHcaverimus, 
improbantes  proinde  omnia,  quae  libellus  iste  continet  contra 
auctoritatem  S.  Sedis  aut  houorem  S.  K.  K.  cardinalium  ant 
officialium  dictae  curiae." 

•  *October  3,  1654,  tbid.,  f.  006. 


348  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

whereas  Boonen  sought  to  evade  doing  so  by  various  subter- 
fuges.^  The  Archduke  showed  great  eagerness  to  root  out  the 
new  doctrines  but  the  officials  acted  coldly  and  were  inclined 
to  pity  the  Archbishop. ^  Vigorous  measures  were  likewise 
foreign  to  Leopold  William's  gentle  disposition.^  From 
Madrid  came  the  order  to  cancel  the  declaration  of  nulhty 
in  the  affair  of  the  two  Bishops,  which  the  Council  of  Brabant 
had  pronounced  against  the  Inquisition.  A  commission 
consisting  of  Fuensaldaiia,  Navarro  and  Hovyne,  was 
instructed  to  discuss  the  matter  and  the  Archduke  published 
an  edict  deahng  with  it.  A  further  ordinance  granted  the 
help  of  the  secular  arm  in  the  execution  of  the  papal  Bulls. ^ 

If,  on  the  whole.  Innocent  X.'s  Bull  met  with  much  less 
resistance  than  that  of  Urban  VIII.,  the  circumstance  must 
undoubtedly  be  ascribed  to  the  energy  with  which  the  Pamiili 
Pope  confronted  the  two  Bishops.^ 

As  the  internuncio  attests,  in  all  these  interminable  quarrels, 
petty  personal  jealousies  and  susceptibilities  greatl}-  obscured 
the  real  facts.  One  drawback  to  the  activity  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus  in  Flanders  was  that  it  gave  rise  to  envy  and  jealousy 
on  the  part  of  some  others.^ 

1  *Mangelli,  January  23,  1655,  ibid.  It  was  the  Dominican 
Capello  who  had  induced  the  Bishop  of  Ghent  to  make  his 
submission.    Rapin,  I.,  80. 

2  *Mangeni,  November  29,    1653,  Excerpta,  loc.  at. 

3  *"  La  lenita  grande  dell'anima,  la  blandura  del  suo  naturale 
et  costume,  la  troppa  dependenza  dai  medesimi  consegli  secondo 
le  in.struzzioni  di  Spagna,  non  le  danno  luogo  di  pensare  al 
rimedio  "  (Mangelli,  October  17,  1654,  ibid.).  Cf.  above,  p.  332,  n.  3. 

«  *Edict  of  February  18,  1654,  a-i^d  *Mangelli,  December  13 
and  27,  1653,  and  February  28,  1654,  Excerpta,  loc.  cit. 

5  Rapin,  II.,  177. 

«  "  *Li  Padri  della  Compagnia  hanno  fatto  e  fanno  continua- 
mente  servitii  rilevantissimi  alia  S.  Sede  in  queste  materie,  ma 
I'invidia,  I'emulatione  et  odio  di  tutte  le  communita  ecclesiastiche 
e  di  gran  parte  dei  secolari  verso  di  loro  hanno  cagionato  anco 
gravissimi  danni  in  simile  affare,  et  il  lasciar  correre  o  fomentarsi 
per  ventura  la  Aoce  che  per  loro  et  a  loro  instanza  la  S.  Sede  et 


TIIK    JESUITS    IN    FLANDERS.  349 

In  Older  lightly  to  appraise  this  jealousy  as  a  powerful 
incentive  to  the  rise  and  development  of  Jansenism,  it  is 
necessary  to  take  into  account  the  splendid  condition  of  the 
Society  in  Flanders  just  then,  as  described  by  the  most  recent 
Belgian  historian  :  "  Whereas,"  this  writer  says,  "  the  secular 
schools  which  were  called  into  life  in  so  great  a  number  by  the 
humanists  of  the  Renaissance  period,  were  depressingly 
empty,  the  schools  of  the  Order  literally  teemed  with 
scholars."  ^  Since  the  beginning  of  the  17th  century  the 
Society's  intellectual  activity  "  increasingly  overshadowed 
that  of  the  Universities  ".  No  longer  in  the  Faculties  of  the 
Universities  but  "  in  the  Colleges  and  Residences  of  the 
Jesuits,  scholarship  sought  and  found  shelter.  Not  only 
did  the  latter  produce  the  most  eminent  theologians  "  as, 
for  instance,  Lessius  in  dogma  and  morals  and  the  exegetist 
Cornelius  a  Lapide,  "  but  there  were  to  be  found  among 
them  mathematicians  such  as  D'Aiguillon  and  Gregory  of 
St.  Vincent,  philologists  such  as  Andrew  Schott  and  scholars 
like  Bollandus,  Henschen,  Papebroch  ;  they  produced  the 
most  important  historical  work  of  the  17th  century,  \\z. 
the  collection  of  the  A  da  Sanctorum  The  versatility  of  the 
members  of  the  Society  revealed  itself  even  in  the  artistic 
sphere  in  the  painter  Daniel  Seghers,  and  the  excellent 
architect  Huyssens."  -  The  works  of  the  popular  writer 
Poirters,  "  who  pressed  the  enthusiasm,  the  strength  and 
good-naturcdncss  of  the  Flemish  character  into  the  service 
of  the  Catholic  faith,  are  the  best  products  of  contemporary 
Flemish  literature  as  regards  originality  and  vigour."  ^ 
Moreover  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  few  scholars 
here  mentioned  are  only  "  the  leaders  of  a  whole  army  of 
theologians,  polemists,  pedagogues,   preachers,   grammarians 

i  suoi  niinistri  faccino  tutto,  et  11  parlare  e  prcdicare  con  qualche 
difetto  e  lesione  della  rcligiosa  carita  non  lasciano  di  cagionare 
dei  nocumenti."     Mangelli,  January  17,   1054,  ILxccrpta,  loc.  cit. 

'    PlRENNK,  IV.,  504. 

-    PlRENNE,  513. 

'   Ibul.,  620. 


350  HISTOKY    OF    THE    POPES. 

and  scholars  of  every  description  !  The  literary  output  of  the 
Belgian  Jesuits  from  KiOO  till  a]:)out  1650  is  truly  amazing  ".^ 
However,  as  Mangelli  observed,  in  human  life,  good  is  strangely 
mixed  with  evil.  Just  as  but  for  the  splendid  revival  of 
religion  in  France  there  would  have  been  no  Port-Royal, ^ 
so  without  the  efflorescence  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  Flanders 
it  is  hardly  likely  that  Jansenism  would  have  arisen  and  won 
its  tremendous  successes.  The  scholars  at  the  Universities 
deemed  themselves  injured  in  their  rights  when  they  saw 
themselves  relegated  to  the  second  rank,  hence  they  were 
only  too  ready  to  agree  when  Molina,  Suarez,  Vasquez 
were  subjected  to  severe  criticism  in  the  works  of  Jansenius. 
Once  called  into  being,  hatred  for  the  Jesuits  became  like  a 
shadow  dogging  the  new  heresy's  every  step,  like  an 
inseparable  companion.  A  life  and  death  struggle  was 
inevitable. 

^  Ibid.,  615.  More  particulars  in  A.  Poncelet,  Hist,  de  la 
Compagnie  de  Jesus  dans  les  ancicns  Pays-Bas,  I.,  Bruxellcs, 
1927,  490  seqq. 

2  See  the  present  work,  Vol.  XXIX.,  67. 


1 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Innocent  X.'s  Relations  with  Venice — The  Pontifical 
States — Death  of  the  Pope. 

(1-) 

Innocent  X.  had  always  been  a  good  Italian.  On  his  return 
from  his  Spanish  nunciature  his  love  for  the  land  of  his  birth 
broke  out  with  irresistible  force.  Though  it  was  night  when 
he  reached  Rome,  he  went  at  once  to  the  window  of  his  palace 
in  order  to  taste  the  joy  of  his  home-coming  in  the  contempla- 
tion of  the  Piazza  Navona  and  Pasquino.^ 

As  an  Itahan  he  strongly  resented  Spain's  tyranny  over 
Naples  but  during  the  troubles  of  1647  and  1648  he  was  shrewd 
enough  not  to  allow  himself  to  be  drawn  into  an  undertaking 
which  would  have  helped  the  restless,  unreliable  French, 
whose  power  was  on  the  increase,  to  secure  supremacy  in 
Italy  instead  of  the  Spaniards. ^  As  an  Italian  he  appreciated 
from  the  outset  of  his  pontificate  the  importance  of  the 
Republic  of  Venice  and  the  value  for  the  Holy  See  of  good 
relations  with  that  still  independent  Power. 

The  election  of  the  Pamfili  Pope  had  been  hailed  with 
enthusiasm  in  Venice  ^  but,  as  a  preliminary  for  the 
establishment  of  good  relations,  the  Government  demanded 
the  restoration  under  the  picture  of  "  Barbarossa  and 
Alexander  III."  in  the  Vatican,  of  the  inscription  eulogizing 
Venice  which  had  been  removed  under  Urban  VIII.  on  account 
of  its  unhistoric  character.'*  So  much  importance  was  attached 

*  See  G.  Giustiniau's  *report  of  October  lo,  1650  (State 
Archives,  Venice),  used  by  lusxi,  II.,  166. 

*  See  above,  p.  86  seq. 

*  See  Avviso  of  September  24,  1644,  Arch.  Rom.,  III.,  17. 
«  Cf.  our  data,  Vol.  XXIX..  183. 


352  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

to  this  measure  in  Venice  that  the  dispatch  of  the  customary 
obhcdienza  embassy  was  made  to  depend  on  it.^  Innocent  X. 
did  not  feel  justified  in  aUenating  so  powerful  a  State  on 
account  of  so  trifling  a  matter  ;  accordingly,  in  November, 
1644,  he  had  the  inscription  restored.  Cardinal  Cornaro 
thanked  the  Pope  in  the  name  of  his  native  city  for  this 
"  act  of  justice  "  and  dispatched  an  account  of  it  to  Venice  by  a 
special  courier,  as  if  there  had  been  question  of  a  great 
diplomatic  triumph. ^  The  affair  had  a  regrettable  sequel  : 
in  December  1644,  the  prefect  of  the  Papal  Secret  Archives, 
Fehce  Contelori,  who  had  demonstrated  the  historical 
inaccuracy  of  the  inscription,  lost  his  post,  having  fallen  a 
victim  to  the  hatred  of  the  Venetians  and  the  jealousy  of  his 
enemies  in  Rome  :  however,  at  a  later  date  he  recovered  the 
favour  of  Innocent  X.^  A  special  envoy  was  dispatched  to 
Rome  to  express  the  thanks  of  the  Republic  of  Venice  for 
the  restoration  of  the  inscription.  The  envoy  was  Angelo 
Contarini  who  reached  Rome  in  December  1644.  A  cortege 
of  eighty  carriages  escorted  him  when  he  drove  up  for  his 
solemn  audience.* 

The  Venetian  ohhedienza  embassy  was  only  dispatched  on 
April  1st,  1645.  It  consisted  of  Pier  Foscarini,  Giovanni  Nani, 
Alvise  Mocenigo  and  Bertuccio  Valiero.  It  repaired  amid 
great  display  to  a  consistory  held  in  the  Sala  Regia.  Its 
reception  could  not  have  been  more  cordial,^  but  the  Pope  did 
not  neglect  to  urge  the  envoys  to  see  to  it  that  the  Signoria 
ceased     from     encroaching     on     the     Church's     jurisdiction 

1  See  *Lettera  intorno  a  1'  iscrizione  rimessa  da  P.  Innocenzo  X. 
nella  Sala  Regia,  Barb.  5653,  p.  27  seqq.    Vat.  Libr. 

2  See  Savelli's  *report  of  November  19,  1644,  State  Arch., 
Vienna.  Cf.  Beltrani  in  Arch.  Rom.,  III.,  17  seqq.  A  Latin 
*epigram  of  Gregorius  Fortius  "  De  inscriptione  in  aula  regia 
Vaticana  sue  loco  et  Venetis  restituta  ab  Innocentio  X.  P.M." 
in  Ottoh.  2434,  p.  113,  Vat.  Lib. 

^  Arch.  Rom.,  III.,  19  seqq. 

*  Servantius  *Diaria,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  CJ.  Arch.  Rom.,  III., 
18,  25. 

^  Berchet,  Roma,  II.,  45  seqq. 


THE    WAR    OF   CANDIA.  353 

and  immunity  in  its  territory.'  The  nomination  of  an 
ordinary  Venetian  ambassador  at  the  Curia  took  place  on 
September  18th,  1645. ^  The  post  was  entrusted  to  Alvise 
Contarini.  As  early  as  March  1645,  Innocent  X.  had  appointed 
Angelo  Cesi,  Bishop  of  Rimini,  as  nuncio  to  the  City  of  the 
Lagoons,  with  special  instructions  to  see  to  it  that  the  good 
relations  should  get  increasingly  better  now  that  peace  had 
been  re-established  in  consequence  of  the  restoration  of  the 
inscription.^ 

The  task  was  a  particularly  difficult  one,  for  Venice  stuck 
to  its  peculiar  politico-ecclesiastical  system  whilst  simul- 
taneously making  heavy  demands  on  the  Pope  when,  in 
the  summer  of  1645,  rivalry  for  preponderance  in  the  eastern 
section  of  the  Mediterranean  involved  the  Republic  in  a 
tremendous  struggle  with  the  Osmanh.  The  Turks'  attack 
on  Crete  (Candia)  was  a  matter  of  life  and  death  for  the  City 
of  the  Lagoons  for  if  she  lost  the  few  points  d'appui  which  she 
still  possessed  there  for  her  trade  with  the  Levant,  the  last 
source  of  the  wealth  she  had  hitherto  enjoyed  would  be  dried 
up.  Consequently  the  Republic  exerted  itself  to  its  utmost 
to  secure  victory  in  this  decisive  struggle.  The  Turks,  on 
their  part,  did  not  lag  behind  their  old  adversaries.  Thus 
began  a  war  of  twenty-five  years,  fought  by  land  and  by  sea 
and  with  varied  fortune.'* 

As  on  former  occasions,  so  now,  the  Venetians  looked  for 
lielp  from  outside,  but  feeling  was  everywhere  against  them. 
People  thought  it  strange  that  Venice  should  expect  the  whole 
of  Christendom  to  rally  to  its  defence  seeing  that  the  Venetians 

'  See  *Cifra  al  Nuntio  di  \'enezia  of  October  14,  1645,  Nunsiat. 
di  Venezia,  70,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  Berchet,  Roma,  IL,  65. 

*  See  *Istruttione  al  Vescovo  di  Rimini  per  Venezia,  dated 
March  11,  1645,  Doria-Pamfili  Archives,  Rome,  Istruz.,  II. 
The  *crcdentials  bear  the  date,  March  2,  1645. 

*  Hammer,  III.,  259  seq.,  269  seq.  ;  Zinkeisen,  IV.,  570  seq., 
730  seq.  RoMAMN,  VII.  (1859),  358  seqq.  ;  L.  Boschetto, 
Come  fu  aperta  la  gnerra  di  Candia,  in  Aieneo  Veneto,  XXXV.,  i 
(1913)  ;    JoRGA,  IV.  (191 1),  42  seq. 

VOL.   x.xx.  A  a 


354  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

themselves  had  refused  to  lend  help  to  others  when  in  the 
same  distress,  as  for  instance,  the  Knights  of  Malta. ^ 

In  the  days  of  Pius  V.,  besides  the  Holy  See,  Spain  had 
come  to  the  rescue  of  Venice.  This  time  also  Phihp  IV.  did 
not  shut  his  eyes  to  the  peril  that  threatened  from  the  East, 
and  though  at  war  with  France  he  sent  a  subsidy  to  Venice. ^ 
But  a  league  of  the  Great  Catholic  Powers  was  out  of  question. 
French  troops  were  fighting  not  only  Spain  but  the  Emperor 
also,  and  that  on  German  soil,  so  that  there  remained  only 
the  Italian  States  and  the  Knights  of  Malta  who  were  them- 
selves more  directly  threatened.^ 

Innocent  X.,  who  had  dispatched  munitions  and  troops  to 
Malta  and  Dalmatia  already  in  March  1645,*  entertained 
for  a  while  the  idea  of  forming  an  Italian  league,  but  the  plan 
failed  owing  to  Venice's  distrust,  for  in  that  city  other  motives 
were  suspected  behind  the  Pope's  proposals.^  On  the  other 
hand  the  Pope's  offer  of  five  galleys  and  2,000  men  was 
gratefully  accepted.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  and  the 
Viceroy  of  Naples  on  their  part  were  to  furnish  another  live 
galleys  each.^  The  Republic  of  Genoa,  whose  co-operation 
the  Pope  had  likewise  requested,  made  impossible  conditions. '^ 
The  Knights  of  Malta,  though  they  were  under  an  express 
obligation  to  fight  the  infidels,  showed  but  little  inclination 

1  See  Gremonville's  report  in  Daru,  Hist,  de  Venisc,  IV., 
525  seq. 

^  Cf.  Grimaldi,  Le  trattative  per  una  pacificazione  fra  la  Spagna 
ed  i  Turchi  in  relazione  con  i  interessi  veneziani  durante  i  primi 
anni  delta  guerra  di  Candia  (1645-1651),  Venezia,  1913. 

^  A  *Pavenesi  0  invito  al  principi  d'ltalia  contro  it  Turco, 
1646,  in  Cod.  N.,  III.,  69,  p.  103  seqq.  of  the  Chigi  Library,  Rome. 

*  Cf.  B.  Dal  Pozzo,  Hist,  delta  s.  religione  .  .  .  detta  di  Malta, 
II.,  Venezia,  1715,  105,  iii;  A.  Valiero,  Guerra  di  Candia, 
Venezia,  1679,  119. 

'^  A.  Bernhardy,  Venezia  e  it  Turco  nella  seconda  metd  del 
Sec.  XVII.,  Firenze,  1902,  20  seq. 

^  GuGLiELMOTTi,  La  squudra  ausiliaria  (1883),  12  seqq.,  18. 

'  Nani,  Storia  Veneta,  II.,  Venezia,  1679,  49.  Cf.  the  *Brief 
of  July  12,  1645,  Epist.,  I.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 


AID    FOR    VENICE.  355 

to  come  to  Venice's  assistance.  They  were  also  unwilling  to 
fall  in  with  the  Pope's  demand  that,  with  a  view  to  avoiding 
all  disputes,  the  auxiliarx'  fleet  should  put  to  sea  under  the 
banner  of  the  Holy  See.' 

On  May  1th,  l()4o,  the  Pope  named  Niccolo  Ludovisi, 
Prince  of  Piombino,  commander-in-chief  of  the  fleet. ^  The 
papal  ships  were  ready  at  the  appointed  time,  but  not  so 
those  of  the  Maltese.  Giovan  Battista  Gori  Pannclini,  the 
Inquisitor  of  Malta,  who  also  acted  as  papal  nuncio  on  the 
island,  only  prevented  with  the  utmost  difficulty  the  indehnite 
postponement  of  the  Knights'  co-operation.^  As  it  was, 
their  delays  caused  the  loss  of  two  precious  months.  At 
length,  at  the  beginning  of  August,  Gori  Pannclini  secured 
the  dispatch  of  six  galleys  which  joined  those  of  the  Pope, 
of  Tuscany  and  of  the  Viceroy  of  Naples,  on  August  21st  ; 
on  the  2!)th  they  effected  their  junction  with  the  Venetian 
Grand  Fleet  at  Corfu.*  Meanwhile  bad  news  had  come  from 
Candia.  On  August  22nd,  after  a  glorious  defence,  the  fortress 
of  Canea  had  fallen.  The  Pope,  who  was  informed  of  the 
disaster  about  mid-September,^  had  granted  to  the  Venetians, 
at  the  beginning  of  August,  a  subsidy  of  100,000  scudi  to 
be  raised  from  Church  property  within  the  territory  of  the 
Republic  ;  he  had  likewise  sent  help  to  the  Knights  of  Malta  "^ 
and  dispatched  war  material  to  Ragusa.'  The  Venetian 
ambassador,  Alvise  Contarini,  now  suggested  a  league  of  the 
CathoHc  princes,  a  proposal  which  led  the  Pope  to  study  the 
negotiations  which  had  ended   in   the  formation  of  such  a 


'  P.  I'iccoLOMi.Ni,  Corrispoiulenza  fra  la  corte  di  Roma  e 
I'inquisitore  di  Malta  (lurante  la  truerra  di  Candia,  1645-1660, 
Fircnzc,   1908,  6,   10  seq. 

*  GuGLiF.LMOTTi,  1 4  seq. 
=>  Ibid. 

*  PiCCOLOMINI,   loc.   Clt.,    12. 

*  *Cifra  al  Nuntio  di  Venezia,  September  i6,  1645,  Nimziat.  di 
Venczia,  70,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

"  Bull.,  XV.,  397,  400. 

'  Sec  *Brief  to  RaRU-sa,  September  12,  1645,  Epist.,  T.,  loc.  cit. 


356  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

coalition  under  Pius  V.^  But  the  present  situation  was  a  very 
different  one.  The  crusading  spirit,  which  was  still  alive 
then,  was  almost  completely  dead  now  ^  ;  the  Catholic 
Powers  were  hopelessly  estranged  from  each  other,  and  the 
irresolute  and  exceedingly  parsimonious  Innocent  X.  was  no 
Pius  V.  The  request  of  Venice  for  increased  subsidies  were 
met  by  him  with  the  promise  that  he  would  do  what  was 
possible  in  view  of  the  restricted  means  of  the  Holy  See  ; 
but  of  what  use  was  it  if  he  gave  them  yet  another  ship  ? 
Venice  should  appeal  to  Spain  and  France  ;  Pius  V.  had  also 
availed  himself  of  foreign  help  in  his  crusade.^  In  November 
the  Pope,  to  whom  the  defence  of  the  coasts  of  the  Papal 
States  occasioned  considerable  expenditure,*  gave  leave  to 
Venice  to  raise  troops  in  the  territory  of  the  Church.  At  the 
same  time  he  did  his  best  to  hasten  the  peace  negotiations 
at  Miinster  and  addressed  an  urgent  appeal  to  the  King  of 
Poland,  pressing  him  to  mobilize  the  Cossacks  against  the 
Turks.  ^  Finally  he  wrote  to  the  Shah  of  Persia  ^  from  whom 
he  looked  for  an  attack  on  Bagdad.  On  November  20th  the 
Pope  examined  with  the  Cardinals  what  could  be  done  in 
order  to  obtain  help  for  Venice  from  the  Catholic  Powers.' 
But  there  was  little  to  hope  for  from  that  quarter.  France 
and  Spain  were  irreconcilable  enemies,  bent  on  injuring 
each  other,  to  the  exclusion  of  every  other  consideration. 
When  the  Signoria  pressed  the  Spanish  ambassador  to  work 

1  See  *Cifra  al  Nuntio  di  Venezia  of  September  23,  1645, 
loc.  cit. 

2  See  *Cifra  al  Nuntio  di  Venezia  of  February  2,  1646,  loc.  cit. 
^  Cf.  the  *instructions  in  code  to  the  Venice  nuncio,  A.  Cesi, 

of  October  14  and  21  and  November  4,  1645,  Nunziat.  di  Venezia, 
70,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  *Avviso  of  September  15,  1646,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

5  *Cifre  al  Nuntio  di  Venezia  of  November  11  and  18,  1645, 
loc.  cit. 

6  *Brief  of  January  30,  1646,  Epist.,  II. -III.,  Papal  Sec. 
Arch.  As  no  reply  came  another  *Brief  was  issued  on  August  31, 
1647,  ibid. 

■   Cf.   *Acta  consist.,  Barb.  2918,  P.   i,  Vat.  Lib. 


NEGOTIATIONS.  357 

at  least  for  an  armistice  at  sea,  so  that  France  might  be  free 
to  help  Venice  with  all  her  might,  the  latter  rejected  the 
suggestion  with  the  remark  that  he  was  not  in  the  least 
surprised  that  France  should  take  up  the  cause  of  Venice 
with  so  much  enthusiasm  and  even  seek  to  win  over  Spain 
for  that  purpose  seeing  that  the  French  King  was  about  to 
la}'  siege  to  Tarragona,  for  in  these  circumstances  nothing 
could  be  more  welcome  to  him  than  that  the  Spanish  fleet 
should  be  prevented  from  relieving  that  town.^  The  French 
ambassador  in  Venice,  Gremonvillc,  was  of  opinion  that  Spain 
was  playing  false  when  she  protested  her  willingness  to  join 
a  league  against  the  Turks,  for  her  real  object  was  none 
other  than  to  exploit  the  forces  thus  brought  together  in  her 
own  interest  by  turning  them  against  France.  Gremonville 
also  recalled  the  Venetians'  jealousy  of  France  and  their 
selfishness  :  "  If  we  found  ourselves  in  the  straits  in  which 
they  are  at  present,"  he  wrote,  "  and  we  had  need  of  them  as 
they  need  us,  they  would  not  give  help  for  nothing,  but  would 
know  how  to  get  some  advantage  out  of  it."  - 

These  representations  were  approved  by  Mazarin.  Though 
towards  the  end  of  1645  the  Cardinal  secretly  provided  the 
^'enetians  with  100,000  French  thalers,  of  which  not  even 
Gremonville  knew  whether  they  were  meant  as  a  loan  or  as  a 
present, 3  the  liberality  of  the  French  minister  probably  had 
no  other  object  than  to  win  over  the  Republic  for  his  anti- 
Spanish  plans  in  Italy.*  As  for  Spain,  towards  the  end  of  1645 
rumours  were  current  that  discussions  were  on  foot  for  a 
separate  treaty  with  the  Porte,  with  the  reciprocal  obligation 
of  not  making  war  against  each  other.  Rome  refused  to 
believe  that  the  Catholic  King  could  act  in  such  a  way,  and 
expressed  the  severest  disapproval.  The  suspicion  that  the 
Pope  approved  these  negotiations  was  indignantly  denied  in 

1  Sec  ZiNKEiSEN,  IV.,  575  seq. 

'  Daru,  Hist,  de  Venise,  IV.,  526. 

=•  Daru,  Hist,  de  Venise,  IV.,  524. 

♦  Cf.  Battistella's  observations  on  G.  Zulian,  Le  relazioni 
tra  il  card.  G.  Mazzarivo  e  Venezia,  Venezia,  1909/11,  in  Riv. 
Stof.,  XXX.,   193  seqq. 


358  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

a  dispatch  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  December  2nd, 
1645,  to  the  nuncio  at  Venice. ^  On  October  30th,  1645,  the 
Italian  fleet  was  back  in  its  home  port.  Though  it  had  achieved 
^  "  *Ma  quando  cio  fusse  vero,  che  sia  succeduto  senza  alcuna 
partecipatione  di  Sua  Beatne^  ^  vero  come  qualsivoglia  articolo 
di  fede,  e  quando  la  Santita  Sua  non  fusse  in  obligo  di  detestare 
una  simile  risolutionc,  come  capo  della  Chiesa,  sarebbe  state 
forzato  a  farlo  per  il  mero  interesse  politico,  poiche  quando  il 
Re  Cattolico  si  togliesse  fuori  della  difesa  comune  contro  il 
Turco,  li  Stati  della  Chiesa  resterebbero  facilissimamente  preda 
dalle  forze  Turchesche.  Oltre  mille  altre  ragioni,  che  si  potriano 
addurre  per  levare  dalla  mente  altrui  un  cosi  spropositato 
sospetto  ..."  (Cifra  al  Nuntio  di  Venezia,  December  2,  1645, 
Papal  Sec.  Arch.  Brosch  (I.,  412)  writes  :  "  The  Pope's  relations 
with  the  Republic  were  bound  to  be  profoundly  troubled  when 
the  Signoria  ascertained  that  Innocent  was  working  on  the  court 
of  Madrid  with  a  view  to  inducing  Spain  to  conclude  a  separate 
peace  with  Turkey,  thereby  securing  the  coast  of  Naples  and  that 
of  the  Papal  States  from  Turkish  attack.  The  plan  aimed  at  the 
complete  isolation  and  abandonment  of  Venice.  A  Pope  who 
could  thus  deal  with  the  Republic  whilst  it  was  at  war  with  the 
infidels,  could  hardly  expect  anything  from  the  latter  except 
distrust  and  embitterment."  By  way  of  proof  Brosch  adds  as 
a  footnote  :  "  The  affair  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Venetian 
ambassador  in  Rome  through  Cardinal  Colonna.  "  lo  mostrai," 
Giustinian  writes,  "  di  non  poter  credere  pratiche  si  empie  da 
Ministri  Pontificii,  et  meno  dal  papa  stesso  ;  ma  replico  Colonna, 
che  sono  pur  troppo  vere."  Dispatch  from  Rome,  November  27, 
1649.  Venet.  Arch.  :  Inquisitori  di  St.,  Dispaccio  dagli  Ainb°''^ 
a  Roma,  1628-1649.  In  the  present  instance  it  is  possible  to 
demonstrate  irrefutably  where  Brosch 's  favourite  exploitation 
of  prejudiced  Venetian  embassy  reports  leads  him  to.  So  far 
from  countenancing  Spain's  intentions  of  taking  advantage  of 
Venice's  difficulties  in  so  indefensible  a  fashion  {cf.  Zinkeisex, 
IV.,  813  seq.).  Innocent  X.  did  everything  in  his  power  to 
dissuade  Philip  IV.  and  his  ministers  from  such  a  course.  On 
November  13,  1649,  the  following  *instructions,  in  code,  were 
dispatched  by  the  Secretariate  of  State  to  the  nuncio  in  Venice  : 
Da  Msgr  Nuntio  in  Spagna  si  continuano  le  rimostranze  a  quella 
Maesta  e  ministri  contro  le  proposte  dello  anibasciatore  Turco 
in  essecutione  degli  ordini   di   Sua  Beatn^,   che  li  rinovera   con 


MILITARY   PREPARATIONS.  359 

nothing,^  Innocent  X.  was  willing  to  send  it  out  in  the  following 
year.^  In  December  he  had  given  permission  for  the  raising 
of  troops  by  Venice  up  to  8,000  men.  Further  enrolments 
he  declined  at  first  on  the  ground  that  he  himself  needed 
soldiers  for  the  defence  of  the  coasts  of  the  Pontifical  States, 
but  subsequently  he  allowed  them  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Rome.^ 

efticacia  scmpre  maggiorc  in  adcmpimento  della  pastorale  sua 
cura  e  della  paterna  dilettione  verso  cotesta  Republica,  come  da 
qui  acclusa  copia  di  cifra  del  medesimo  Msgr.  Nuntio  Ella  vedra 
{Numiat.  di  Venezia,  70,  p.  160).  The  *Cifra  of  the  Spanish 
nuncio,  dated  Madrid,  October  9,  1649,  is  as  follows  :  "  Anche 
dopo  la  partenza  di  S.  M'^  ho  continuato  di  rappresentare  a 
questi  sig""'  del  Consiglio  di  Stato  le  ragioni  per  le  quali  stimavo 
non  convenire  che  per  alcun  modo  si  desse  orecchie  alle  proposte 
deH'ambasciatore  Turco,  procurando  specialmente  di  far  conoscere 
che  non  erano  tali  che  potessero  accettarsi  senza  comprcndervi 
gli  altri  principi  christiani  e  senza  prima  udirne  i  scntimenti  e 
particolarmente  il  N^o  Signore,  e  che,  quando  cio  si  fusse  lasciato 
da  parte,  sarebbe  con  gravissimo  danno  di  essi  et  hora  massima- 
mente  della  Rcpubblica  di  Venetia  ;  il  che  ripugnarebbe  anche 
al  presupposto  fermissimo  di  Sua  Maesta  di  non  csser  mai  per 
consentire  ad  alcun  trattato  di  cui  potesse  risultar  pregiudizio 
benche  minimo  alia  christianita  "  (Niimiat.  di  Spagna,  99,  p.  158). 
On  November  27,  1649,  the  Secretary  of  State  once  more  wrote 
to  the  nuncio  in  Venice  as  follows  :  "A  Msgr  Nuntio  in  Spagna 
non  vi  e  ordinario  nel  quale  non  se  gli  replichino  ordini  efficaci 
in  adempimento  del  desiderio  di  cotesti  signori  circa  i  negotiati 
dell'ambasciatore  Turco  ;  e  V.  S.  potra  di  nuovo  vederne 
accresciuti  gli  cffetti  nelTacclusa  copia  di  lettera,  che  se  le  invia, 
di  Msgr  Kuntio  sudetto  ;  al  quale  s'inviara  pur  di  nuovo  il  prose- 
guire  et  accrescer  sempre  piii  il  calore  et  la  premura  delle  instanze 
in  beneficio  della  Republica  "   {ibid.,   iCi^*),  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  Cf.  ROMA.NI,   \'II.,   306;        GUGLIELMOTTI,   25-39;        PlCCOLO- 

MiNi,  12  seq. 

*  *Cifra  al  nuntio  di  Venezia,  January  27,  1646,  Xtnizial.  di 
Venezia,  70,  loc.  cit. 

*  See  the  *  Instructions,  in  code,  to  the  Venice  nuncio  of 
December  2,  o,  23,  30,  1645,  and  January  27  and  February  24, 
1646,  iljid. 


360  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

On  February  24th,  1646,  Pier  Foscarini  arrived  in  Rome  as 
extraordinary  envoy  of  Venice  for  the  purpose  of  requesting 
the  Pope,  jointly  with  the  ambassador  Alvise  Contarini,  to 
raise  the  number  of  the  pontifical  ships  and  soldiers,  and  to 
grant  large  sums  of  money,  especially  to  the  King  of  Poland, 
to  enable  the  latter  to  raise  a  force  of  Cossacks.  The  Pope 
explained  that  he  would  do  his  best,  but  that  he  too  was 
short  of  money.  He  ended  by  granting  30,000  scudi  to  the 
Polish  King,^  and  saw  to  it  that  his  galleys  were  ready  to 
put  to  sea  by  the  end  of  April  1646,  from  Civitavecchia.  A 
delay  was  caused  by  Ludovisi  falling  ill.  His  place  was  taken 
by  Alessandro  Zambeccari.  Towards  the  end  of  May  the 
Pope's  ships  and  those  of  the  Knights  of  Malta  effected  their 
junction  with  the  Venetian  fleet. ^  The  galleys  hitherto 
provided  by  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  and  the  Viceroy  of 
Naples  were  missing  this  time  in  consequence  of  Mazarin's 
attack  on  the  Spaniards  in  Italy. 

The  operations  of  1646  against  the  Turks  were  also 
unsuccessful,  for  the  new  Venetian  Captain  General,  the  weak 
and  irresolute  septuagenarian  Giovanni  Capello,  was  unequal 
to  his  task.  On  October  23rd,  Zambeccari  returned  to 
Civitavecchia  ;   he  died  on  December  21st,  1646.^ 

Already  in  the  summer  of  1646  the  Venetian  ambassador, 
Contarini,  had  pressed  the  Pope  to  come  to  the  assistance  of 
the  Republic  ;  he  was  told  that  his  demands  were  impossible.* 
He  continued  to  urge  his  request  during  the  first  months  of 
1647,  though  on  September  19th,  1646,  the  Pope  had  allowed 
Venice  to  raise  a  tenth  to  the  amount  of  400,000  scudi. ^ 
Innocent  pointed  out  that  he  had  to  spend  40,000  scudi  a 
month  on  his  army,  and  to  assist  the  Irish  and  the  King  of 
Poland.    Not  for  lack  of  goodwill,  but  because  the  thing  was 

'  See  the  *instructions,  in  code,  to  the  Venice  nuncio,  March  3, 
10,  17,  and  April  7,  1646,  ibid. 

*  GuGLiELMOTTi,  44  seq. 

3  ZiNKEiSEN,  IV.,  756  ;    GuGLiELMOTTi,  50  seqq.,  66. 

*  *Cifra  al  Nuntio  di  Venezia,  of  July  21,  1646,  loc.  cit. 
"  Bull..  XV..  478. 


THE    CAMPAIGN    OV    1646.  361 

utterly  impossible,  he  was  unable  to  provide  the  soldiers 
and  the  money  which  the  ambassador  demanded  at  every 
audience.  He  had  dispatched  a  thousand  men  for  the  protection 
of  Dalmatia,  so  that  he  was  left  with  from  5,000  to  6,000  men 
to  guard  the  coasts  of  the  Pontifical  States.'  This  time  also 
the  papal  ships  put  to  sea  at  the  end  of  May,  and  together  with 
those  of  the  Knights  of  Malta,  joined  the  Venetian  armada 
now  under  the  command  of  Battista  Grimani.  For  three 
months  Grimani  blockaded  the  Turkish  fleet  commanded 
by  Fasli  Pasha,  in  the  harbour  of  Chios,  and  only  when  the 
advanced  season  rendered  a  longer  stay  in  those  rough 
waters  impossible,  did  Fasli  Pasha  succeed  in  escaping  from 
that  harbour  and  in  reaching  Crete  with  87  galle3's.  Grimani, 
who  at  once  set  out  in  pursuit,  could  not  follow  quickly 
enough  with  his  heavily  manned  ships  to  prevent  the  Pasha's 
landing,  so  he  had  to  be  content  with  maintaining  his  winter 
station  near  the  island  of  Standia  from  where  he  dominated 
the  harbour  of  Candia.  In  this  way  he  was  in  a  position  to 
prevent  the  provisioning  of  the  fortress  from  the  sea.^ 

Notwithstanding  the  Pope's  liberality,  nuncio  Angelo  Cesi 
had  had  repeatedly  to  complain  of  various  infringements  of 
ecclesiastical  immunity  on  the  part  of  Venice.^  When  Cesi 
died,  on  September  20th,  1646,  Innocent  X.,  on  December  6th, 
1646,  appointed  the  Archbishop  of  Pisa,  Scipio  Pannochieschi 
d'Elce,  as  his  successor.^     The  new  nuncio  experienced  a 

^  See  the  *instructions,  in  code,  to  the  new  nuncio  to  Venice, 
Scipionc  Pannochieschi,  of  January  12  and  26,  February  2  and  9, 
March  30,  April  6  and  13,  1647,  loc.  cit. 

2  ZiNKEiSEN,  IV.,  784  seq.  ;    Guglielmotti,  73  scqq. 

'  Cf.  ♦Cifrc  al  Cesi,  of  August  26  and  September  30,  1645, 
Nitnziat.  di  Vcnezia,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  See  MoLMENTi,  Venezia  nella  mctd  del  sec,  XVII.,  in  Atti 
dei  Lincei,  Rendiconti,  5  series,  XXV.  (1916/17),  187  seqq.  ; 
there,  on  p.  192  seq.,  the  Instruction  of  December  19,  1646, 
stressing  the  Pope's  interest  in  the  Turkish  war.  The  *acts  of 
Pannochieschi's  nunciature,  3  parts,  in  the  State  Archives, 
Venice  ;  "  *Diarium  nunciaturac  apud  Venetos,  1646/52, 
in  Vat.  10423,  Vatican  Library. 


362  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

grievous  interference  with  the  Church's  immunity  soon  after 
his  entr^'  upon  office. ^  In  September  1647,  it  was  felt  in 
Rome,  that  though  Venice  was  for  ever  making  fresh  demands 
for  help  in  its  war  against  the  Turks,  the  city  failed  in  the 
regard  due  to  the  Pope.^  This  referred  not  only  to  the  circum- 
stance that  the  Government  was  slow  in  making  up  its  mind 
to  refuse  its  protection  to  certain  apostate  religious  who  were 
writing  against  the  Pope,^  and  that  when  it  did  so  at  last, 
it  was  done  most  inadequately,  but  likewise  to  the  fact  that 
fresh  demands  were  being  made  in  regard  to  episcopal  appoint- 
ments within  the  territory  of  the  Republic.  The  Signoria 
demanded  that  proposals  for  vacant  sees  should  only  be  made 
in  consistory  by  Venetian  Cardinals.  This  the  Pope  could  not 
concede  ;  accordingly  the  sees  remained  vacant.*  The  conflict 
became  particularly  acute  when,  on  January  18th,  1648, 
Giovanni  Giustinian  took  over  the  post  of  ambassador  in  Rome. 
His  predecessor,  on  retiring  from  office,  had  given  him  the 
sound  advice  that  Venice  should  avoid  ecclesiastical  disputes 
as  much  as  possible,  for  even  those  Cardinals  and  prelates  who 
were  most  favourably  disposed  towards  the  Republic,  had 
bitterly  complained  of  its  conduct  in  this  respect.^  Giustinian 
took  no  notice  of  this  advice,  and  in  August,  1648,  the  Secretary 
of  State  had  to  complain  of  his  pretensions.®  In  such  questions 
as  trenched  on  secular  interests,  Giustinian  pursued  a  policy 
which  was  admirably  characterized  by  the  Secretary  of  State, 
on  December  5th,  1649.  In  such  cases,  he  said,  the  Venetians 
invariably  professed  complete  ignorance  and  insisted  on  the 
need  of  investigating  the  affair  in  question  ;    by  this  means 

1  *Cifra  al  Pannochieschi,  February  23,  1647,  Papal  Sec. 
Arch. 

-  *Cifra  al  Pannochieschi,  September  14,  1647,  ibid.  Cf.  *Cifra 
of  May  2,  164S,  ibid. 

'  *Cifre  al  Pannochieschi,  November  9,  December  14,  1647,  ibid. 

*  *Cifre  al  Pannochieschi,  October  11,  December  14,  1647, 
May  23,  July  18,  1648,  ibid. 

5  Berchet,  Roma,  II.,  79. 

•■'  *Cifre  al  Pannochieschi,  August  29,  September  5  1648, 
loc.  cit. 


TENSION   BETWEEN   ROME   AND   VENICE.        363 

they  sought  to  gain  time,  so  that  the  affair  might  fall  into 
oblivion.  Giustinian,  the  Secretary  of  State  added,  was  for 
ever  demanding  fresh  concessions,  and  when  the  Pope 
remarked  that  he  had  granted  a  great  many  and  only  got 
hne  promises  in  return,  the  ambassador  would  display  all  his 
eloquence  to  demonstrate  the  contrary.  However,  His  Holiness 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  true  state  of  affairs.^ 

The  tension  between  Rome  and  Venice  was  not  eased  by 
the  circumstance  that,  in  consequence  of  the  war  of  Castro, 
the  papal  fleet  was  unable  to  show  itself  in  the  Levant  in 
1G49  and  1650,  because  it  was  needed  for  the  protection  of 
the  jubilee  pilgrims.^  On  the  other  hand,  in  July  1649, 
Innocent  granted  Venice  another  subsidy  from  ecclesiastical 
revenues  to  the  amount  of  100,000  scudi.^  The  value  of  these 
concessions  must  appear  all  the  greater  inasmuch  as  the 
dispute  over  the  appointment  to  vacant  sees  was  still  unsettled, 
whilst  bv  his  false  reports  Giustinian  was  doing  what  in  him 
lay  to  poison  mutual  relations,^  so  much  so  that  in  August 
the  Secretary  of  State  formally  accused  him  of  duplicity.^ 
In  November  the  ambassador's  double-dealing  was  revealed 
afresh.^  Though  he  had  the  effrontery  to  assert  that 
Innocent  X.  held  him  in  the  highest  esteem,'  with  a  view 
of  putting  the  Pope  in  the  wrong,  Giustinian  would  assert 
from  time  to  time  that  Venice  also  had  made  concessions  ; 
but  when  he  did  so  he  was  invariably  told  that  if  a  man 
restored  part  of  what  he  had  stolen  he  had  not  made  adequate 
satisfaction.^  When  in  July  1650,  Giustinian  lamented  the 
misfortunes  of  Venice  in  the  war,  the  Pope  told  him  that  he 

'   *Cifra  al  Pannochieschi,  December  5,  1649,  7bt(l. 

^  GuGLlELMOTTi,  io6  seqq.  There,  73  scqq.,  on  the  campaign 
of  1647. 

3  Bull.,  X\..  638  seq. 

'  *Cifre  al  Pannochieschi,  December  ig,  1648,  January  2. 
Ahiy  22,  June  5,  July  10,  1649,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

^  *Cifra  al  Pannochieschi,  August  28,  1649,  ibid. 

■^  *Cifra  al  Pannochieschi,  November  13,  1649,  ibuL 

■    *Cifra  al  Pannochieschi,  December  11.  1649,  ibid. 

"  *Cifra  al  Pannochieschi,  Februarv  i<t.  1630,  ihu/. 


364  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

too  regretted  them,  but  that  perhaps  God  was  punishing  the 
Republic  for  its  numerous  encroachments  on  the  Church's 
immunity,  and  that  it  was  a  grievous  wrong  to  prevent  the 
episcopal  sees  of  the  mainland  and  in  Dalmatia  from  being 
filled  because  of  alleged  rights  for  which  there  was  no 
foundation  whatever.  When  Giustinian  observed  that  it 
might  be  possible  to  compromise  on  this  question.  Innocent 
replied  sharply  that  nothing  would  induce  him  to  tolerate  any 
restriction  of  the  full  liberty  of  the  Church.  After  this  remark 
he  proceeded  to  complain  of  the  ingratitude  of  the  Republic.^ 
On  this  point  Innocent  remained  unshaken,  however  much 
Giustinian  pressed  him  to  yield.  A  general  sigh  of  relief  went 
up  when  the  ambassador  was  recalled  in  November  1651. 

Giustinian,  who  at  his  farewell  audience  demanded  and 
obtained  a  number  of  favours,  showed  his  gratitude  by  openly 
declaring  that  on  his  return  to  Venice  he  would  do  his  worst 
against  Rome  ;  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  remark  that  the 
Republic  would  have  no  peace  until  all  priests  were  driven 
from  its  territory  ;  this  statement  someone  countered  with  the 
remark  that  in  that  case  the  Republic  should  also  turn  out  all 
Catholics.- 


^  *Cifra  al  Pannochieschi,  July  16,  1650,  ibid. 

2  See  *Cifra  al  Nuntio  in  Venezia,  a  di  due  decembre  1651. 
"  II  signer  ambasciatore  Giustiniani  in  questi  ultimi  giorni  della 
sua  dimora  in  Roma,  ha  in  molti  luoghi,  nei  quali  gli  e  accaduto 
parlare,  con  maniere  sopra  mode  disconvenienti,  a  segno  di  dire, 
che  ritornato  egli  costa,  era  per  operare  sempre  il  peggio  che 
havesse  potuto  negU  affari  di  Roma,  e  nelle  materia  ecclesiastiche 
avrebbe  cio  procurato  con  ogni  sforzo  possibile,  e  che  in  somma 
era  per  esser  costi  sempre  un  altro  procuratore  da  Pesaro  :  anzi 
e  fin  giunto  alcuna  volta  a  dire  che  la  Repubblica  non  fara  mai 
cosa  di  profitto,  se  la  Repubblica  non  manda  fuori  del  suo  dominie 
tutti  gli  ecclesiastici  ;  il  qual  concetto  havendo  in  molti  partorito 
estremo  scandalo,  ha  ancora  indotto  qualchuno  a  rispondere, 
che  era  bene  ancora  cacciare  i  cattolici.  II  signor  ambasciatore 
non  ha  con  tutto  cio  lasciato  di  supplicar  nella  sua  partenza 
Sua  Beatitudine  molte  grazie,  di  gran  parte  delle  quali  ha  volute 
Sua  Beatitudine  compiacerlo,  perch^  nella  profusiene  della  sua 


Venice's  attitudk.  365 

Under  Giustinian's  successor,  Niccol6  Sagredo,  Innocent  X. 
granted,  in  the  autumn  of  1653,  the  raising  of  a  tenth  from 
the  Venetian  clergy,  and  a  fresh  subsidy  of  100,000  scudi 
from  ecclesiastical  property,  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war 
of  defence  against  the  Turks. ^  However,  no  improvement 
ensued  in  the  ecclesiastical  policy  of  Venice.  One  Order, 
which  had  rendered  the  highest  services  to  the  Church,  and 
which,  for  that  reason,  had  had  praise  and  favours  showered 
upon  it  by  the  Popes,  viz.  the  Society  of  Jesus,  continued 
to  be  banished  from  the  territory  of  the  Republic-  The 
Inquisition  had  only  a  semblance  of  existence  and  only  dealt 
with  trifling  matters,  yet  all  the  time  the  purity  of  the  faith 
was  constantly  in  danger  in  the  City  of  the  Lagoons 
owing  to  the  circumstance  that,  for  purposes  of  trade,  many 
Protestants,  as  well  as  other  persons  suspected  of  heresy, 
were  allowed  to  reside  there.  The  extent  of  the  Signoria's 
toleration  may  be  gauged  from  the  fact  that  it  conceded  to 
llie  Protestants  burial  places  in  Catholic  cemeteries.^ 


Ijenignita  apparisca  quanto  disconvenga  I'uso  di  una  si  mala 
corrispondenza  "  (Nunziat  di  Venezia,  70,  p.  186^,  Papal  Sec. 
Arch.).  Giustinian's  two  reports,  which  Brosch  adopts  un- 
critically, contain  so  many  unfair  judgments  that  Ranke  (III., 
176*)  questions  their  genuineness.  Ranke's  statement  that  they 
are  not  to  be  found  in  the  Venetian  State  Archives,  is  erroneous  ; 
see  Berchet,  Roma,  II.,  85. 

*  Bull.,  XV.,  722  seqq.,  736  seqq.  For  the  plan,  at  first  en- 
thusiastically taken  up  both  by  Sagredo  and  by  Innocent  X. 
and  subsequently  dropped,  of  enrolling  crusaders  for  Venice's 
war  from  all  the  Franciscan  convents,  see  \'aliero,  321  seqq.  ; 
Wadding,  Ann.  Ord.  Min.,  1654  ;  Zinkeisen,  IV.,  819.  Cf.  ibid., 
823,  on  the  unsuccessful  plan  of  the  Capuchin  Antonio  Maria  di 
Kaita  of  collecting  money  fur  Venice  in  Germany. 

-  A  *Cifra  of  March  24,  1646,  instructed  the  Venice  nuncio 
to  work  for  the  return  of  the  Jesuits,  though  not  at  first 
in  the  Pope's  name  ;  Nunziat.  di  Venezia,  70,  Papal  Sec. 
Arch. 

"  Cf.  the  interesting  report  addressed  to  the  brother  of  nuncio 
Pannochicschi  in  Moi.menti,  loc.  cit.,  219  seqq. 


366  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

(2.) 

F"rom  the  first  days  of  his  pontificate  the  situation  in  the 
States  of  the  Church  had  caused  grave  anxiety  to  Innocent  X.^ 
His  first  care  was  to  get  rid  of  the  foreign  soldiers  whom 
Urban  VIII.  had  recruited  for  the  war  of  Castro,  for  these 
men  had  become  a  heavy  burden  on  the  country.  To  this 
must  be  added  yet  another  inheritance  of  the  preceding 
pontificate,  namely,  the  oppressive  taxation  which  the  Pope 
was  unable  to  relieve  to  the  extent  he  would  have  wished 
because,  notwithstanding  the  greatest  economy,  his  financial 
situation  continued  unfavourable  ;  in  fact  he  saw  himself 
compelled  to  incur  a  fresh  debt  to  the  amount  of  three  million 
scudi.^  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  rising  in  Naples  in  the 
summer  of  1647  might  easily  spread  to  the  Pontifical  States, 
the  Pope  planned  a  lowering  of  taxation,  and  in  order  to  make 
up  for  the  loss  of  revenue  it  was  decided  to  reduce  the  rate  of 
interest  of  some  of  the  Monti  from  7  to  4|  per  cent.^  But  even 
this  measure  proved  no  remedy  for  his  financial  straits. 
Like  his  predecessor.  Innocent  also  left  his  successor  debts 
which  amounted  to  48  million  scudi.  The  motives  which  led 
to  so  heavy  a  burden  being  laid  on  the  State  were  all  to  the 
honour  of  Innocent  X.,  as  they  had  been  to  that  of  his 
predecessors,  apart  from  the  sums  wasted  on  the  nephews. 
The  Popes  could  not  decline  the  duty  of  supporting  the 
Catholic  Powers  in  the  religious  struggles  of  the  16th  and 
17th  centuries,  and  especially  in  the  wars  against  the  Turks, 
with   money,    troops   and   ships.      From    their   predecessors 

1  Innocent  X.  confirmed  on  December  16,  1644,  Pius  V.'s 
Constitution  on  the  inalienability  of  the  Papal  States  ;  cf.  Bull., 
XV.,  333. 

-  Cf.  the  reports  of  A.  Contarini  and  G.  Giustinian  in  Berchet, 
Roma,  II.,  74  seq.,  153  ;  Pallavicino,  I.,  302  ;  Ranke,  III.,  70  ; 
Brosch,  I.,  413  seq.,  who  overlooks  Moroni's  data  (LXXIV., 
304).  A  *avviso  of  February  4,  1645,  already  mentions  measures 
of  economy  at  the  palace  (Papal  Sec.  Arch.). 

'  Brosch,  I.,  414.  On  the  monti,  cf.  Coppi,  Discorso  sidle 
finame,  16. 


CALAMITIES    IN    THE    PAPAL    STATES.  367 

they  had  inherited  tlio  obhgation  of  acting,  in  conjunction 
with  Venice,  as  an  advanced  post  of  Christendom  in  Italy 
against  the  traditional  enemy  in  the  East.  France,  but  more 
particularly  Poland,  Hungary,  the  Emperor,  and  even  more 
than  all  these,  Venice,  demanded  and  received  large  sums 
of  money.  All  the  victims  of  persecution  and  spoliation  in 
the  countries  of  the  South  invariably  first  turned  to  the 
Popes,  and  as  a  rule  they  were  given  generous  assistance.^ 

It  was  a  calamity  for  everybody  when  in  1647,  and  even 
more  so  in  1648,  the  failure  of  the  crops  caused  great  scarcity 
and  want.  To  this  was  added  an  inundation  of  the  Tiber  in 
March  1646,2  ^j^^  ^n  even  more  disastrous  one  on 
December  6th,  1647,  which  did  heavy  damage.^  The  Pope, 
who  was  at  all  times  concerned  for  the  welfare  of  his  subjects, 

*  Cf.  with  this  opinion  of  Dollinger  (Kirche  iind  Kirchen, 
539  seq.),  also  Ranke,  I.,  422. 

*  See  *Avviso  of  March  24,  1646,  which  refers  to  the  Pope's 
care  of  the  poor.  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

'  Cf.  Servantius,  *Diaria,  who  writes  :  "  Fuerunt  factae 
diversae  provisiones  ad  succurrendum  oppressis  de  necessariis 
alimentis,  in  quo  multum  studuerunt  rehgiosiores  Urbis  praelati 
et  praecipue  Camerae  clerici  de  ordine  Papae,  qui  naviculis 
pluries  regiones,  praecipue  Lungariae  et  Burgi,  aliasque  transfreta- 
verunt  et  alimonia  omnibus  pracbebant  ;  maiordomus  Papae 
aptari  iussit  molcndinum  palatii  Vaticani,  nullum  cnim  aliud  moliri 
poterat,  et  triticum  sine  intermissione  moliri  ad  distribuendam 
farinam  fornariis  ;  et  aliae  provisiones  necessariae  factae  fuerunt  ; 
D.  etiam  card.  I'amphilius  transcurrit  navicula  per  regionem 
Turris  novae  Ripettae  et  alias  iuxta  opus.  Spectaculum  fuit 
miserrimum,  maxime  eorum,  qui  extra  Urbem  domunculis 
rusticis  morabantur,  qui  in  quantitate  non  parva  perierunt." 
Papal  Sec.  Arch.  Cf.  Denis,  I.,  97  seq.  ;  Forcella,  XIII.,  221  ; 
*Savelli's  *report  of  December  7,  1647,  State  Archives,  Vienna  ; 
*Diary  in  Cod.  93-46  of  the  Doria-Pamfili  Archives,  Rome. 
Cod.  H.  II.,  43,  of  the  Chigi  Library  in  Rome  has  this  passage, 
p.  122  seq.  :  "  *Deirantica  navigazione  del  fiume  Tevere  e  del 
modo  da  rcstituirsi.  Discorso  di  Msgr.  Bernardino  abbate  Biscia 
Romano  prescntato  alia  S^'^  di  Innocenzo  X.,  dcdicato  al  card. 
Camillo  Pamphilio,  decembre  1653." 


368  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

though  all  too  often  he  was  badly  served  by  his  officials,^ 
did  his  utmost  to  alleviate  the  general  misery.  His  alms  to 
the  poor  were  more  generous  than  ever,  and  he  bought  grain 
for  Rome  wherever  it  could  be  had,  with  his  own  money.^ 
How  difficult  this  proved  at  times  was  shown  by  an  incident 
which  occurred  at  Fermo  in  the  summer  of  1648.  Though 
there  also  bread  was  lacking,  the  vice-governor,  the  Milanese 
Uberto  Maria  Visconti,  was  freighting  a  grain  ship  for  Rome. 
This  operation  was  opposed  by  a  section  of  the  population  ; 
a  mutiny  ensued,  the  Government  buildings  were  sacked  and 
the  vice-governor  killed.  Thereupon  troops  were  dispatched 
to  Fermo  and  the  culprits  sternly  punished.^  The  terror  thus 
created  stopped  any  inchnation  to  rebelhon  in  other  parts  of 
the    Papal    States ;     Perugia   alone    took   up   a   threatening 

^  Denis,  passim.  See  also  Benigni,  Getreidepolitik,  54  seqq., 
also  Naude  in  Deutsche  Liter aturzeitung,  1899,  476. 

-  See  the  very  scarce  work  by  F.  F.  Mancini  :  Compendia 
delta  vita  ed  azioni  di  P.  Innocenzo  X.,  4.  Cf.  Bull.,  XV.,  591. 
Also  "  *Provedimenti  per  alimentare  il  popolo  Romano  nella 
carestia  del  1648  ",  Barb.  3206,  Vat.  Libr.,  which  gives  interesting 
details  on  the  organization  of  private  relief  for  the  5,000  or  so 
destitute  families  of  Rome.  On  the  heavy  expenditure  which  the 
Pope  was  compelled  to  incur  already  in  1647,  owing  to  the 
prevailing  want  in  Rome,  see  Savelli's  *report  of  September  12, 
1648,  State  Archives,  Vienna.  Cf.  also  Albizzi's  *letter  to  Chigi, 
dated  Rome,  May  2,  1648,  Cod.  A.  III.,  55,  Chigi  Library,  Rome, 
and  the  *Diary  in  Cod.  93-46  of  the  Doria-Pamfili  Archives  in 
Rome. 

^  See  BiSACCiONi,  Hist.  d.  guerre  civili  di  questi  ultimi  tempi, 
II.,  Venezia,  1653,  198-208,  and  Gualdo,  Historia,  149  seq. 
Ranke  (III.,  175*)  refers  to  a  *Memoriale  presentato  alia  5'*  di 
N.S.  Innocenzo  X.  dai  deputati  delta  cittd  di  Fermo  per  il  tumulto 
ivi  seguito  alii  6  di  Liiglio,  1648,  but  does  not  state  where  the 
MS.  is  kept.  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  it.  Ciampi  (52  and  396) 
quotes  a  document  in  the  State  Archives,  Rome,  in  connexion 
with  this.  Cf.  also  Giustinian's  *dispatches  quoted  by  Brosch 
(I.,  415)  (State  Archives,  Venice),  and  Denis,  176,  182  seq. 
In  1653  ^  fresh  rising  occurred  at  Fermo  ;  see  De  Rossi,  *Isioria, 
Vat.  8873,  Vatic.  Libr. 


DISORDERS    IN    ROME.  369 

attitude,  but  the  population  ended  by  allowing  itself  to  be 
calmed  without  the  use  of  harsh  measures.' 

Fresh  troubles  arose  in  consequence  of  the  suppression 
of  the  rising  in  Naples  from  whence  individual  bands  fled 
into  the  States  of  the  Church,  from  which  they  made  predatory 
irruptions  into  Neapohtan  territor}-.  Even  Rome  beheld 
some  sinister  figures  from  the  southern  kingdom.  They  found 
protection  with  the  French  ambassador  who  extended  the 
right  of  asj'Ium  to  the  neighbouring  houses,  where  hundreds 
of  "  Masanielli  ",  as  they  were  called,  could  be  seen.^  Grave 
troubles  were  subsequently  occasioned  by  the  conduct  of 
Spanish  recruiting  agents  which  led  to  bloody  encounters  in 
the  jubilee  year  of  1650.^ 

Such  incidents  were  bound  to  cause  particular  pain  to  a 
man  like  Innocent  X.  whose  ambition  it  was  to  preserve 
tranquillity  and  order  in  Rome,  and  not  to  tolerate  any 
oppression  of  the  weak  by  the  strong.^  It  was  felt  as  a  public 
benefit  when  Innocent  X.  proceeded  to  compel  the  Barons  to 
pay  their  debts.  The  worst  offender  in  this  respect  was  the 
youthful  Duke  of  Parma,  Ranuccio  Farnese  II.,  who  refused 
to  satisfy  the  creditors  of  his  Roman  loan  bank  [Monti  Farnesi), 
the  funds  of  which  were  based  on  the  revenues  of  Castro  and 
Ronciglione.  This  action  caused  serious  suffering  to  many 
pious  institutions,  and  to  man}-  widows  and  orphans.^ 
Innocent  X.  was  averse  to  warlike  undertakings,^  hence  he 

^  Brosch,  I.,  416,  after  Giustinian's  *dispatches. 

^    lUSTI,   II.,   165. 

'  Cf.  above,  p.  183. 

*  See  A.  Contarini  in  Berchet,  Roma,  II.,  69  ;  Ranke,  III.,  30  ; 
also  CiAMPi,  108  seq.  To  preserve  Rome  from  the  plague,  which 
was  doing  great  havoc  at  Bologna  (see  inscription  in  Keyssler, 
II.,  494),  severe  measures  were  taken  in  1652  ;  see  *Editti,  V., 
Oi,  p.  99  seqq.,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  See  Deone  (Ameyden)  in  Ranke,  III.,  30.  Cf.  also  *Acta 
consist.,  of  July  19,  1649,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

s  "  *s.  S'^,  la  quale  h  alienissima  dalla  guerra  e  per  propria 
natura  e  per  la  quicte  d'ltalia  "  (Savelli  on  July  10,  1649),  State 
Arch.,  Vienna.      Cf.  *Deone  (Ameyden)  on  July  17,  1649:    "  II 

VOL.    XXX.  B  b 


370  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

hesitated  a  long  time  before  taking  action,  though  Ranuccio's 
conduct  was  most  provoking,  even  in  purely  ecclesiastical 
matters.^  Whilst,  as  was  his  custom,  the  Pope  was  still 
considering  the  situation,  the  murder  took  place,  on 
March  18th,  1649,  of  the  newly  appointed  Bishop  of  Castro, 
the  splendid  Barnabite  Cristoforo  Giarda.  On  March  24th 
the  Pope  excommunicated  the  assassin  and  his  accomplices 
and  offered  a  reward  of  3,000  scudi,  a  sum  soon  raised  to 
5,000  scudi,  for  the  discovery  of  the  criminals.  Suspicion  fell 
on  Sansone  Asinelli,  by  whose  instigation  a  familiar  of  the 
Duke  of  Parma,  the  Frenchman  Godcfroi,  had  perpetrated  the 
murder. 2 

The  Pope,  who  in  a  consistory  of  April  12th,  1649,  had 
protested  against  an  assassination  committed  "  almost  before 
his  eyes  ",^  saw  himself  compelled  to  take  action,  all  the 
more  so  as  the  Duke's  creditors,  the  so-called  "  Montanists  ", 
demanded  with  increasing  insistence  that  he  should  help 
them  to  obtain  what  was  due  to  them.*  By  June  Innocent 
could  not  show  himself  in  the  streets  without  having  to  hear 
shouts  that  he  should  give  satisfaction  to  the  Montanists  who 
had  waited  for  seven  years  for  the  interest  on  their  loans.  ^ 
The  demand  was  a  just  one  since  the  Pope  was  Castro's 
overlord,  and  the  Curia  had  given  leave  for  the  foundation  of 
the  Ducal  bank. 

Ranuccio  had  no  thought  of  yielding  ;  on  the  contrary, 
in  May  he  threatened  to  invade  the  Papal  States  so  that  the 
Pope  was  forced  to  concentrate  4,000  infantry  and  1,000  horse 


Papa  nel  prime  giorno  del  pontificate  mi  disse  :  Vogliamo  che 
Roma  sia  allegra,  ma  non  vogliamo  soldati."  Cod.  1833  (XX., 
III.,  21),  cf.  Bibl.  Casanatense,  Rome. 

1  Demaria,  251. 

2  Servantius,  *Diaria,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  ;  Bull.,  XV.,  626  ; 
CiAMPi,  62  seqq.  Cf.  Demaria,  252  ;  O.  Premoli,  C.  Giarda, 
ultimo  vescovo  di  Castro,  Menza,  1914. 

3  See  *Acta  consist.,  Barb.  2928,  p.  2,  Vat.  Library. 

*  Cf.  Savelli's  *report  ef  April  24,  1649,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 
^  Deone  (Ameyden)  in  Ranke,  III.,  30. 


CASTRO    RAZED    TO   THE    GROUND.  37I 

oil  tlic  fiontirr  of  |-)o|o}^mi:i  and  l-Cn.ua.'  Ho\\i'\cr,  the  l)ukc, 
wlioiii  IK)  one  would  assist,  was  not  strong  i-nough  to  prevent 
the  Pope  from  taking  action  against  Castro.-  In  a  consistory 
of  June  li)th,  Innocent  X.  explained  to  the  Cardinals  the 
necessity  of  intervention.^  The  siege  of  the  fortress  began 
in  the  same  month,  but  the  garri.son  only  capitulated  on 
September  2nd,  on  condition  of  their  being  granted  a  free 
departure.*  Contrary  to  the  expectation  that  only  the  fortifi- 
cations would  be  razed,''  the  whole  town,  including  the  ducal 
palace  and  the  churches,  was  levelled  with  the  ground  and  a 
column  raised  on  the  spot  with  the  inscription  :  "  Here  stood 
Castro."  By  a  Bull  of  September  14th,  164i),  the  episcopal 
see  was  transferred  to  Acquapendente.^  The  Duke  was 
compelled  to  sign  a  treaty  by  the  terms  of  which  the  liefs 
of  Castro  and  Ronciglione  passed  to  the  Apostolic  Camera 
with  the  reservation  of  their  redemption  for  a  large  sum  of 
money.  The  Camera  undertook  the  obligation  of  satisfying 
the  creditors.'  Thus  disappeared  once  for  all  the  anomaly  of 
Castro  as  an  autonomous  duchy  yet  a  fief  of  the  Holy  See.^ 
Some  other  small  fiefs,  such  as  those  of  the  Malatesta 
of  Sogliano,  the  Corgna,  and  the  Malatesta  of  Baglione  came 

1  Savelli's  *rcport  of  May  29,  1649,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  Demaria,   254. 
^  SaveUi's  *report  of  June  5,  1649,  loc.  cit. 

*  *Acta  consist.,  loc.  cit. 

*  Savelli's  *report  of  September  4,  1649,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  Ciampi, 
67-70  ;    Denis,  I.,  218  seq.,  221,  226. 

*  *Avviso  of  October  16,  1649,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

«  Bull.,  XV.,  641  ;  CiAMi'i,  71  ;  Carabelli,  Dei  Farnesi, 
174  seq.  ;  detailed  account  of  the  destruction  of  Castro  in  De 
Rossi,  *Istoria,  Vat.  8873,  Vat.  Libr.  The  column  has  disappeared, 
a  small  wood  stands  on  the  site.  Of  the  town  nothing  remains 
except  part  of  the  church  of  St.  Francis  ;  sec  Grotaxelli, 
in  Rassegna  naz.,  LVIII.  (1891),  278  seq.  In  justification  of  the 
Pope's  severity,  cf.  Premoli,  loc.  cit.,  31. 

'  Moroni,  X.,  228  seq.,  who  gives  the  special  bibliography  ; 
also  Carabelli,  178  seq.  ;  *Acla  consist,  of  January  24,  1650, 
Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  CiAMi'i,  326  ;    Demaria,  256. 


372  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

under  the  immediate  sovereignly  of  the  Pope  b^/  de\olution 
during  the  reign  of  Innocent  X.^ 

Even  though  Borgognone  and  Carlo  Maratta  glorified  the 
conquest  of  Castro  with  a  pompous  picture  now  preserved  in 
the  Doria  gallery,  in  reality  the  three  months'  siege  and  final 
capture  of  that  small  nest  had  nothing  heroic  about  it  ;  on 
the  contrary,  the  battles  that  took  place  there,  as  well  as  the 
conduct  of  Italian  captains  on  the  battlefields  of  Germany, 
threw  a  lurid  light  on  the  utter  decadence  of  the  art  of  war  in 
Italy.  The  traditional  warlike  valour  of  the  Roman  Barons 
was  a  thing  of  the  past.  In  other  respects  also  the  Roman 
aristocracy  was  in  decline.  The  outward  pomp  which  was 
still  being  displayed,  the  titles,  orders  and  honours  of  every 
kind,  the  splendour  of  the  palaces  and  the  number  of  retainers, 
were  in  sharp  contrast  with  the  burden  of  their  debts  and 
their  diminished  influence.^  True,  the  Roman  nobility  was  still 
numerous  ;  there  were  at  that  time  some  fifty  noble  families 
three  centuries  old,  thirty-five  with  a  history  of  200  years, 
and  sixteen  that  were  one  century  old,^  but  the  financial 
situation  of  most  of  them  was  deplorable.  Thus  the  Savelli 
had  become  impoverished  and  were  compelled  to  sell  Albano 
to  the  son  of  CamiUo  Pamfili  at  the  end  of  1650  *  :  the 
possessions  of  the  Counts  of  Segni  had  been  acquired  by 
the  Sforzas  of  Santa  Fiora,  though  the  latter,  as  well  as  the 

^  Reumont,  III.,  625. 

2  Ibid.,  626. 

^  See  Almaden,  Relatione  di  Roma,  in  Tesori,  Brussels,  1672  ; 
Ranke,  III.,  43  ;  T.  Amayden,  La  storia  delle  famiglio  Romane, 
ed.  A.  Bertini,  2  vols.,  Roma,  1910.  Cf.  also  Bertuzzi,  La  nobiltd 
Romana,  nel  1653,  in  Riv.  del  Collegio  araUL,  III.  (1905),  and  the 
*Discorso  sidle  famiglie  papali  moderne  che  hanno  fondaio  le 
loro  abitationi  in  Roma  dal  tempo  di  Paolo  III.  sino  al  pres.  tempo, 
1665,  in  Barb.  4910,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  "  *Dopo  niolte  rivolte  di  esclusioni  et  inclusioni  della  vendita 
d'Albano,  finalmente  conchiusa  la  vendita,  sendone  i  Savelli 
sforzati  dalla  necessita,  per  il  figlio  di  Don  Camillo,  al  quale 
Donna  Olimpia  ha  fatto  donatione  per  4001^  scudi.  .  .  ." 
Ameyden's  Diary,  December  17,  1650,  Barb.  4819,  Vat.  Libr. 


DECLINE    OF   THE    ROMAN    NOBILITY.  373 

Frangipani,  were  themselves  in  straitened  circumstances, 
and  even  the  Colonna  were  compelled  to  seek  to  maintain 
themselves  by  means  of  rich  marriages.  At  Bracciano  and 
in  their  palace  in  the  Piazza  Navona,  the  Orsini  displayed 
a  princely  magnificence,  but  they  had  lost  all  political 
significance.^  "  When  I  arrived  in  Rome,"  Theodore  Ameyden 
wrote  in  August  1647,  "  Virginio  Orsini  was  a  Spaniard 
and  on  his  palace  he  had  the  arms  of  the  Catholic  King. 
When  his  son  died  he  became  a  Frenchman  and  shortlj- 
afterwards  a  Spaniard  once  more  ;  at  present  he  is  French 
again — for  how  long  no  one  knows."  -  The  new  papal  families 
had  risen  beside  the  old  ones  ;  they  even  surpassed  them  and 
had  entered  into  close  relations  with  them,  thus,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  Orsini,  Cesarini,  Borghcsi,  Aldobrandini,  Ludovisi, 
Giustiniani  were  allied  to  the  Pamfili,  whilst  on  the  other  the 
Colonna  and  the  Barberini  were  also  closely  linked  together. 
Donna  Olimpia's  reconciliation  with  the  Barberini  led  to  a 
general  reunion  which  included  all  the  families  of  some 
importance. 3  For  the  rest  the  Aldobrandini  died  out  in  the 
male  line  as  early  as  1631  and  the  Peretti  in  1656. 

Not  a  few  families,  especially  such  as  had  come  from 
Florence  and  Genoa,  and  even  from  Portugal  and  France,  had 
acquired  their  wealth  by  taking  charge  of  the  financial 
transactions  of  the  Dataria.  Even  from  towns  in  the  Papal 
States,  such  as  Parma,  distinguished  families  had  migrated 
to  Rome,  attracted  as  they  were  by  the  possibility  of  buying 
offices  and  the  varied  advantages  offered  by  the  metropolis.'* 
Whereas  the  population  of  Rome  had  hitherto  been  a  fluctu- 
ating one,  it  now  became  stabilized  through  firmly  domiciled 
families.  The  way  in  which  this  change,  which  began  with  the 
17th  century,  came  about,  and  what  elements  constituted 
the  population  of  Rome,  appears  from  the  registers  kept  by 
the  parish  priests  for  the  purpose  of  controlling  the  fulfilment 

'   Reumont,  IIL,  z,  bid  seq.  ;    Ciampi,  211  scqq.,  zk)  seq. 

-    ClAMPI,   211. 

=•    R.WKH,    III.,    .\\. 

*  Ibid.,  43  seq. 


374  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

by  their  parishioners  of  their  rchgious  duties,  especially  that 
of  the  Easter  Communion. ^  According  to  these  registers  the 
population  of  Rome  was  made  up  as  follows  : — 

Year  Population  Families  Priests  Religious  Nuns 

1600  109.729  20,019  1,469  2,148  2,372 

1605  99,647  20,419  1,833  1,943  2,140 

1614  115,413  21,422  1,426  2,190  2,341 

1619  106,050  24,380  1,956  2,455  2,887 

1621  118,356  26,364  1,975  2,420  2,756 

1623  111,727  26,854  1,582  2,624  2,502 

1628  115,874  24,429  2,367  3,066  2,624 

1644  110,608  27,274  1,742  3,414  2,726 

1650  126,192  30,429  2,256  3,355  2,796 

1655  122,978  30,667  2,317  3,000  2,507^ 

That  a  number  of  shady  characters  should  have  infiltrated 
into  so  large  a  population  was  natural  enough.  Attempts 
to  keep  them  at  a  distance  ^  and  to  restrain  immorality 
were  not  wanting  under  Innocent  X.* 


(3.) 

When  Innocent  X.  ascended  the  Chair  of  St.  Peter,  he 
was  endowed  with  a  vigour  of  mind  and  body  such  as  is  but 
seldom  granted  to  a  septuagenarian.  For  his  almost  youthful 
freshness,  so  happily  shown  in  Mignard's  portrait  of  him,^ 
and  which  he  preserved  for  a  further  decade,  the  Pope  had 

^  Hence  the  Jews  are  omitted  ;  the  first  statistics  about  them 
are  of  i668  ;  they  numbered  then  4,500  persons  (850  families). 
Siudi  e  docum.,  XIL  (1891),  170. 

2  See  Cerasoli  in  Studi  e  docum.,  XIL  (i8gi),  174  seqq.  ; 
on  p.  197  seqq.  details  are  given  on  the  parishes  of  Rome.  The 
statistics  given  by  Ranke  (III.,  45),  on  the  basis  of  a  MS.  of  the 
Barberini  Library,  not  fully  indicated  by  him,  are  in  part 
erroneous.  The  higher  number  of  the  inhabitants  in  1600  and  1650 
is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  these  were  jubilee  years. 

'  *Editto  contro  gl'otiosi  e  vagabondi,  of  January  18,  1649, 
in  Editti,  V.,  66,  f.  154,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

■•  *Editto  against  "  donne  dishoneste  e  loro  fautori  e  ricetta- 
tori,"  of  March  5,  1658,  ^bid.,  60,  f.  217. 

*  lusTi,  II.,   180. 


THE    POPE  S    HEALTH.  375 

to  thank  liis  constitution  as  well  as  his  simple  and  abstemious 
niode  of  hfe. 

Innocent  X.  was  fond  of  walking  and  took  a  great  deal 
of  exercise  ^  but  contrary  to  the  practice  of  former  Pontiffs, 
he  did  not  make  the  customary  sojourns  in  the  country. 
Only  on  a  few  occasions  during  his  entire  pontificate  did  he 
leave  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city  for  a  short  while.  On 
October  12th,  Kvt!),  he  betook  himself  to  the  Castle  of  San 
Martino  al  Cimino  which  Andrea  Maidalchini  had  built  for 
liimself  in  l^'i.")  ;  lie  remained  until  the  28th  in  order  to  enjoy, 
amid  its  chestnut  trees,  the  mountain  air  and  the  magniticent 
view.  He  made  excursions  to  Vitcrbo,  the  Villa  Bagnaia  and 
Monte  Cimino,  from  the  crest  of  which  a  magnificent  view 
opens  on  the  wide  campagna  and  the  crown  of  hills  that 
encircle  it.^  An  excursion  to  Frascati  in  June  1G52,  was 
occasioned  by  the  purchase  of  Albano  for  Camillo  Pamfili.^ 
From  October  13th  to  November  3rd,  1653,  the  Pope  made  a 
second  stay  at  San  Martino.^  In  other  years  he  sought 
recuperation  in  the  magnificent  Villas  round  Rome.  Besides 
the  Villa  Pamfili  before  the  Gate  of  S.  Pancrazio  and  Donna 
Olimpia's  garden  near  Ponte  Rotto  in  the  Trastevere,  he 
particularly  loved  to  visit  the  Villas  Ludovisi  and  Borghese, 
especially  in  spring  and  autumn.^ 

Like  most  men  enjoying  good  health,  Innocent  X.  would 


'  Cf.  the  report  of  the  envoy  of  Lucca  in  Studi  e  dociim.,  XXIL, 

2l8. 

2  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  Vat.  8873,  \'at.  Libr.  Cf.  *Cod.  Bolognetti, 
202,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

*  Denis,  L,  267. 

*  Ibid.,  289.  An  inscription  in  the  church  of  the  castle,  beneath 
Innocent  X.'s  bust,  recalls  this  visit.  Text  in  Bussi  (332).  Ibid., 
331  and  332,  the  inscriptions  in  S.  Dominico  at  Viterbo  and  in 
the  Villa  Hagnaia. 

*  Servantius  *Diaria  on  May  24,  1640  (Papal  Sec.  Arch.) 
mentions  a  visit  of  Julius  II L  to  the  Vigna.  Olimpia's  picturesque 
garden  near  S.  Maria  in  Capella  {cf.  Ciampi,  203  seq.)  was  destroyed 
in   1S87. 


376  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

have  nothing  to  do  with  physicians.^  For  a  long  period  he 
remained  completely  free  from  the  infirmities  of  old  age  and 
it  was  only  towards  the  end  of  November  1647,  that  he  had 
an  attack  of  kidney  trouble.  This  caused  at  first  grave 
anxiety,  but  only  for  a  short  time.^  In  1648  the  Pope  felt  as 
well  as  ever,  but  at  this  time,  though  his  action  was  disapproved 
by  many,  he  followed  the  advice  of  the  physicians  and  took 
up  his  residence  at  the  Quirinal,  even  in  winter,  thus  avoiding 
the  unhealthy  air  of  the  Vatican  district.^  A  bout  of  illness 
in  January  1649,  was  quickly  over.*  His  Holiness,  so  a 
chronicler  reports  in  July  1649,  is  quite  well  and  retains  an 
excellent  memory.^  The  discovery  of  the  falsification  of 
Bulls  by  Mascambruno  at  the  beginning  of  1652  so  excited 
the  Pope  as  to  affect  his  bodily  health  :  he  began  to  suffer 
from  sleeplessness  and  a  violent  trembUng  of  the  right  hand, 
so  that,  for  a  time,  he  was  unable  to  say  Mass,  but  his  general 
condition  remained  robust  enough  to  allow  him  even  then  to 
take  long  walks.  ^  Even  after  he  had  entered  upon  his  eightieth 
year,  he  still  felt  quite  well.  In  June  1654,  the  rapidity  with 
which  he  walked  in  the  garden  whilst  giving  audiences, 
caused  general  surprise.'   In  July  the  old  man  suddenly  began 

1  See  Giustinian  in  Berchet,  Roma,  11.,  92. 

-  See  Arnauld,  Negociat.,  V.,  330,  332,  335,  339.  On  the 
curious  remedy  which  a  Capuchin  with  medical  knowledge 
recommended  to  the  Pope,  see  Ed.  d'Alen9on,  Poudre  de  vipere 
et  or  potable.  Consultation  donnee  a  un  Pape  par  tm  Capucin, 
in  Etud.  fvancisc,  XXVIIL  (1912),  85  seqq. 

3  *Avviso  of  November  27,  1649,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Deone,  *Diario,  1649,  Cod.  1833  (XX.,  III.,  21),  Bibl.  Casanat., 
Rome. 

^  Deone,  *Diavio,  for  July  17,  1649,  ibid. 

*  See  the  report  in  Chantelauze,  Retz,  II.,  469.  Ottob  2477, 
p.  587  seqq.,  from  the  pen  of  P.  Diana,  a  "  *Theologica 
dissertatio  an  S.  N.  D.,  qui  propter  tremorem  manus  dexterae  non 
potest  elevare  calicem  nee  frangere  hostiam,  possit  dispensare 
super  hos  ritus  et  ceremonias,  ut  missam  celebret,  et  an  habeat 
iustam  causam  dispensandi,  et  an  teneatur  dispensare."  Vat. 
Libr. 

'  *Avviso,  of  June  17,  1654,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 


THE    POPE  S    HEALTH.  377 

to  lose  strength  but  he  would  not  hear  of  medical  assistance.^ 
Of  a  slight  attack  of  illness  on  August  13th  he  took  no  notice 
whatever.  To  show  that  he  was  the  man  that  he  had  always 
been,  he  had  himself  carried  in  a  sedan  chair  to  St.  Mary 
Major  for  the  function  on  the  feast  of  the  Assumption  of  our 
Lady,  but  he  returned  more  dead  than  alive.  Even  now  he 
refused  at  first  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  physicians, 
but  ended  by  receiving  the  celebrated  Giovanni  Giacomo 
Baldino.2  All  through  September  the  Pope's  condition  was 
so  serious  that  the  Spaniards  constantly  held  six  couriers  in 
readiness.  Once  again  he  rallied.  After  spending  -1.")  days  in 
bed.  Innocent  X.  stultified  all  the  predictions  of  ph3'sicians 
and  astrologers  when,  on  October  5th,  he  held  a  consistor}^ 
after  which  he  called  on  Olimpia  at  the  Palazzo  Pamfili  in  the 
Piazza  Navona.  Soon  he  resumed  his  usual  walks  and  his 
audiences.^  In  November  he  repeatedly  inspected  the  building 
operations  at  St.  Agnese  which  he  had  greatly  at  heart. 
On  December  14  th  he  had  himself  once  more  carried  into 
Ohmpia's  garden,  but  all  of  a  sudden  symptoms  of  dropsy 
appeared,  quickly  followed  by  complete  loss  of  strength. 
Thereupon  Olimpia  put  her  treasures  in  a  safe  place.'* 

The  grievously  stricken  man  became  a  burden  both  to 
himself  and  to  those  around  him.  Even  Chigi  found  it  hard 
to  bear  with  him.     Trusting  in  his  strong  constitution  the 

'  De  Rossi,  Istoria,   Vat.  8873,  Vatican  Library. 

^  Ibid.  On  Innocent  X.'s  physicians,  especially  on  P.  Zacchia 
(06.  1659),  see  Renazzi,  IIL,  145  seq.  ;  Ciampi,  228  seq.  ;  N. 
Antologia,  XLIV.  (1893),  557  seqq.  ;  [Zappoli],  Illustr.  ai  bitsti 
d.  medici  celebri,  Roma,  1868,  89  seqq.  ;  Bibliografia  Romana,  L 
(1880),  252  seq.  Another  of  Innocent  X.'s  physicians,  Fonseca, 
became  famous  through  his  sepulchre  executed  by  Bernini  in 
the  family  chapel  of  S.  Lorenzo  in  Lucina.  The  life-size  bust 
testifies  to  the  piety  of  the  deceased  for  in  his  right  hand  he  clasps 
his  rosar\-,  that  refuge  in  the  storms  of  life  ;  cf.  Baldinucci, 
edit.  RiEGL,  215  ;  Benkard,  45  :  Sobotka,  Bildhaiiey  der 
Barockzeit,  Vienna,  1927,  28. 

'  Denis,  I.,  311,  316,  318.    Ciampi,  173. 

*  De  Rossi,  *Istoyia,  loc.  cit.    Cf.  Ciampi,  174. 


378  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Pope  insisted  in  continuing  his  wonted  mode  of  life.  This 
hastened  the  end.  Fits  of  dehrium  set  in  and  the  physicians 
feared  he  might  die  suddenly  :  Chigi  accordingly  had  the 
Pope  warned  of  the  gravity  of  his  condition  by  the  Jesuit 
Oliva.  The  sick  man  received  the  information  with  wonderful 
calm,  made  his  confession  and  received  viaticum.  The  two 
nephews,  Pamfili  and  Ludovisi,  were  reinstated  in  their 
offices.  The  Cardinals,  who  had  been  summoned  to  his  death- 
bed, he  exhorted  to  choose  a  worthy  successor.  Cardinal 
Sforza,  who  shortly  before  had'  passed  over  to  the  Spanish 
party,  he  exhorted  to  bear  in  mind  that  all  things  in  this 
world  were  vanity  and  that  the  love  of  God  alone  endured 
for  ever.  To  Cardinal  Albizzi  he  said  :  "  May  your  Eminence 
preserve  the  merits  and  virtues  to  which  you  owe  your  present 
position."  The  Pope's  former  violence  now  gave  place  to 
meekness.  He  resolved  to  devote  the  remaining  days  of  his 
life  exclusively  to  the  salvation  of  his  soul.  Troublesome 
visitors  and  petitioners  were  refused  admission  by  Chigi ; 
even  the  nephews,  whom  the  Pope  had  exhorted  to  concord, 
were  no  longer  allowed  to  see  the  dying  man.  Chigi  and 
Fr.  Oliva  were  alone  present  at  his  death  which  occurred  on 
January  7th,  1655,  at  midnight,  but  was  kept  secret  until 
morning. 1 

Innocent  X.'s  pontificate  of  ten  years  was  neither  a  brilhant 

^  Besides  Pallavicino,  I.,  208  seq.,  cf.  on  Innocent  X.'s  last 
illness  De  Rossi,  *Istoria,  loc.  cit.  ;  Card.  Colonna's  *report  to 
Ferdinand  III.,  dated  Rome,  December  28,  1654,  State  Archives, 
Vienna  ;  the  *reports  of  Girol.  Albergati,  dated  Rome,  January  2 
and  5,  1655,  State  Archives,  Bologna.  Extreme  Unction  was 
administered  to  the  Pope  by  the  parish  priest  of  SS.  Vincent  and 
Anastasius  ;  cf.  *Liber  in  quo  adnotantur  obitus  summorum 
Pontif.,  Archives  of  SS.  Vincent  and  Anastasius,  Rome  ;  see 
also  Germano  Alitino,  Relazione  dell'  ultima  malatia  e  della 
morte  del  P.  Innocenzo  X.  (sine  die  et  anno)  and  the  *Diario  of 
Girolamo  Pelacchi  da  S.  Giorgio  (dioc.  di  Fano)  candatario  del 
card.  Sacchetti,  in  Vat.  8414,  p.  10  scqq..  Vat.  Library. 
Many  satirical  poems  on  Innocent  X.  were  also  published. 
Cf.  CiAMPi,  308  ;  *Cod.  656  Q.  of  the  Library  of  Monte  Cassino. 


RETROSPECT.  379 

nor  a  happy  one.  The  thorns  which  had  been  foretold  him 
at  his  accession/  were  not  wanting  to  him,  not  only  as  a 
result  of  the  attitude  of  France  but  of  that  of  Spain  as  well. 
There  was  nothing  he  abhorred  so  much  as  war,  }'et  he  was 
forced  to  wage  one,  and  though  lie  zealously  worked  for  the 
restoration  of  peace  among  the  Christian  nations,  he  failed 
to  put  an  end  to  the  struggle  between  P>ance  and  Spain. 
It  was  nothing  less  than  a  tragedy  that  though  he  lived  to  see 
the  restoration  of  peace  in  Germany,  he  found  himself  forced 
to  protest  against  a  treaty  which  inflicted  the  most  grievous 
injurv  on  the  Church. 

A  deep  shadow  is  cast  upon  the  pontificate  of  Innocent  X., 
obscuring  the  Pope's  good  qualities  and  the  few  external 
successes  he  secured,  by  the  almost  boundless  influence 
which  Donna  Olimpia  exercised  over  the  weak  old  man. 
This,  as  well  as  his  own  moodiness  and  violence,  and  the 
family  quarrels  to  which  they  gave  rise,  created  for  him  endless 
annoyances  and  involved  him  in  a  network  of  intrigues 
from  which  the  ablest  of  his  advisers  were  powerless  to 
extricate  him.^  The  avarice  which  Donna  Olimpia  exhibited 
after  the  Pope's  death, ^  was  likewise  a  characteristic  of 
Camillo  Pamfili.  The  Lombard  sculptor,  Ercole  Ferrata, 
made  a  model  of  a  large  statue  for  a  monument  to  Innocent  X.  ; 
however,  the  Pamtili  shrank  from  the  considerable  cost  on  the 
pretext  that  the  sculptor  was  too  old  to  execute  a  piece  of 
work  of  this  kind.^  The  very  plain  monument  which  was 
eventually  executed  after  a  design  by  Giambattista  Maini,^ 
witli  the  bust  of  the  Pontiff,  is  so  placed  in  St.  Agnes',  in  the 
Piazza  Navona,  over  the  entrance  and  under  the  organ,  that 
many  visitors  to  the  church  fail  to  notice  it.  The  monument  of 

*  A.  Taurlilli,  De  novissima  electionc  Innocentii  A'.,  Bononiae, 
1644,  32. 

^  RiiUMONT  in  Zeitschr.  dcs  Aachcner  Gesch.  Vcreins,  VII. 
(1885,  28  seq.). 

'  See  above,  p.  46. 

*  ClAMIM,    iSi. 

*  Copy  in  Magni,  //  harocco  a  Roma,  I.,  Torino,  191 1,  65; 
Annuaire  pontifical,  1916,  196  ;   MuSoz,  Roma,  327  ;  cf.  Ferrari. 


380  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

a  Pope  who  did  so  much  for  the  adornment  of  the  churches 
of  Rome/  deserved  a  more  honourable  position. 

La  toniba,  156.  The  body  was  only  translated  from  St.  Peter's 
to  S.  Agnese  on  January  4,  1677  ;  see  Cancellieri,  Mercato, 
115  seq.,  and  *Avviso  of  January  9,  1677,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 
*  Stress  is  laid  on  this  in  Giacinto  Gigli's  *Elogio  dTnnocenzo  X., 
in  Sers.  359,  p.  128,  of  the  Bibl.  Vittorio  Emmanuele,  Rome. 
Besides  Elogi  there  were  not  wanting  Pasquinate  after 
Innocent  X.'s  death  ;  for  samples  see  *Cod.  10806  of  the  British 
Museum,  London. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

Innocknt  X.  AS  A  Patron  of  Art. 

In  contrast  with  his  cultured  predecessor,  who  had  occupied 
the  very  centre  of  the  learned  and  hterary  hfe  of  his  time, 
Innocent  X.  was  merely  a  dry  jurist  whose  main  interest  lay 
in  practical  things.  Thus  he  encouraged  the  researches  in 
Archives  of  the  brilliant  Sforza  Pallavicino  and  the  incom- 
parable annalist,  Odorico  Rinaldi,  whose  studies  were  to  be  of 
the  utmost  benefit  to  the  Church,^  but  for  literature,  not  to 
speak  of  poetical  products,  he  had  little  or  no  liking  at  all.^  Of 
the  majority  of  painters  he  made  as  little  account  as  of  the 
beaux  espriis.  Among  the  former,  no  doubt,  there  were  some  odd 
characters.  He  once  observed  that  he  did  not  like  to  have 
much  to  do  with  these  people  because  they  had  occasioned 

*  On  the  favour  shown  to  Pallavicino  see  Susta,  Die  romische 
Kiirie  und  das  Konzil  von  Trient,  I.,  Vienna,  1904,  ix,  and  Rom. 
Oitartalschr.,  1902,  305  seq.  Odorico  Rinaldi  (Raynaldus), 
the  splendid  continuator  of  Baronius'  Annals,  so  deservedly 
eulogized  by  I.  F.  Bohmer  (see  Regesti  of  1198,  290;  Regesti 
of  1241-1313,  IV.  ;  Regesti  of  Louis  of  Bavaria,  218  ;  cf.  Janssen, 
Leben  Boehmers,  I.,  326),  Riezler  (Vatik.  Akten,  I.,  preface), 
Grauert  (Hist.  Jahrb.,  XT.  820)  and  Hipler  (Geschichtsauffas- 
sung,  82  seq.),  published  in  1646  the  13th  vol.,  in  1648  the  14th, 
in  1652  the  15th  and  i6th,  in  1659  the  17th,  in  1663  the  i8th  : 
volumes  19  and  20  appeared  after  his  death  in  1671.  Innocent  X. 
offered  the  illustrious  Oratorian  the  post  of  librarian  of  the 
\'aticana  ;  see  A.  Marchesan,  Letterc  inedite  di  O.  Rinaldi, 
Trcviso,  1896,  10  seq.,  14  seq.  The  nomination  of  Luke  Holste 
(September,  1653),  ^-s  successor  to  L.  Ricciardi  at  the  Vatican 
Library,  met  with  general  approval ;  see  Miscell.  di.  star,  ital.,  XV., 
(1875),  199.  L.  Allacci  received  a  pension  from  Innocent  X.  ; 
sec  *Barb.,  XXXVIII.,  6,  Vat.  Libr. 

*  Pallavicino,  Vita  di  Alcssandro  I'll.,  I.,  302  ;  *Poesie  in 
lode  d'  Innocemo  X.,  in  Otlob.  2896,  Vat.  Libr. 

381 


382  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

him  nothing  bnt  annoyance  and  deception.^  It  would, 
nevertheless,  be  a  mistake  to  deny  to  the  Pamfili  Pope  lively 
appreciation  and  sound  judgment  in  questions  of  art.^  The 
historian  of  his  pontificate  has  to  chronicle  a  number  of 
artistic  creations,  though  they  cannot  stand  comparison  with 
the  great  works  that  arose  under  Paul  V.  and  Urban  VIII.  ; 
however,  even  so  they  compelled  the  admiration  of  Evelyn, 
notwithstanding  that  traveller's  antipapal  prejudices.^  But 
the  decline  is  unmistakable,  its  cause  being  the  adverse 
financial  situation  as  well  as  the  great  parsimony  of  the  Pope 
who  considerably  reduced  the  building  personnel.* 

The  temporary  disgrace  of  Lorenzo  Bernini  who,  like  the 
learned  Felice  Contelori,^  as  a  protege  of  the  Barberini,  had  to 
reckon  with  the  numerous  enemies  of  that  family,  falls  into  the 
first  period  of  Innocent  X.'s  reign.  Bernini  gave  his  enemies 
an  opening,  for  when  under  Urban  VIII.  a  campanile  had  been 
erected  over  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter's,  facing  towards  the 
Campo  Santo,  cracks  appeared  in  the  facade.  Before  taking 
any  action  in  the  matter,  Innocent  X.  was  anxious  to 
have  the  opinion  of  a  number  of  experts.  One  of  the 
first  to  be  asked  for  his  view,  in  the  spring  of  1645, 
was  his  almoner  Virgilio  Spada.  The  latter's  memorandum 
was  favourable  to  Bernini  for  Spada  declared  that  the  cracks 
were  of  a  temporary  nature  and  that  they  were  due  to  the 
circumstance  that  the  whole  structure  was  not  yet  fully  set. 

^  Passeri,  Vite,  112  Innocent  X.'s  exaggerated  anxiety  on 
the  subject  of  undraped  figures,  so  greatly  in  favour  just  then 
with  many  artists,  is  shown  by  the  circumstance  related  by 
Malvasia  {Felsina,  II.,  269)  who  tells  us  that  the  Pope  took 
offence  at  a  nude  figure  of  the  child  Jesus  in  a  picture  by  Guercino 
in  his  possession  ;  despite  his  opposition,  Pietro  da  Cortona 
was  compelled  to  clothe  it. 

2  lusTi    Velasquez,  II.,  168. 

^  Cf.  C.  Segre,  L' Evelyn  a  Roma  nel  1645,  in  Niiova  Antologia, 
1926,  April  7. 

*  Cf.  PoLLAK  in  Zeitschr.  fiir  Gesch.  der  Architektity,  III.  (1910), 
208. 

5  Beltrami  in  Arch.  Rom.,  III.,  19  seq. 


BERNINI  AND  THE  BELFRY  OF  ST.  PETKR'S.  383 

I  lie  whok'  matter  was  then  discussi'd  in  detail  in  iivr  sessions 
of  the  Congregation  of  the  Fahhrica  between  March  27th,  l(i  1"), 
and  February  23rd,  Ui-Ui.  The  Pope  assisted  in  person  at  the 
second  and  fourth  session.  Besides  Cardinals  and  prelates 
nearly  every  architect  of  note  was  consulted,  as,  for  instance, 
in  addition  to  Bernini,  Borromini,  the  two  Rainaldi,  Paolo 
IMarucelli,  Martino  Lunghi  and  others.  AH  this  shows  that 
Innocent  X.  was  loath  to  abandon  the  work  of  his  predecessor, 
but  in  the  end,  at  the  last  session,  it  was  decided  to  take  down 
the  whole  of  the  campanile.^  A  beginning  was  made  in  April, 
164G.2  For  the  rest,  Bernini  retained  his  post  as  architect 
of  St.  Peter's  but  in  the  artistic  commissions  of  the  new 
Pope,  preference  was  for  a  time  given  to  his  rivals,  Borromini, 
Algardi  and  Rainaldi. 

Bernini  did  not  lose  heart  during  this  painful  period. 
How  much  he  trusted  in  his  star  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
simultaneously  with  the  famous  "  Ecstasy  of  St.  Teresa  ", 
executed  for  Cardinal  Cornaro,  in  S.  Maria  della  Vittoria,^ 
he  was  at  work  on  an  allegorical  marble  group  "  Time  unveils 
Truth  ".  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  succeeded  already  in  the 
following  year  in  recovering  the  full  favour  of  the  Pope  with 

1  RiEGL  (in  Baldinucci's  Vita  of  G.  L.  Bernini,  132  seqq., 
140  seqq.)  first  opened  the  question  in  his  controversy  with 
Fraschctti  (161  seqq.)  ;  Ehrle  (Spada,  22  seqq.)  finally  cleared  it 
up  by  drawing  on  the  Acts  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Fabbrica. 
The  sittings  of  the  Congregation  were  secret,  a  circumstance 
that  accounts  for  the  inaccuracy  of  the  subjoined  *report  of  the 
I'lnrentine  envoy,  dated  June  10,  1645  :  "  Fu  tenuta  hieri  sera 
avanti  il  Papa  la  congregatione  della  Fabbrica,  nella  quale  fu 
risoluto  di  attcrrarsi  il  campanile  di  S.  Pietro,  alzato  in  tempo 
di  Papa  Urbano  dal  cav.  Bernini  ;  e  perche  I'aperture  che  si 
allargano  nella  facciata  di  quella  Chiesa,  ogni  giorno  piii  fanno 
temere  che  non  basti,  si  discorrera  a  suo  tempo,  se  convenga 
dcmolire  la  facciata.  State  Archives,  Florence. 

"  See  Gigli  in  Fraschetti,  163,  and  the  Avviso  of  April  8, 
1646,  recently  published  by  Denis  (I.,  35). 

'  On  this  work  of  "  unheard  of  originality  "  and  which  was 
greatly  misunderstood  by  many,  see  Brin'ckmann,  Barock- 
skiilptiir,   II.,   2.\o  seqq.  ;     Benkakd,    17  seqq. 


384  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

his  splendid  plan  for  the  monumental  fountain  in  tlie  Piazza 
Navona.  Innocent  soon  gave  him  two  further  important 
commissions,  namely  that  of  a  design  for  a  monumental 
equestrian  statue  of  the  Emperor  Constantine  for  the  portico 
of  St.  Peter's  and  the  decorations  of  the  pillars  of  the  six 
chapels  in  the  nave  of  the  basilica.  The  statue  was  only 
begun  under  Innocent  X.,  but  to  the  decoration  of  the  pillars 
Bernini  was  able  to  devote  himself  all  the  more  keenly  as 
he  had  already  made  preliminary  sketches  at  the  time  when 
he  incurred  the  disfavour  of  the  new  Pope.^  His  plan  in  this 
work  has  been  very  diversely  appraised.  It  is  impossible  to 
agree  unreservedly  with  the  opinion  that  it  is  simple  and 
dignified. 2  The  colours  have  not  been  happily  chosen,  yellow 
predominates  too  much  and  in  particular,  when  compared 
with  the  decoration  of  the  Gregorian  and  Clementine  chapels, 
the  general  effect  is  unsatisfying.  On  the  coloured  marble 
with  which  he  faced  the  pillars,  Bernini  affixed  medallions 
held  by  puUi.  In  the  upper  and  lower  ones  appear  the  busts 
of  holy  Popes,  in  the  middle  ones  the  emblems  of  the  papacy, 
viz.  the  tiara  and  the  keys,  and  at  the  bottom,  in  smaller 
medallions,  the  dove  with  an  olive  branch,  which  was  the 
Pamfili  coat  of  arms.^ 

Whilst  this  work  was  proceeding  Bernini's  pupils  executed 
the  great  stucco  statues,  representing  the  virtues,  which 
were  affixed  to  the  arches  of  the  pilasters  of  the  six  lateral 
chapels  of  the  central  nave.  The  Pope,  who  took  the  liveliest 
interest  in  the  adornment  of  St.  Peter's,*  replaced  the  simple 
columns  in  the  side  chapels  by  32  Cottanella  columns — so 

>■  KiEGL,  Baldinucci,  155  scqq. 

2  BoHN,  Bernini,  84  ;    cf.  65. 

*  BoNANNi,  Numismata  templl  Vaticani,  136,  and  tab.  57  : 
Reymond,  Bernini,  101-4  ;  Th.  Hoffmann,  Entstehungsge- 
schichte  von  St.  Peter  (1928)  282,  287. 

*  As  early  as  February  3,  1647,  that  is  during  the  period 
of  Bernini's  disgrace,  it  was  reported  that  :  "  *P.  Innocenzo  X. 
si  trasferi  da  Monte  Cavallo  a  S.  Pietro  per  vedere  nella  chiesa 
alcuni  disegui  del  nuovo  adornamento  a  pilastri  e  le  figure  a 
stucco  neir  archi  delle  cappelle."  Diary  in  Doria-Pamfili  Archives, 
Rome. 


WORK  IN  ST.  Peter's.  385 

called  from  a  quarry  near  Castello  di  Cottanclla,  in  the  Sabine 
province.  The  splendid  tints  of  these  marble  columns  com- 
pleted Maderno's  architecture  but  they  also  modified  it 
profoundly.^  The  Pope  also  commissioned  Giovanni  Battista 
Calandri  to  adorn  the  domes  of  the  chapels  with  mosaics,^ 
and  he  had  placed  in  the  interior,  before  the  main  entrance 
of  St.  Peter's,  the  circular  slab  of  dark  porphyry  taken  from 
the  old  basilica,  to  which  clung  so  many  memories  of  imperial 
coronations.^ 

In  connexion  witli  tliis  was  another  work,  namely  the 
new  mosaic  floor  of  multi-coloured  marble  of  the  central 
aisle,  to  the  designs  of  Bernini.  An  inscription  of  the  large 
coat  of  arms  in  the  floor  states  that  the  work  was  completed 
in  the  jubilee  year  of  1050.^  Three  years  later  the  floor  of 
the  porch  and  the  benediction  loggia  received  a  similar  marble 
covering.  A  colossal  inscription  by  the  famous  Jesuit  Latinist 
Famiano  Strada,  which  was  placed  between  the  inscriptions 
of  Paul  V.  and  Urban  VIII.  over  the  interior  entrance  into 
the  basilica,  together  with  the  arms  of  the  Pamfili  Pope, 
informs  future  ages  that  the  work  on  St.  Peter's  was  brought 
to  its  conclusion  by  Innocent  X.^  St.  Peter's  basilica  also 
owes  to  Innocent  X.  the  erection  of  a  special  altar  near  the 
Madonna  della  Colonna  for  the  reception  of  the  relics  of 
St.  Leo  the  Great.  This  altar,  unHke  the  others,  was  not 
adorned  with  a  painting  but  with  a  gigantic  relief  representing 
the  preservation  of  Rome  from  Attila  by  the  great  Pope.® 

^  RiKGL,  loc.  cit.,   155  seq.  ;     Revmond,    105  scq.  and  PI.    14. 
Cf.  *Avviso  of  December  10,  1650,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 
-  Passeri,  168. 

»    BONANNI,    loc.    cit.  ;      MiGNANTI,    II.,    I05. 

*  BoNANNi,  loc.  cit.,  137  ;  there  also,  "  ex  libris  fabricae," 
a  note  on  the  cost ;  copy  in  MuSoz,  Roma,  327.  The  coat  of 
arms  was  restored  in  1928. 

'  MiGNANTI,  II.,  105.  One  medal  bears  this  legend  :  "  Vaticanis 
sacellis  insignitis  "  (Novaes,  X.,  33).  The  mosaics  proposed  by 
G.  B.  Calandra  for  St.  Peter's  failed  to  please  tlie  Pope  hence 
the  work  was  not  carried  out  ;    sec  Bellori,  1G8. 

•  MiGNANTI,   II.,    105  scqq. 

VOL.   xx.\.  c  c 


386  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

The  relief  was  executed  by  Alessandro  Algardi  whose  artistic 
activity  reached  its  zenith  under  Innocent  X.  He  began  it 
in  1(346  and  with  the  assistance  of  his  pupils,  more  especially 
that  of  Domenico  Guidi,  he  completed  it  in  the  jubilee  year  of 
1650.  Passeri  and  Bellori  cannot  find  words  with  which  to 
extol  the  colossal  work,  yet  it  is  but  a  "  petrified  picture  ", 
divided  into  two  sections,  in  the  manner  of  the  school  of 
Bologna  and  for  its  effect  it  depends  on  the  grandeur  of  its 
proportions.^  Innocent  X.  presented  Philip  IV.  of  Spain  with  a 
magnificently  framed  silver  copy  based  on  the  original  model. ^ 
A  comparison  of  Algardi's  relief  with  Raphael's  representation 
of  the  same  subject  in  the  Stanze  shows  the  evolution  that  had 
taken  place  ;  the  work  of  the  latter  displa^^s  "  effective 
repose  ",  that  of  the  Bolognese  passionate  movement.  The 
theme  lent  itself  admirably  to  such  treatment  ;  we  see  the 
holy  Pontiff  and  the  King  of  the  Huns  in  dramatic  contrast  ; 
the  one  surrounded  by  his  clergy,  the  other  by  warriors  whose 
faces  reflect  in  varying  fashion  the  effect  of  the  miraculous 
intervention  of  the  Princes  of  the  Apostles  who  are  seen 
floating  down  from  the  clouds.  The  violently  agitated  figures 
spread  beyond  the  proper  field  of  the  picture.  The  agitation 
of  the  heavenly  helpers  communicates  itself  to  all :  the 
garments  flutter  as  if  caught  by  the  whirlwind.^ 

Innocent  X.'s  interest  in  the  various  works  in  St.  Peter's 


^  Passeri,  203  seq.,  207,  211  ;  Bellori,  IL,  134  seq. 
Cf.  Brinckmann,  Barockskulptur,  II.,  256  seq.  ;  Bergner, 
106  seq. 

•  lusTi,  Velasquez,  II.,  171  ;    MuNOZ,  Roma,  306  seq. 

^  See  Posse  in  Jahrb.  der  pveuss.  Kunstsamnil.,  XXVI.  (1905), 
200,  who,  however,  draws  attention  to  the  absence  of  skilful 
concentration  of  the  scene  and  expresses  the  opinion  that 
"  Algardi  had  no  great  sense  of  the  dramatic  ".  Cf.  on  this 
point  MuNoz  in  Annuario  dell'  Accad.  di  S.  Luca,  1912,  Roma, 
191 3,  51.  The  model  for  the  Attila  relief  came  into  the  possession 
of  the  Oratorians  through  Virgilio  Spada  ;  it  was  placed  by  them 
on  the  great  staircase  leading  into  their  library.  On  a  model  at 
Dresden  see  Brinckmann,  Barock-Bozzetti,   112. 


RESTORATION  OF  THE  LATERAN.      387 

was  shown  1)\-  tlir  fact  that  he  repeatedly  inspected  them  ^ 
and  l)v  his  insistence  on  their  completion  for  the  jubilee 
year. 2  'Jhe  necessary  funds  wvvv  taken  from  the  revenues  of 
the  Spanish  Cruzada,  though  part  of  these  was  also  devoted 
to  the  restoration  of  the  Lateran.^  Innocent's  plans  for  the 
gigantic  de\-clopment  of  the  Piazza  of  St.  Peter's,  for  which 
Carlo  Rainaldi  furnished  the  designs,  were  not  carried  out.* 
The  Popes  had  at  all  times  devoted  much  care  to  the  basilica 
of  the  Latcran,  "  the  Mother  and  Head  of  all  the  churches  of 
the  city  and  the  world,"  but  the  decay  of  a  building  dating 
from  the  time  of  Constantine  could  no  more  be  arrested  than 
that  of  old  St.  Peter's.  After  the  inadequate  restoration  by 
Eugene  IV.,^  both  Pius  IV. ^  and  Clement  VIII.  carried  out 
further  repairs  ;  the  latter  Pope,  in  fact,  completely  altered 
the  transept  of  the  basilica.'  A  similar  restoration  of  the 
nave  could  no  longer  be  put  oi^  without  risking  its  collapse. 
In  consequence  of  many  fires  and  earthquakes  it  had  been 


1  See  the  *Diario  of  Deone  for  February  1647,  December,  1648, 
and  March,  1649  (Doria-Pamfili  Archives),  and  Servantius, 
*Diaria.  1649,  October  28  (Innocent  X.  in  St.  Peter's  :  "  intuitus 
est  res  novas  in  Basihca  peractas  et  deinde  accessit  ad  videndam 
Navicellam  iam  erectam  in  conspectu  ingressus  palatii  apostolici"), 
December  21  (Innocent  X.  in  St.  Peter's  :  viewed  the  "  circum- 
vallatio  ante  portam  sanctam  "  and  gave  Bernini  the  direction 
of  everything),  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  On  January  8,  1650,  an  ordinance 
was  published  against  the  defilement  of  St.  Peter's  by  snuff  ; 
see  Bull.  ]'at.,  III.,  265  ;    periodical  Roma,  IV.  (1926),  412  seq. 

"^  A.  Contarini  in  Berchet,  Relaz.,  Roma,  II.,  76. 

*  Bull.,  XV.,  674  scqq.,  and  *Ktinziat.  di  Spagna,  347  (Lettere 
al  Nunzio),  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  Giotto's  navicella  was  given  a  new 
l^lace  by  Innocent  X.  ;  see  Cascioli,  La  Navicella  di  Giotto  a 
S.  Pietro,  Roma,  1916,  19.  Innocent's  arms  on  the  Cantoria 
of  the  Sistine  Chapel  show  that  he  carried  out  some  repairs 
there. 

*  Baldinucci,  Rainaldi,  362  ;    Hempel,  24  seq. 
'-  Lauer,  331. 

*  See  our  data.  XI\'.,  395. 

'  See  our  data,  XXIV.,  475. 


388  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

found  necessary  to  erect  a  brick  wall  round  all  the  columns 
of  the  nave,  with  the  exception  of  four,  thus  turning  them  into 
octagonal  brick  pilasters  which,  linked  together  by  arches, 
were  made  to  carry  the  weight  of  the  high  longitudinal  walls. ^ 
A  plan  for  a  complete  restoration  had  been  seriously  con- 
templated during  the  last  years  of  Urban  VIII.,  and  in  1647 
he  had  ordered  its  execution  and  himself  contributed  some  of 
the  necessary  funds. ^  As  supreme  supervisor  [sopraintendente) 
of  the  work  of  reconstruction  Innocent  X.  appointed  his 
almoner,  Virgiho  Spada,^  who  recommended  for  the  restoration 
Bernini's  rival,  Francesco  Borromini,  born  in  1599  at  Bissone, 
on  the  Lake  of  Lugano,*  and  who,  in  1648,  was  likewise 
entrusted  with  the  enlargement  of  the  College  of  Propaganda.^ 
It  is  not  surprising  that  so  convinced  and  reckless  an  exponent 
of  baroque  as  this  architect  of  genius  was,  should  have  planned 
from  the  first  a  complete  reconstruction  from  floor  to  ceiling. 
Public  opinion  in  Rome  supported  Borromini  and  only  the 
Lateran  Chapter  advocated,  on  religious  grounds,  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  existing  building.  Innocent  X.  shared  this  view. 
It  will  always  be  his  great  merit  that  he  gave  orders,  at  the 
time    of   the    restoration    of   the   Lateran   basilica,    for    the 

1  See  the  valuable  dissertation  of  H.  Egger  :  Fr.  Borromini's 
Uinbau  von  S.  Giovanni  in  Laterano,  in  Beitrdgen  zitr  Kunstgesch., 
dedicated  to  F.  Wickhoff,  Vienna,  1903,  156. 

-  See  the  *conii  in  Cod.  31,  B  14,  p.  187,  262,  of  the  Corsini 
Library,  Rome.  Cf.  the  *Bull.  of  March  24,  1647,  in  Vat.  9313, 
p.  259  scqq.,  Vat.  Library  ;  Bull.,  XV.,  675  ;  *report  of  L.  Pappus 
to  Ferdinand  III.,  dated  September  26,  1652  (on  money  from 
fines  being  spent  on  the  Lateran),  State  Archives,  Vienna  ; 
*Miscell.  dementis  XI.,  t.  12,  p.  23,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

^  Cancellieri,  Mercato,  52  seq.  ;  Lauer,  332  ;  Pollak  in 
Zettschr.  fiir  Gesch.  der  Architektur,  IV.  (191 1),  204  ;  Guidi, 
Borromini,  99.  Card.  Ehrle  has  recently  \\Titten,  with  his 
wonted  thoroughness,  on  Virgilio  Spada  :  Dalle  carte  e  dai 
disegni  di  V.  Spada  [oh.  1662),  Roma,  1927. 

*  Passeri,  386. 

*  The  *documents  on  the  building  in  Propaganda  Archives, 
Rome,  Fasc.  363. 


RESTORATION  OF  THE  LATERAN.      389 

pri'servation  of  as  much  as  possible  of  the  old  building. 
Accordingly  its  proportions  remained  unaltered  and  no  walls 
were  pulled  down  ;  as  many  of  the  supporting  pilasters 
remained  as  could  be  preserved  as  well  as  the  whole  of 
Constantine's  eastern  fac^ade.  The  frescoes  of  Gentile  da 
I-"abriano  and  those  of  Pisanello  had  to  be  sacrificed  ;  on  the 
other  hand  it  was  found  possible  to  spare  the  wooden  coffer 
ceiling  executed  under  Pius  IV.  after  the  plan  of  Daniele  da 
X'olterra.^  However,  owing  to  the  incapacity  of  the  period 
to  conceive  the  true  character  of  antiquity  and  to  recall  it  to 
life,  after  Borromini's  restoration  very  few  features  of  an  old 
basilica  remained.-  Apart  from  this  it  must  be  granted  that 
the  result  was  an  extraordinarily  imposing  and  splendid 
interior,  in  the  creating  of  which  Borromini  revealed  his 
unsurpassed  talent  as  an  architect.^ 

In  token  of  their  satisfaction,  the  Canons  of  the  basilica, 
who  had  at  first  feared  for  the  sanctuary,  decided  to  put  up  a 
bronze  bust  of  Innocent  X.*  The  memor}-  of  the  Pamfili  Pope 
is  likewise  kept  alive  by  inscriptions  and  by  the  large  coat  of 
arms  above  the  interior  of  the  porch. -^ 

The   reconstruction   of   the   Lateran   basilica   was   carried 


•  Egger,  loc.  ciL,  156  scq.  ;  Dvorak,  Fr.  Borromini  als  Res- 
taiirator,  in  Kiinstgesch.  Jahrb.  der  h.  k.  Zcntralkonunission  fiir 
Erforschutig  u.  Erhaltimg  der  Kunst-  u.  hist.  Denkmale,  I.  (1907), 
Bcihl.  filr  Dcnkmalpflcge,  89  seq.  ;  K.  C.\ssirer  in  Jahrb.  der 
preuss.  Kunstsamml.,  XLII.  (1921),  55  seq.  ;  Ci.ampi,  306  ; 
Magni,  J I  barocco  a  Roma,  I.,  Torino,  191 1,  93. 

-  Platner,  III.,  I,  527.  Cf.  Brinckmann,  S3  ;  D.  1""rev, 
Bramautcs  St.  Petcr-Entivurf,  \'ienna,  1915,  50.  A  view  of  tlie 
old  Lateran  basilica  previous  to  Borromini's  restoration,  ca.  1640, 
in  S.  Martino  ai  Monti  is  reproduced  in  L.\uer,  330,  and  in  Mel. 
d'arch.,  V.,  379  seqq.   (PI.   14). 

=•  Pollak"s  opinion  in  Thieme,  I\'.,  370.  Cf.  MuNOZ,  Roma, 
230  seq.,  and  Borromini,  S. 

*  *Avviso  of  September  7,  1647,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

'  Forcella,  VTII.,  61  seqq.  ;  Guidi,  Borromini,  60  seqq. 
(with  illustrations). 


390  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

out  with  such  speed  ^  that  it  was  completed,  in  the  main, 
by  the  beginning  of  the  jubilee  j^ear  of  1650,^  when  the  pilgrims 
were  able  to  admire  the  high  reliefs  between  the  pilasters, 
executed  in  stucco,  after  Algardi's  designs,  but  the  statues 
in  the  niches  and  the  pictures  above  them  were  still  missing. •'' 
The  Pope  likewise  ordered  the  restoration  of  the  porch  *  and 
that  of  the  precious  marble  floor  ;  this  work  was  completed 
in  1653.^  In  its  execution  the  principle  was  adopted  of 
preserving  as  much  of  the  ancient  material  as  could  be  used. 
Most  of  the  sepulchral  monuments  were  again  put  up  in  the 
new  basilica  ® :  in  this  way  a  number  of  Gothic  monuments, 
that  of  Cardinal  Antonio  de  Chiaves,  Vignola's  monument  of 
Ranuccio  Farnese,  and  Giotto's  famous  fresco  were  preserved. 
This  remarkable  act  of  piety  towards  the  relics  of  antiquity- 
is  nevertheless  somewhat  diminished  by  the  circumstance 
that  Borromini  placed  the  monuments  in  fiat  niches  in  the 
walls  :   this  led  to  an  alteration  of  their  former  general  aspect 


1  "  *con  celerita  non  credibile  e  senza  risparmio  alcuuo  " 
we  read  in  the  marginal  notes  to  Brusoni,  Hist,  d' Italia,  in  the 
Doria-Pamfili  Archives,  93-46,  p.  121.  In  like  manner  the  *Vita 
d'Innocenzo  X.,  ibid.  In  July,  1649,  Innocent  X.  went  to  the 
Lateran,  "  per  veder  la  fabrica  "  (*Deone,  in  Cod.  XX.,  III.  21 
of  Bibl.  Casanat.,  Rome. 

2  Egger,  loc.  cit.,  161.  Cj.  also  on  the  work  Rasponi,  De  basil. 
Lateran.,  Romae,  1659,  37,  39  ;  Crescimbeni,  Stato  d.  chiesa 
Lateran.,  Roma,  1723,  2  {cf.  92  on  the  "  ringhiera  "  round 
the  baldachino  with  the  heads  of  the  Princes  of  the  Apostles)  ; 
CiAMPi,  306  ;  Lauer,  331  seq.  ;  Hempel,  Borromini  (1924), 
94  seq.  ;    Ehrle,  Spada„  15.    Cf.  also  Magni,  Barocco,  93. 

*  GuiDi,  Borromini,  55.    Cf.  Ferrari,  Stucco,  104  seq. 

*  II  "  Papa  havendo  ristorato  la  chiesa  di  S.  Giovanni  Laterano, 
ha  ordinato  che  si  facci  parimente  il  portico  subbito  che  sara 
passato  I'anno  santo,  nel  quale  quella  fabrica  haverebbe  dato 
troppo  impaccio  per  rispetto  della  Porta  Santa.  ..."  *Diario 
in  Barb.  4819,  p.  132^,  Vat.  Library. 

^  *Cod.  31,  B  14,  p.  277,  of  Corsini  Library.  Inscriptions  in 
Ciaconius,  IV.,  649.    Cf.  Ortolani,  5.  Giovanni  in  Laterano,  36. 

*  Not  all  ;    cf.  L'Arte,  X.  (1907),  97. 


S.    ANDREA    DF.LLA    VAU,K    AND    S.    IGNAZIO       39I 

and  some  pieces  had  to  be  removed  altogether.  Otherwise 
they  underwent  no  modification  except  that  they  were  given 
a  magnificent  new  frame  of  a  purely  decorative  character.* 

Almost  simultaneously  with  the  work  in  St.  Peter's  and  the 
Latcran,  the  construction  of  the  two  sister  churches  of  the 
Gesii,  viz.  S.  Andrea  della  Vallc  and  S.  Ignazio,  advanced 
sufficiently  to  make  it  possible  to  open  them  for  worship 
in  the  jubilee  year  of  1G50.  S.  Andrea  della  Valle,  begun 
in  1591  by  order  of  Cardinal  Alessandro  Pcretti,  was  continued 
with  the  aid  of  his  nephew  Francesco. ^  On  September  4th. 
IO.jO,  Cardinal  Francesco  Peretti  was  able  to  consecrate 
the  spacious  church  of  the  Theatincs  ^  ;  only  the  facade 
was  missing  and  this  was  completed  in  1665.* 

S.  Ignazio  had  been  begun  by  order  of  Cardinal  Ludovisi 
in  1626.  The  facade  is  not  by  Algardi  but  probably  by  Girolamo 
Kainaldi.^  Though  by  no  means  completed,  this  imposing 
church  too  was  opened  on  August  7th,  1650,  amid  a  mighty 
concourse  of  people.^  On  the  following  day  the  Pope  came  to 
see  the  church.' 

In  May  1645,  Pietro  da  Cortona  began  the  mosaic  decoration 

'  DvoR.\CK,  loc.  cit.,  92  secjq.  Cf.  the  reproductions  in  Jahrb, 
der  preuss.  Kimstsamml . ,  XLIL,  65.  On  the  decoration  of  the 
Lateran  baptistry,  cf.  Ortolani,  loc.  cit.,  104. 

*  A.  BoNi,  La  chiesa  di  S.  Andrea  della  Valle,  Roma,  1907. 

'  Servantiu.s,  *Diaria,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.  ;  *Avviso  of  Septem- 
ber 10    1650,  ibid.  ;    Amevden,  *  Diary,  in  Barb.  4819   \'at.  Libr. 

'  Hempel,  Rainaldi,  55  acq.,  who  v.as  the  first  to  establish 
the  part  taken  by  Rainaldi. 

*  PoLLAK,  Algardi  in  Zcitschr.  fiir  Gcsch.  der  .{rchUcktur,  W . 
(191 1 ),  66  seq.,  who  was  the  first  to  throw  light  on  the  construction 
of  S.  Ignazio. 

*  RuGGiERi,  Annisanti,   177. 

'  Servantius  *Diaria,  Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  on  August  13,  1650, 
(iiovanni  Piazza  *rcp()rts  :  "  Domcnica  li  Padri  Gesuiti  apersero 
la  loro  nuova  chiesa  di  S.  Ignatio  con  grandissimo  concorso  di 
jiopolo,  e  la  sera  al  2°  vcspro  vi  si  trasferi  N.  S.  nella  qua! 
occasionc  la  Signora  Donna  Olimpia  prego  trc  volte  S.  S'^  per  la 
licenza   di    ciitrarc    con    \c    dame    del    suo    sccruito    a    vedere    il 


392  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

of  the  dome  and  the  tribune  of  the  Chiesa  Nuova.^  In  1652 
the  learned  Luke  Wadding  had  the  Cappeha  Alaleona,  at 
S.  Isidore,  decorated  by  Carlo  Maratta.^  At  this  time  also  the 
high  altar  of  S.  Nicola  da  Tolentino  was  erected  after  a  design 
by  Algardi  :  the  cost  was  borne  by  Camillo  Pamfili.^  An 
extensive  restoration  was  undertaken  in  1650  by  the  General 
of  the  Carmelites  in  the  ancient  basilica  of  S.  Martino  ai 
Monti.*  In  the  same  j^ear  Martino  Lunghi  the  younger  built 
for  Cardinal  Mazarin  the  facade  of  SS.  Vincent  and  Anastasius 
which  he  adorned  with  many  columns,^  and  in  1652  he  erected 
the  national  church  of  the  Portuguese,  S.  Antonio,  resplendent 
with  magnificent  marbles.  At  this  time  also,  through  the 
generosity  of  Camilla  Farnese,  there  arose  at  the  foot  of  the 
Janiculus,  the  beautiful  church  of  the  Augustinian  Sisters, 
Our  Lady  of  the  Seven  Dolours,  after  a  plan  by  Borromini  ^ 
who,  in  1654,  entered  upon  the  last  stage  of  the  erection  of 
S.  Andrea  delle  Fratte.''  This  highty  gifted  master  also 
designed  the  spacious  oratory  adjoining  Chiesa  Nuova  erected 


collegio  de'  Padri,  sapendo  che  gli  era  stata  preparata  una  nobile 
collatione.  N.  S.  non  rispose  mai,  e  cosi  la  sera  li  Padri  gli  man- 
darono  alia  casa  quanto  havevano  provveduto  per  rallegrarla." 
Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

1  See  Pollak's  information  based  on  documents  in  Kitnst- 
chronik.,  XXIII.  (1911-12),  564  seqq.  Cf.  Voss,  Malerei,  542  seq., 
and  Strong,  La  Chiesa  Nuova,  Roma  [1923],  115  seq. 

"  LoRENZETTi,  C.  Mavatta,  in  L'Arte,  XVII.,  147  seq. 

^  PoLLAK,  Algardi,  loc.  cit.,  62  seq. 

^  Angeli,  Chiese,  418. 

^  Pascoli,  II.,  517  ;    Inventario,  I.,  53. 

^  Angeli,  53,  390  ;  Gurlitt,  401  seq.  ;  Guidi,  Borromini, 
76  seq.  Through  my  intervention  the  church  of  S.  Maria  dei 
Sette  Dolori,  which  is  most  difficult  of  access  in  consequence 
of  the  "  enclcsure  ",  was  opened  for  O.  Pollak,  to  enable  him 
to  take  detailed  photographs.  The  monograph  contemplated 
by  Pollak  has  been  put  in  jeopardy  by  the  premature  death 
[191 5]  of  that  scholar.  Reproduction  of  the  interior  in  Munoz, 
Roma,  224. 

'  Guidi,  88  seq. 


PRISON    REFORMS.  393 

by  Virgilio  Spada.*  Here  wvvv  held  at  one  time,  l)esid(,'s  tlic 
daily  evening  de\'otions  in  Advent  and  Lent,  the  celebrated 
religious  concerts  to  which  onl}'  men  were  admitted.  Finally, 
Bernini  also  built  the  church  of  St.  Agnes  in  the  Piazza  Navona 
of  which  more  will  be  said  when  we  come  to  discuss  the 
adjoining  family  palace  of  the  Pamftli. 

Innocent  X.'s  pontificate  is  likewise  noteworthy  by  reason 
of  several  secular  bnildinf^s.-  Iiiipro\'ed  prisons  are  one  of  the 
achievements  of  our  time.  In  tliis  respect,  as  in  so  many 
others,  the  Popes  set  a  good  example  ^  and  even  Innocent  X.'s 
enemies  are  bound  to  recognize  his  good  work  in  this  field.* 
ISesidcs  Castel  S.  Angelo  there  were  other  prisons  in  Rome, 
such  as  those  of  the  Borgo,  the  Senate,  Tor  di  Nona  on  the 

'  P.  Misci.MKLLi  in  the  periodical  5.  Ftlippo  Xcri,  192 1, 
No.  I  ;  Strong,  loc.  cit.,  143  seqq.,  and  especially  Guidi,  loc.  cit., 
31  seq. 

^  The  Porta  Portese  was  completed  under  Innocent  X.  ;  he 
al.so  repaired  the  city  walls  (c/.  Ciampi,  308  seqq.  ;  Nibby,  Mura 
di  Roma,  340,  375  ;  Inventario,  I.,  254  ;  Borg.^tti  in  Riv.  di 
Artiglcria,  XVL,  386),  but  stopped  work  on  Urban  VHI.'s 
fortifications  {cf.  Berchet,  Relaz.,  Roma,  11.,  76),  whilst  on  the 
other  hand  he  repaired  Castel  S.  Angelo  {cf.  Forcella,  XIII., 
150).  Innocent's  arms  on  the  right  of  Ponte  Nomentano  also 
recall  a  restoration.  An  inscription  on  the  cathedral  of  Frascati 
proclaims  the  fact  that  its  erection  was  begun  under  that  Pontiff  ; 
at  Viterbo  the  Pope's  memory  is  kept  alive  by  the  Porta  Romana 
with  its  statue  of  St.  Rose,  the  patron  saint  of  the  town  ;  and 
at  Ravenna  by  the  Porta  Nuova  {ampliata,  1653,  for  that 
reason  also  described  as  Porta  Pamfilia  ;  cf.  Ciaconius,  IV., 
651  ;  Kevssler,  II.,  470;  Ricci,  Baiikunst  der  Darockzeit, 
Stuttgart,  1 91 2,  205).  A  most  useful  work  was  the  construction 
of  the  Canalc  Pamfili  to  link  Ravenna  with  the  sea  (Ciampi, 
309).  At  Ancona  Iiniocent  XI.  saw  to  the  restoration  of  the 
fortifications  (Ciaconius,  loc.  cit.,  and  *Cod.  31,  B  14,  p.  243  seq. 
("orsini  Library,  Rome). 

^  Particularly  in  earlier  times,  by  promoting  the  guilds  which 
prcnided  for  the  bodily  and  spiritual  wants  of  prisoners.  Cf. 
Platner,  III.,  3,  414. 

*  Ciampi,  312  ;    Cui.icdowski,  IL,  245. 


394  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Tiber,  where  the  Apollo  theatre  was  subsequently  erected, 
and  that  of  the  Corte  Savella,  for  the  ancient  family  of  the 
Savelli,  besides  other  privileges,  such  as  that  of  the  dignity 
of  Marshal  to  the  Conclave,  also  enjoyed  that  of  exercising 
penal  jurisdiction  for  minor  delinquencies  ;  hence  they  also 
had  their  own  prison  in  the  Via  di  Monserrato,  near  the 
English  College.^  These  prisons  were  typically  medieval, 
narrow  and  damp.  Even  at  this  day  the  inscription  which 
Innocent  X.  ordered  to  be  placed  above  the  entrance  of  the 
new  prison  erected  by  him  [Carceri  Nuovi)  sounds  like  a 
protest  against  the  insanitary  conditions  and  other  serious 
evils  of  the  Corte  Savella  :  "  Justitiae  et  clementiae,  securiori 
ac  mitiori  reorum  custodiae,  novum  Carcerem  Innocentius  X. 
Pont.  Max.  posuit,  Anno  Domini  MDCLV  " — For  the  sake  of 
justice  and  clemency  and  for  the  safer  and  milder  custody 
of  the  guilty,  Pope  Innocent  X.  erected  this  new  prison  in 
1655.2 

Innocent  X.  withdrew  from  the  Savelli  their  judicial 
powers.^  To  replace  the  inadequate  and  insanitary  prisons 
of  Corte  Savella  and  Tor  di  Nona,  a  new  and  practical  building 
arose  in  the  Via  Giulia,  not  far  from  Sangallo's  Palazzo 
Sacchetti.  Here,  for  the  first  time  in  Europe,  the  modern 
system  of  cells  was  introduced  ;  this  was  an  immense  advance 
on  a  prison  system  which  was  maintained  for  years  to  come 
in  other  places — one  need  only  think  of  the  famous  prisons 
of  Venice.  The  erection  of  the  "  New  Prison  ",  for  which  the 
Pope  furnished  the  funds,  began  in  the  spring  of  1652  and  was 


1  Moroni,  IX.,  266  seq.  ;  Ehrle,  Spada,  iz,  who  establishes 
the  position  of  the  Corte  Savella  on  the  basis  of  Tempesta's 
Topografia  of  1593,  published  by  H.  Schiick,  at  Upsala,  1917. 

'^  FoRCELLA,  XIII.,  132.  An  ordinance  providing  for  adequate 
food  for  the  prisoners  was  issued  in  1653  ;  Bertolotti,  Le 
prigioni  di  Romanei  secoli,  XVI.,  XVII.  e  XVIII.,  Roma,  1890,  33. 

'  *i652,  Settembro  22  :  "  Si  serrano  le  carceri  di  casa  Savelli 
e  finivano  li  Savelli  la  loro  giurisdittione  in  quel  tribunale  " 
(Diary  in  Doria-Pamfili  Archives).  Cf.  Moroni,  IX.,  267  ; 
Ratti,  Sforza,  II.,  243. 


PRISON    REFORMS.  395 

finished  in  1655  under  Alexander  VII.'  It  is  a  model  of 
practical  architecture  and  depends  for  its  effect  exclusively 
on  the  material  employed  (red  bricks  with  roughly  dressed 
travertine),  the  distribution  of  doors  and  windows  and  the 
wide,  recessed  space  which  terminates  the  facade,  above  which 
rises  the  last  story  like  an  immense  attic.  The  small  gatewaj', 
with  its  broad,  simple  frame  which  narrows  as  it  rises, 
heightens  the  stern  character  of  the  building.^  The  architect 
was  Antonio  del  Grande,  who  had  already  given  proof  of 
Ills  skill  in  the  reconstruction  of  the  Spanish  Embassy  in 
the  Piazza  di  Spagna.  In  1()51  he  began  work  on  the  wing 
of  the  Palazzo  Colonna,  which  faces  the  Via  Nazionalc  and 
houses  the  celebrated  Calleria  Grande  on  the  ground  fioor.^ 

The  palace  on  the  Capitol,  which  in  Michelangelo's  plan 
was  meant  to  form  a  counterpart  to  the  palace  of  the 
Conservators  and  a  museum  of  the  antique  sculptures  of  the 
Citv  of  Rome,  also  heralded  a  new  epoch.  The  foundations 
were  laid  by  Clement  VIII  *  ;  in  1644  Innocent  X.  gave 
orders  for  the  continuation  of  the  building,  in  the  great  hall 
of  which  his  coat  of  arms  is  still  to  be  seen.  Since  there  was 
question  of  a  civic  building,  the  City  Council  was  made  to 
hear  the  cost.  The  methods  used  for  raising  the  necessary 
funds  for  the  work  by  temporarily  discharging  officials  and 
other  similar  measures,  caused  a  good  deal  of  bad  blood. 
Carlo  Rainaldi  was  the  architect  in  charge.^  The  Pope  took  a 
lively  interest  in  the  building  and  repeatedly  inspected  it  [in 
1650  and  1654],^  in  memory  whereof  the  Roman  Senate  put 

'  O.  PoLi..\K,  Antonio  del  Grande,  in  Kunstgcschichtl.  Jahrb, 
der  K.  K.  Zeniralkommission  fiir  Kioist.-  it.  hist.  Denkniale,  iQoy, 
135  seqq.  Cf.  E.  Rossi  in  the  periodical  Roma,  IV.  (1926),  70  ; 
Ehrle,  Spada,  11  scq. 

*  PoLLAK,  loc.  cit. 

'  Ibid.,  137  seqq.,  152  seq. 

*  See  our  data,  XXI\'.,  313  ;  Gigh  in  Canckllieri,  Mercato, 
53;  Passeri,  222. 

''  Rodocaxachi,  Ccipitolc,   120;     Hempel,  Rainaldi,  94  seq. 

*  Cancellieri,  loc.  cit.,  53,  n.  i.— *October  3,  1645  :  ■'  Fu 
levata   la  statna  di   Marfrnif)   per   causa  della   nuova    fabrica  c 


396  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

up  a  more  than  life-size  statue  of  Innocent  X.  in  the  great 
hall  of  the  palace  of  the  Conservators,  facing  Bernini's  statue 
of  Urban  VIII.  The  commission  for  the  statue  was  given  to 
Alessandro  Algardi  who,  for  a  time,  eclipsed  Bernini.  But  his 
statue  does  not  compare  favourably  with  that  of  the  Barberini 
Pope.  Innocent's  head  is  after  Velasquez'  painting,  "  the 
most  living  of  contemporary  portraits,  but  precisely  the  most 
impressive  feature  in  the  Spanish  master's  portrait,  namely, 
the  piercing  glance  which  was  peculiar  to  Innocent  X.,  is 
missing  in  the  statue,"  because  Algardi,  in  order  to  avoid  a 
too  marked  resemblance  with  the  statue  of  Urban  VIII., 
gives  a  side  view  of  the  Pope's  face,  in  fact  the  whole  artistic 
treatment  is  such  as  to  place  Algardi's  work  beneath  that  of 
his  gifted  rival. ^     He  nevertheless  remained  the  real  court 


posta  nella  piazza  vicina  al  cavallo  di  bronzo  per  mode  di  pro- 
visione  "  (Diary  in  Doria-Pamfili  Archives).  Ibid.,  May  9,  1647  : 
"Si  fu  accorto  come  la  statua  del  cavallo  di  bronzo  di  Marco 
Aurelio,  che  sta  alia  piazza  di  Campidoglio,  pendeva  assai  verso 
la  chiesa  d'Araceli,  e  la  causa  fu  perche  si  era  lograto  di  ruzza  il 
ferro  del  perno  impiantato  nel  piede  manco  dietro,  si  che  li  sig. 
conservatori  ordinando  subito  fosse  puntellato  con  diligenza  e 
fattone  consapevole  S.  S'^  ordinando  a  Msgr.  Cessi  fosse  subito 
accomodato  come  fu  fatto  e  messovi  mano."  May  15  :  "  Furono 
levati  li  puntelli  della  statua  del  cavallo  di  bronzo  per  esser  stato 
di  nuovo  ricoperto  di  bronzo  e  reimbiombato  e  messi  nuovi 
tasselli  di  marmo." 

1  Thus  Posse  (in  Jahvh.  der  prexiss.  Kunstsamml.,  XXVI., 
193),  whereas  Munoz  (in  Annuario  dell'  Accad.  di  S.  Luca,  1912, 
Roma,  1913,  51  seq.)  assigns  the  victory  to  Algardi.  The  statue 
was  unveiled  on  March  9, 1650  (c/.  Ruggieri,  Anni  santi,  61  5^^.)  ; 
a  decision  to  that  effect  had  been  arrived  at  in  March  1645 
{cf.  RoDOCANACHi,  Capitolc,  131).  The  following  item  in  Deone's 
Diary  for  September  4,  1645,  shows  how  the  authorities  managed 
in  the  meantime  :  "  *Fu  scavata  la  statua  fatta  far  per  papa 
Paolo  IV.,  ch'era  sotterrata  nel  cortile  de'  conservatori  per 
ordine  di  P.  Innocenzo  X.,  quale  essendo  di  buona  maniera  e 
fatta  da  valent'huomo  serviva  per  la  statua  di  S.  B^e  per  metterla 
nel  palazzo  nuovo  "  (Doria-Pamfili  Archives).     Cf.  Fraschetti, 


ALGARDI.  397 

sculptor  of  tlu'  Pamtili.  It  was  he  who  created  the  reahstic 
busts  of  the  Pope  for  the  palace  of  the  Gonfalonierc  at 
Hologna  and  the  dining  hail  of  Trinita  de'  Pellegrini,  as  well  as 
that  of  Innocent  X.'s  brother,  Benedetto,  and  that  of  Olimpia 
Maidalchini  in  the  Doria  Gallery,  with  its  energetic  features 
of  the  masterful  head  which  stands  out  so  effectively  from  the 
voluminous  widows'  veil.^  In  1()4'.>,  the  year  in  which  Algardi 
finished  his  tomb  of  Leo  XI. ^  for  St.  Peter's,  he  was  given 
a  commission  for  the  architectural  fountain  with  the  water- 
spouting  dolphins  and  the  relief  on  the  face  of  the  basin, 
with  which  Innocent  X.  adorned  the  Cortile  of  St.  Damaso 
in  the  Vatican.^  For  the  church  of  St.  Agnes  he  designed 
a  relief  representing  the  martyrdom  of  the  Saint.*  The 
premature  death  of  the  artist  (June  10th,  1654)  is  said  to 
have  drawn  tears  from  the  Pope  whilst  Camillo  Pamtili, 
Algardi's  special  patron,  paid  him  the  honour  of  a  visit  as 
he  lay  dying.  ^ 

The  large  share  which  Algardi  had  in  the  laying  out  of 
the  great  park  which  the  Cardinal  nephew,  Camillo  Pamhli, 
created  before  the  Porta  S.  Pancrazio,  has  only  been  estab- 
lished in  recent  times.  ^ 

154  ;  Steinmann,  Die  Statnen  der  Papste  aiif  dem  Kapitol, 
Rome,  1924,  15  seqq. 

'  Bellori,  II.,  139  ;    Posse,  loc.  cit.,  194.    Cf.  above,  p.  33. 

*  Cf.  Brinxkmann,  Barockskulptur,  II.    255  5^^. 

'  PoLLAK,  Algardi,  in  Zeitschr.  fiir  Gesch.  der  Architektur,  IV. 
(191 1),  61  scqq.  ;  Posse,  loc.  cit.,  194  ;  MuSoz,  loc.  cit.,  54  seq.  ; 
CoLASANTi,  h'ontane  d'  Italia  (1926),  203. 

*  It  found  a  place  in  the  crypt.  Algardi  has  given  different 
presentations  of  the  same  scene  ;  cf.  Tietze,  Ein  Bronzcrelicf 
Algardi's  in  Ktinstchronik,  1923,  No.  26-7,  p.  523. 

*  Bellori,  II.,  141  ;  Can'cellieri,  Mercato,  113.  L.  Frati 
(Varietd  storiche  artistiche,  Cittd  di  Caslello,  1912)  has  published 
Algardi's  will.  Frati  fixes  1595  as  the  year  of  Algardi's  birth, 
instead  of  1602,  as  has  been  thought  up  till  now. 

*  Ca.stcl  Gandolfo  continued  to  be  the  Pope's  usual  hohday 
resort.  Innocent  X.'s  throne  is  still  preserved  in  the  castle  there, 
as  well  as  five  magnificent  gobelins  (The  I'light  to  Egypt)  made 
by  order  of  the  Pope. 


398  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

In  consequence  of  tlie  destruction  of  the  \'illa  I.udovisi  and 
since  the  Villa  Borghese  lias  become  increasing^  degraded 
into  a  place  of  popular  amusement,  the  Villa  Pamfili,  even 
though  it  has  not  been  spared  drastic  alterations,  alone 
conveys  an  idea,  even  at  this  day,  of  the  superb  Villas  with 
which  the  papal  nephews  of  the  baroque  period  surrounded 
the  Eternal  City.  Situate  on  the  summit  of  the  Janiculus, 
on  its  western  scarp,  it  has  been  rightly  named  by  the  Romans 
"  Belrespiro "  owing  to  the  pure,  invigorating  air  which 
prevails  there  even  during  the  hottest  months.^  The  terrain, 
which  is  crossed  by  the  ancient  Via  Aurelia,^  is  even  more 
extensive  and  more  varied  than  that  of  the  Villa  Borghese 
as  well  as  exceedingly  picturesque.^ 

The  main  entrance  *  led  to  a  long  alley  with  an 
incomparable  vista  of  the  Vatican  and  the  dome  of  St.  Peter's 
which  appears  isolated  like  some  great  shrine  between  green 
hills.  There  is  no  other  hint  of  the  nearness  of  the  metropolis  ; 
the  visitor  has  a  feeling  of  being  in  a  vast  solitude  dominated 
on  the  north  by  the  purple  outlines  of  Soracte.  Here  the  aged 
Pope  was  wont  to  seek  quiet  and  refreshment  amid  his  cares 
and  anxieties.  Near  the  north  entrance  of  the  almost  hidden 
summer  house,  a  magnificent  park,  divided  into  two  sections, 
stretches  far  away  to  the  west.  In  the  northern  section 
the  characteristics  of  a  pleasure  garden  were  specially  marked. 
First  there  came  a  wide,  open  space  which  no  doubt  then,  as 
now,  served  as  a  playground.  Then  came  copses  and 
orange  groves  adorned  with  a  fountain  and   statues.  Here, 

^  This  name  is  already  found  in  N.  A.  Caferrius,  Synthema 
vctustatis  sive  florcs  historiarnm,  Romae,  1667. 

2  ToMASSETTi,  Campagna,  II.,  466. 

^  For  what  follows,  cf.  above  all  Gothein,  I.,  353  seq.  See 
also  NoHL,  Skizzenbuch,  175  seq.,  182  ;  Wolfflin,  Renaissance, 
177  ;  GuRLiTT,  403  seq.  ;  Bergner,  64  seq.  ;  V.  Gerstfeldt- 
Steinmann,  Pilgerfahrten  in  Italien,*  Leipzig,  1922,  357  ; 
L.  Dami,  //  giardino  d'ltalia,  Milano,  1924,  42,  CXCIII.  seqq.  ; 
Colasanti,  loc.  cit.,  205,  207,  209. 

*  The  section  from  the  present  entrance  as  far  as  "  the  \alley 
of  the  deer  "  was  only  added  in  the  nineteenth  century. 


VILLA    PAMFILL  399 

as  in  the  \'illa  I^orghosc,  a  smaller  Casino  di  juviiglia  stood 
against  the  wall  of  the  terrace  of  the  belvedere.  The  southern 
section  was  renowned  for  its  pine  wood.  Adjoining  this 
wood  there  was,  as  in  the  Villa  Borghese,  an  extensive 
zoological  garden  with  woods  and  meadows  which,  in  spring, 
were  studded  with  anemones.  The  central  point  was  formed 
by  an  oval  basin  in  a  little  dell  which  was  subsequently 
transformed  into  a  natural  lake  which  provided  an  enchanting 
spectacle  in  June  with  its  water-lilies.  Following  a  fold  in 
the  valley,  a  canal,  starting  from  this  spot,  cuts  a  straight  line 
across  the  pine  wood  and  ends  in  an  aquatic  amphitheatre 
above  which  rises  a  rotunda  adorned  with  statues  and  a 
Uly-shaped  fountain.  This  artistic  creation  is  so  pecuhar  that 
some  have  thought  it  to  be  due  to  French  inspiration.^ 

The  summer-house  in  the  north-eastern  corner  of  the  Villa 
stands  on  uneven  ground,  hence  on  the  northern  entrance  there 
are  two  stories  whilst  on  the  south  side,  facing  the  garden, 
there  are  three.  A  pavilion  rises  from  the  terrace  of  the  roof. 
Like  the  Villa  Pia,  the  building  is  richly  adorned  with  antique 
and  modern  sculptures.  On  either  side  open-air  steps  lead  into 
the  ornamental  garden  [giardino  segrcto),  surrounded  by  a 
wall  broken  by  niches  and  adorned  with  fruit-trees  and 
statues.  Flower-beds  and  fountains  and  flower-pots  on  the 
balustrades  all  around  heighten  the  splendid  and  imposing 
impression.  The  beds  of  the  parterre  show  a  pattern  of  box 
arabesques  filled-in  with  flowers — a  floral  tapestry  of  Italian 
invention. 2  From  the  giardino  segreto  two  sets  of  steps  lead 
to  a  garden  at  a  yet  lower  level,  adorned  with  flower-beds, 
fountains,  copses  and  a  very  pretty  theatre.  A  nymphaeum 
stands  between  the  steps,  the  so-called  "  Fountain  of  Venus  " 
by  Algardi.^ 

^  GoTHEiN,  L,  356.  It  is  a  mere  legend  that  Le  Notre  designed 
the  garden. 

*  Cf.  ibid..  354. 

*  Bellori,  II.,  133  seq.  ;  Pollak,  A.  Algardi  ah  Architekt, 
in  Zeitschr.  f.  Cesch.  der  Architektur,  IV.  (h)ii),  53  seq.,  with 
numerous  illustrations.  Cf.  also  Brinckmann,  Baitkunst,  7  seqq., 
and  Barockskulptur,  \\.,  255. 


400  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

The  progress  of  the  construction  can  be  accurately  gauged 
by  examining  the  account  books.  It  was  begun  in  the  last 
months  of  1644,  and  thereafter  the  Pope  pressed  for  the 
prosecution  of  the  work.^  In  the  autumn  of  1646  it  became 
possible  to  begin  the  internal  decoration.  The  ground  floor 
received  magnificent  stucco  ceilings,  besides  pictorial  decora- 
tions of  which,  unfortunately,  but  little  remains.  The  summer- 
house  was  finished  in  the  beginning  of  1648.  Later  payments 
of  the  years  1648  and  1649  concern  fountains  and  other 
mason's  work  in  the  garden  which  was  completed  in  1651.^ 
In  1653  the  engraver,  Dominique  Barriere,  began  work  on 
copper  plates  of  the  Villa  and  the  antique  statues.  These 
engravings,  together  with  some  others  by  Falda,  were  gathered 
in  a  work  appropriately  entitled  Villa  Pamphilia.^  The  account 
books  also  supply  information  on  Algardi's  share  in  these 
splendid  undertakings.  It  was  he  who  procured  the  antique 
statues  and  restored  them,  designed  the  magnificent  stucco 
ceilings  of  the  ground  floor  and  superintended  the  sculptural 
decorations  of  the  Villa.  However,  the  real  architect  was 
Francesco  Grimaldi.*  It  is  due  to  him  that  notwithstanding 
the  great  wealth  of  antique  reliefs  and  busts,  of  stucco 
decoration  and  other  charming  details,  the  exterior  of  the 
summer-house  gives  an  impression  of  simplicity  and  monotony, 
as  was  already  felt  by  his  contemporaries.^  The  most  valuable 
ornaments  were  within,  but  the  statues  and  pictures  were 
removed  to  the  Palazzo  Doria  at  a  later  date  ;  however, 
some  frescoes  and  the  stucco  ceilings  of  the  ground  floor 
remain  to  this  day  ;  they  bear  witness  to  a  profound  study 
of  antique  models  in  the  Villa  Adriana  and  as  regards  their 


^  *Avviso  of  March  7,  1646,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

2  PoLLAK,  loc.  cit.,  who  was  the  first  to  draw  on  the  Doria- 
Panifili  Archives. 

^  Villa  Pamphilia  eiiisque  Palatiuni  cum  sttis  prospectibus, 
statuae,  fontes,  vivaria,  theatra,  areolae  plautarurn  viarimiqtte 
ordines,  Romae  {sine  anno).    Cf.  Pollak,  56. 

*  PoLLAK  (57  seqq.)  has  proved  this  up  to  the  hilt. 

*  Passeri,  202. 


PIAZZA   NAVONA.  4OI 

quality,  tlicy  belong  to  the  very  best  Roman  products  of  the 
kind  in  the  17th  century.^ 

Even  more  than  by  the  \illa  l^aiulili,  Innocent  X.'s  name 
is  kept  alive  in  Rome  by  the  large  scale  works  undertaken 
by  him  in  the  Piazza  Xavona.-  It  goes  without  saying  that 
the  modest  palace  in  the  Piazza  of  that  name  which  he  had 
owned  as  a  Cardinal,  was  enlarged  after  his  elevation.  For 
this  purpose  many  adjoining  houses  were  bought  one  after 
another  and  their  demolition  led  to  the  discovery  of  a  number 
of  travertine  pilasters  and  tiers  of  seats  of  Domitian's  stadium.^ 
The  building  turned  out  a  somewhat  plain  one  ;  the  architect 
was  Girolamo  Rainaldi,  father  of  Carlo.'*  The  Pope  gave  orders 
for  the  preservation,  during  alterations,  of  the  paintings 
executed  by  his  command  by  Agostino  Tassi,  a  pupil  of  Paul 
Bril.''  The  work  was  pushed  on  with  so  much  energy  that  it 
was  hoped  that  the  new  palace  might  be  occupied  by  the 
summer  of  l()4(i,''  but  it  only  approached  completion  in 
July  1048.' 

1  Opinion  of  Pollak  {loc.  cit.,  60),  who  gives  illustrations  of 
two  stucco  soffits.  C/.  Belloki,  II.,  131  ;  IMlnoz  in  Annitario 
dell'  Accad.  di  S.  Liica,  1912,  56. 

*  See  *Scriiiure  concerncnti  Ic  fabriche  fatte  ncl  pontificato 
d' Innocenzo  X.  in  Cod.  31,  B  14,  15,  and  16,  of  Corsini  Library. 
Cf.  CiAMPi,  397  seqq.,  to  which  must  be  added  the  *documents 
in  the  Doria-Pamfili  Archives  of  which  Pollak  intended  to 
publish  a  considerable  selection. 

'  Can'cellieri,  Mercato,  99  ;  Ehrle,  Spada,  15  5^(7.  ;  a 
♦specialized  list  of  Acquisiti  dellc  cane  die  occupavano  il  posto  del 
moderno  palazzo  in  Piazza  Navona,  in  Doria-Pamfili  Archives. 

*  Passehi,  221  ;  Cancelueri,  loc.  cit.,  100  ;  L.  de  Gregori 
(see  below,  p.  402,  n.  4),  33  seq.  Cf.  GrRi.iTT,  3S1  ;  Brinckmann, 
Bauknnst,  92  scq.,  121. 

*  Passeri,  III.  On  A.  Tassi,  cf.  Bkrtolotti,  A.  Tassi,  Perugia, 
1877  ;  Gerstenberg,  J)ic  ideale  LaiulscliaflsDuihrci,  ?Ialle, 
1923,  88  seq. 

*  "  II  Palazzo  di  Piazza  Navona  si  tira  avanti  con  molta 
(liligenza  et  per  tutta  Testate  potra  esser  finito."  *Avviso  of 
Marcli  7,  1646,  Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

">  En  RLE.,  Spada,  16. 

VOL.    XX.\.  Del 


402  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

A  number  of  painters  were  engaged  on  the  internal 
decoration  as,  for  instance,  Pietro  da  Cortona,  Giovanni 
Francesco  Romanclli,  Giro  Ferri,  Andrea  Camassei,  Gaspard 
Poussin,  M'ho  adorned  the  buildings  with  landscapes  and 
scenes  from  Roman  history.  Francesco  Allegrini  painted 
biblical  scenes  on  the  soffits.  Special  admiration  was  called 
forth  by  Pietro  da  Cortona's  scenes  from  Virgil's  Aeneid  in 
the  long  gallery.  The  choice  of  these  subjects  was  inspired 
by  the  circumstance  that  the  dove  (which  the  Pamfili  carried 
in  their  coat  of  arms) ,  was  the  bird  of  Venus,  Aeneas'  mother. 
The  most  famous  scene  was  that  of  Neptune  chiding  the  winds  ; 
for  this  picture  the  artist  was  rewarded  with  a  poem  by 
Battistini.  Venus'  visit  to  Vulcan's  forge  also  found  many 
admirers.  For  the  pictures  on  the  ceilings  Cortona  sought 
inspiration  in  the  works  of  Ovid  and  Homer. ^  These  frescoes 
were  completed  in  1654  and  drawings  made  from  them  were 
sent  to  Flanders  as  models  for  tapestries,^  whilst  Carlo  Cesi 
of  Rieti  made  engravings  of  them.^ 

Closely  connected  with  the  erection  of  the  palace  was  the 
correction  of  the  Piazza  Navona.*  The  Palazzo  Aldobrandini, 
near  S.  Giacomo,  which  protruded  too  much  into  the  piazza, 
was  demolished  ^  ;  by  this  means  the  lines  of  the  ancient 
stadium  of  Domitian  were  once  more  clearly  revealed.  For 
the  centre  of  the  piazza,  a  monumental  fountain  was  to 
replace  the  existing  one — a  very  simple  one.    The  Pope  gave 

^  Cancellieri,  loc.  cit.,  102  scqq.  ;  Fabrini,  Vita  del  cavul. 
Pietro  Berretini,  Cortona,  i8g6,  102  seqq.  ;  Voss,  Malerei,  543  seq., 
554  ;  MuNOZ,  Pietro  da  Cortona,  10  ;  M.  Lenzi  in  periodical 
Roma,  V.  (1927),  495  seq.  Cf.  the  payments  given  by  Pollack 
in  Kunschronik,  XXIII.  (1911/12),  564  seq. 

-  Cerroti,  Leitere  di  ariisti  tratle  dai  nmnoscritti  d.  Corsiniatia, 
Roma,  i860,  10  seq. 

*  Fabbrini,  loc.  cit.,  113. 

*  A  view  of  the  piazza  before  the  alterations  in  P.  Totti, 
Ritratto  di  Roma  moderna  (1639),  232.  Cf.  the  excellent  study 
by  L.  de  Gregori  :  Piazza  Navona  prima  dTnnocenzo  X.,  Roma, 
1926. 

»  Cf.  Spicil.  Vat.,  T.,  117. 


PIAZZA   NOVONA.  403 

ordt-rs  for  the  embodiment  in  the  new  fountain  of  an  olxlisk 
of  red  granite  of  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Domitian  which 
hiy  in  several  pieces  in  the  circus  of  Maxentius,  on  the  Via 
A{)pia.  The  learned  Jesuit  Athanasius  Kircher  made  vain 
attempts  to  decipher  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  obelisk.^ 
Innocent  X.  intended  to  entrust  the  erection  of  the 
monumental  fountain  in  the  Piazza  Navona  to  Bernini's 
rival  Borromini,  but  the  latter's  design  failed  to  please  him. 
Prince  Nicolo  Ludovisi,  who  had  married  a  niece  of 
Innocent  X.,  informed  Bernini  of  the  circumstance  and 
urged  him  to  construct  in  secret  a  model  of  the  proposed 
work.  Bernini  fell  in  with  the  suggestion  and  the  Prince  so 
arranged  things  that  the  Pope  unexpectedly  found  himself 
in  presence  of  the  model.  On  Lady  Day,  1647,  Innocent  X. 
had  gone  to  the  Minerva  according  to  custom  for  the  purpose 
of  distributing  dowries  to  poor  girls.  Afterwards  he  repaired 
to  the  Palazzo  Pamfili.  After  breakfast,  Cardinal  Pamfili 
and  Donna  Olimpia  escorted  him  through  the  room  in  which 
the  model  stood.  The  bold  conception  and  the  brilliant 
execution  of  the  design  profoundly  impressed  the  Pope.  It  is 
said  that  at  the  end  of  half  an  hour's  examination  he 
exclaimed  :  "  We  must  give  Bernini  another  commission, 
despite  the  objections  of  his  opponents  :  people  who  do  not 
want  his  works  must  not  allow  them  to  be  brought  to  their 
notice."  ^ 

l^ernini  was  at  once  sent  for  and  commissioned  to  carry  out 
the  model.  Thus  a  decisive  hour  of  his  life  had  struck  :  he 
had  recovered  the  papal  favour.  Evil  tongues  spread  the 
rumour  in  Rome  that  besides  the  clay  model,  the  artist  had 
had  another  made  of  solid  silver  which  he  had  presented  to  the 
all  powerful  Olimpia.^    However,  there  was  no  need  of  such 

'  KiRcuKR,  Obeliscus  Pamphilius,  Romae,  1650,  and  (Edippus 
spgyptiacus,  4  vols.,  ■ibid.,  1632-1654.  C/ .Canxellieri,  Mercfl/o, 
42  seqq.  ;  Marucchi,  GH  obelischi  Egiziani  di  Roma,  Roma,  1898, 
129    seq.  ;      Seuringer,    Die   Obelisken   Rows,    Augsburg,    1923, 

37  -^f?- 

-  Baldiuucci,  edit.  Riegi.,  147  ;    Fraschetti,  iSo. 
^  1'rasciietti,  loc.  cii. 


404  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

shifts  to  win  over  a  connoisseur  like  Innocent  X.  Bernini 
had  already  given  proofs  of  his  mastery  by  his  plans  of 
fountains  under  Urban  VIII. ^  On  this  occasion  also  he  solved 
in  superlatively  brilliant  fashion  the  dilftcult  problem  of 
connecting  an  obelisk  with  a  fountain.  But  the  task  had  not 
been  an  easy  one.  Some  of  his  preliminary  sketches,  which 
have  been  preserved,  show  how  he  wrestled  with  the  problem. 
The  essential  idea,  that  of  an  obelisk  rising  from  a  rock 
pierced  by  caverns,  appears  already  in  one  of  the  earliest 
drawings  in  which  armorial  shields  held  by  aquatic  divinities 
form  the  link  between  the  rock  and  the  immense  stone  colossus. 
Another  drawing,  preserved  at  Windsor,  carries  this  idea  a 
step  further  ;  here  the  figures  of  the  river  gods  are  seated 
at  the  corners  ;  under  each  of  them  is  a  fancifully  modelled 
shell-shaped  basin  supported  by  water-spouting  dolphins. 
In  the  end  Bernini  rejected  this  artificial  composition  ;  the  idea 
of  a  grotto,  which  was  only  hinted  at  in  the  earlier  designs, 
is  once  more  clearly  emphasized  in  the  model  of  the  Casa 
Giocondi.  The  work  was  carried  out  according  to  a  uniform 
plan  in  which  the  worlds'  four  great  rivers  were  given  a 
predominating  expression.^  To  this  end  the  river  gods  were 
executed  in  marble  so  as  to  form  a  strong  and  picturesque 
contrast  to  the  warm  tone  of  the  cream  coloured  travertine 
employed  in  the  construction  of  the  grotto.^ 

This  cave,  situate  in  the  centre  of  a  circular  basin  enlivened 
by  the  figures  of  two  fishes  and  lying  a  little  below  the  level 
of  the  piazza,  consists  of  enormous  travertine  blocks  and  is 
pierced  on  four  sides.  It  is  similarly  divided  into  four  parts 
at  the  bottom  and  contains  the  giant  figures  of  the  chief  rivers 
of  the  then  known  four  parts  of  the  world.  The  Nile,  the 
personification  of  Africa,  veils  his  head  to  signify  the  obscurity 
which  then  shrouded  his  sources.  In  his  right  hand  he  holds 
a  shell  adorned  with  Innocent  X.'s  coat  of  arms  ;  to  his  left 
rises  a  palm-tree  and  a  lion  issues,  roaring,  from  the  grotto. 

1  Cf.  our  data,  XXIX.,  512. 

-  H.  Voss  in  Jahrb.  der  preuss.  KunstsauiDiL,  XXXI.,  no. 
^  Benkard  (22)  in  particular  draws  attention  to  this  picturesque 
effect.    See  also  ]\Iunoz,  Bernini,  18  seq. 


FOUNTAIN    OF    THE    TOUR    RIVERS.  405 

Ihc  Danube  (Europe)  leans  back  and  looks  with  amazement 
at  the  obelisk  ;  by  its  side  a  rose  grows  out  of  a  cleft  in  the 
rock.  The  Ganges  (Asia)  holds  a  long  oar  in  its  right  hand.^ 
The  Rio  de  la  Plata  (America)  is  represented  as  a  Moor  ; 
by  his  side  there  are  some  cactuses  and  a  number  of  coins 
s\'mbolizing  the  metal  wealth  of  the  new  world,  and  a  fanciful 
monster. 

On  the  summit  of  the  rock,  down  whose  flanks  rush  the 
waters  of  the  Acqua  Vergine,  the  slim,  reddish  obelisk  rises 
securely  and  gracefully,  its  tip  crowned  with  a  resplendent 
metal  cross  and  the  Pamfili  dove.  Work  on  this  grandiose 
scheme  began  in  1047.  In  August  1648,  the  obelisk  was  in 
its  place.  The  undertaking  proved  as  diflicult  as  it  was 
costly.  The  people  began  to  grumble,  all  the  more  so  as 
a  fresh  ta.\  had  been  imposed  to  meet  expenditure.  In  June 
Kiol,  the  work  was  completed.  It  was  still  covered  up  when 
the  Pope  came  to  inspect  it  on  the  evening  of  June  <Stli.  Tour 
days  later  the  water  was  turned  on  and  the  covering  removed.'^ 
The  supreme  direction  of  the  work  had  been  in  the  hands 
of  Bernini  who  left  the  execution  of  the  figures  to  his  pupils. 
They,  as  appears  from  the  terracottas  in  the  archaeological 
museum  in  Venice,  strictly  followed  the  plastic  models  of  the 
master.  Francesco  Barrata  executed  the  figure  of  the  Rio 
de  la  Plata,  Claudio  Porissimi  the  Ganges,  Antonio  Raggi  the 
Danube  and  Giacomo  Antonio  Fancelli  the  Nile.-'' 

The  boldness  of  the  mighty  work,  its  majestic  movement, 
the  masterly  combination  of  rock  and  water,  make  it  impossible 
for  the  visitor  to  Rome  ever  to  forget  the  fountain  of  the 
four  rivers.  \\'ith  it  Bernini  created  a  new  type  ;  here  the 
characteristics  of  the  element  of  water  and  its  mysterious 
powers   were    for   the   first    time   gi\en    plastic   expression.* 

'  This  is  now  nii.ssing. 

"  See  Gigli  in  Cancellieri,  Mercato,  59  ;    Arch.  Rom.,  II.,  259. 

'  Fraschetti,  180  scq.  ;    Voss,  loc.  cit.,  iii  scq. 

*  Voss,  loc.  cit.,  I2<).  Cf.  Hui.\cKM.\NX,  lUtrock^kttlptuy,  II., 
244  scq.  ;  Benkaru,  21  seq.  ;  W.  \Vi;isbach,  Die  Kinist  des 
Barock  in  Italicn,  Berlin,  1924,  31  ;  Friedlander,  Rom.  Barock- 
bniiiiu'H,  Leipzig,   1922,  9. 


406  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

The  genius  of  the  master  is  hlcewise  revealed  by  the  exceedingly 
happy  manner  in  which  he  correlated  the  fountain  with  its 
surroundings.  "  From  whatever  angle  one  looks  at  it,  it 
presents  a  complete  picture  ;  from  whatever  point  one  views 
it,  the  beholder  is  impressed  by  the  grandeur  of  the  design 
which,  with  the  utmost  boldness,  as  it  were,  raises  the  heavy 
mass  of  the  obelisk  into  the  sky  above  the  everlasting  play 
of  the  waters."  ^ 

The  full  effect  of  the  masterpiece  was  especially  felt  on 
the  occasion  of  the  peculiar  spectacle  which,  after  1652,^ 
was  wont  to  take  place  in  the  Piazza  Navona  during  the  heat 
of  August.  By  stopping  the  pipes  which  carried  away  the 
water,  the  whole  piazza  was  flooded.  Whilst  the  people 
paddled  to  cool  themselves,  the  gentry,  instead  of  driving 
in  the  Corso,  drove  round  the  fountain,  which  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  was  the  centre  of  all  the  many  public  festivities 
which  used  to  be  held  in  this  magnificent  piazza.  Probabty 
no  fountain  in  the  world  has  enjoyed  the  same  popularity 
as  that  of  the  four  rivers.  From  the  first,  legends  were  woven 
around  it,  and  charming  anecdotes  became  connected  with 
it.  Thus  it  was  said  that  on  the  occasion  of  its  unveiling  the 
Pope  asked  Bernini  with  some  irony  :  "Is  that  all  ?  We 
have  come  to  inspect  a  fountain,  but  we  can  see  no  water." 
Thereupon  the  master  pleaded  that  the  monument  was  still 
unfinished,  but  as  the  Pope  was  about  to  leave,  he  had  the 
taps  opened  when,  amid  general  admiration,  the  water  began 
to  spout  and  to  gush  forth  on  all  sides. ^  Another  legend 
is  to  the  effect  that  Bernini's  enemies  having  spread  the 
rumour  that  the  obelisk  threatened  to  collapse,  the  master 
mingled  with  the  populace  and,  in  order  to  calm  the  critics  for 
whom  the  catastrophe  was  too  slow  in  coming,  he  had  the 

^  BoHN,  Benini,  82. 

2  CiAMPi,  304.  The  popular  rejoicings  only  fell  into  desuetude 
in  the  'sixties  of  the  igth  century.  Old  illustration  in  Munoz, 
Roma,  322. 

*  See  Baldinucci,  edit.  Riegl,  154  scq.  ;  A.  Cassio,  Corso 
dcir  Acqiic  antiche,  I.,  Roma,  1756,  299. 


FOUNTAIN    OF   THE    FOUR    RIVERS.  407 

obelisk  fastened  by  thin  threads  to  the  neighbouring  houses. 
Everybody  laughed  and  Bernini  left  amid  the  acclamations 
of  the  crowd. ^  The  symbolism  of  the  fountain  also  provided 
matter  for  ironical  comments  ;  thus  it  was  said  that  the  Nile 
veiled  his  head  so  as  not  to  be  obliged  to  look  at  Borromini's 
facade  of  the  church  of  St.  Agnes. ^ 

Innocent  X.  had  four  inscriptions  placed  on  the  fountain. 
A  medal  was  also  struck  and  he  forbade  the  disfigurement 
of  the  piazza  by  traders'  stalls.^  The  inscription  on  the  north 
side  shows  the  survival  of  Si.xtus  V.'s  idea  of  making  the 
monuments  of  paganism  subservient  to  Christianity.*  It 
gives  the  following  explanation  of  the  symbolism  of  the 
dove  and  the  cross  on  top  of  the  monument  :  "  Above 
Egyptian  monsters  (supposed  to  be  represented  by  the  hiero- 
glyphs), the  guileless  dove  is  enthroned  (viz.  true  religion 
crushes  superstition)  ;  with  the  olive-branch  in  its  beak, 
and  crowned  with  the  lilies  of  the  virtues,^  it  makes  of  the 
obelisk  the  symbol  of  its  victory  and  triumph  in  Rome."  ® 
The  Pope  made  the  artist  a  gift  of  5,000  scudi,  and  to  his 
eldest  son  he  granted  a  canonry  at  St.  Peter's.'  In  1650, 
he  commissioned  the  artist  to  erect  another  family  palace  on 
the  site  of  an  antique  theatre  on  Monte  Citorio,  but  that 
building  never  got  beyond  the  second  story.* 

How  greatly  Bernini's  fame  was  enhanced  by  the  fountain 

'  See  D.  Bernini  in  Cancellieri,  Mercato,  41  ;  cf.  \.  \alli:, 
Una  leggenda  intorno  alia  fontana  dei  quattro  fuimt  in  Piazza 
Xavona,  Roma,  19 13. 

»  The  fountain  was  completed  by  165 1,  whereas  Borromini 
only  undertook  the  erection  of  S.  Agnesc  in  1653. 

•  Cancellieri,  44  seq.,  59,  where  there  are  details  011  the 
many  poems  occasioned  by  the  fountain  ;  rf.  also  Ciampi, 
301  seq.  ;     Guidi,  Fontane,  77. 

«  Cf.  our  data.  Vol.  XXII.,  240. 

''  Innocent  X.'s  arms  show  three  lilies  above  a  dove. 

•  ClACONlus.  IV.,  650  ;    EuRlNGER,  Die  Obelisken  Roins,  40. 
'  See  Saggiatore,  1844,  No.  i,  p.  3S3. 

•  Fraschetti,  L'esposizione  Benuviana  a  luniia,  Roma,  1899, 
12  5^17.    CJ.  W.  ^^■EISBAC1I,  Kioist  dcs  Barock,  28. 


408  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

of  the  four  rivers  appears  from  the  numerous  poems  it  inspired 
at  the  time.^  Someone  even  wrote  a  comedy  in  honour  of 
the  Pamfih  and  the  artist.  Everybody  admired  the  fountain  ; 
by  it  Bernini  had  made  himself  famous  for  all  time,  it  was 
said. 2  "  The  fountain  is  one  of  the  finest  artistic  creations 
in  Europe,"  a  Frenchman  wrote  immediately  after  its  unveil- 
ing.^ It  has  inspired  a  number  of  artists,  especially  French 
ones,  as  well  as,  at  a  later  date,  the  German  Schliitcr's  creation 
of  the  four  slaves  on  his  monument  of  the  Grand  Elector  in 
Berlin.  The  latest  adaption  of  the  idea  may  be  seen  in  the 
groups  of  statuary  in  the  gardens  of  Versailles,  Caserta, 
Aranjuez  and  Schonbrunn.^ 

When  it  was  decided  to  reconstruct  Gregory  XIII.'s 
fountain  opposite  the  Pamfili  palace,  it  was  natural  to  employ 
Bernini.  He  retained  the  existing  structure,  but  placed  in 
the  centre  the  figure  of  a  marine  god  holding  a  water-spouting 
dolphin.  The  fact  that,  as  in  the  personification  of  Africa 
on  the  fountain  of  the  four  rivers,  he  gave  the  figure  the  features 
of  a  negro,  was  probably  inspired  by  the  reports  of  foreign 
missionaries  which  were  very  popular  reading  in  Rome  just 
then.    The  "  Moro  "  was  executed  by  Giovan  Antonio  Mari.^ 

In  order  to  enhance  the  harmony  and  the  character  of  the 
Piazza  Navona,^  Innocent  X.  resolved  to  replace  by  a  new 
building  the  old  church  of  St.  Agnes  which  was  hidden  by 
houses.  He  also  thought  of  transferring  the  fair  to  another 
locality,  and  of  concentrating  in  this  most  centrally  situated 

1  See  above,  p.  407,  n.  3,  and  M.  Menghini,  Le  lodi  e  grandezze 
della  Aguglia  e  Fontana  di  Piazza  Navona.  Canzonetta  di  Fr. 
Ascione  (1657),  published  for  Nozze-Cian-Sappa-Flandinet,  1894. 

2  C/.  Spicil.  Vat.,  I.,  118. 

3  Denis,  I.,  263  ;  cf.  Cassiano  del  Pozzo's  opinion  in  I\Iiscell. 
di  stor.  ital.,  XV.  (1875),  194. 

*  GuiDi,  Fontane,  78,  and  Voss,  loc.  cit.,  112,  also  draw 
attention  to  the  direct  but  stiff  and  unintelligent  imitation 
on  the  Columna  del  Triunfo  at  Cordoba  (1765-1781). 

^  CiAMPi,  305  ;  Fraschetti,  201  seq.  ;  Voss,  loc.  cit.,  124  seq.  ; 
GuiDi,  Fontane,  78  seqq. 

8  Brinckmann,  Platz  und  Monument,  Berlin,  1923,  92. 


CHURCH    OF    ST.    AGNES.  409 

square  the  offices  of  the  notaries  and  cursnri  who,  until  tlien, 
had  been  scattered  all  over  the  city,  to  the  great  inconvenience 
of  the  public.^ 

The  new  sacred  edifice  was  intended  to  serve  as  a  family 
church, 2  like  the  one  the  Borghese  possessed  in  the  Capella 
Paolina  at  St.  Mary  Major.  Here  the  Pope  wished  to  have 
his  last  resting  place.  A  rotunda  seemed  to  recommend 
itself  for  this  purpose,  ail  the  more  so  as  such  a  structure 
would  best  harmonize  with  the  lines  of  the  piazza. 

On  August  15th,  16r)2,  Cardinal  Giovan  Battista  Pamhli 
laid  the  foundation  stone  of  the  church  of  St.  Agnes  on  which 
Girolamo  Rainaldi  and  his  son  Carlo  worked  for  a  period  of  one 
year.  The  supreme  direction  was  in  the  hands  of  the  nephew 
Camillo  Pamfili,  who  instructed  Rainaldi  to  construct  a  flight 
of  steps  of  such  size  as  would  have  disfigured  the  whole 
piazza.  The  Pope  noticed  this  on  SS.  Peter  and  Paul's  day, 
1653.  He  took  the  nephew  severely  to  task  over  it,  and  both 
he  and  Rainaldi  were  dismissed  from  their  posts  of 
superintendents  of  the  construction,  which  was  thereafter 
entrusted  to  Borromini.  The  work  was  vigorously  pushed 
forward  up  to  the  Pope's  death,  but  it  was  only  completed 
in  the  seventies  of  that  century.^ 

'  This  appears  from  a  memorial  of  Propaganda  to  Innocent  X. 
in  1652,  Propaganda  Archives,  363,  p.  65. 

-  For  this  reason  the  cardinalitial  title  was  transferred  to 
S.  Agncse  fuori  le  Mura  on  October  5,  1654. 

'  Canxellikri,  Mcrcato,  log  seqq.,  iii,  113  ;  Hpimpki,,  Rainaldi, 
2<)  sc(j.  De  Rossi  reports  {*Istoria,  Vat.  8873,  p.  115  scqq.,  Ya.t. 
Libr.)  :  "  Passo  dunque  [il  Papa],  come  diccmmo,  c  viddc  con 
ammirazionc  chc  i  cimenti  della  fabrica,  secondo  il  di.segno 
datone  dal  cav.  Carlo  Raynaldi,  si  C-stendevano  in  occupare  non 
l^oco  spazio  di  Piazza  Xavona.  Sua  S^^  che  per  render  qucsta 
piu  ampia  e  disbrigata,  havcva  gia  fatto  buttare  a  terra  Ic  case 
contigue  a  S.  Jacopo  dc'  Spagnuoli,  et  oltrc  al  nobile  edilicio 
deiri-stesso  palazzo  riceveva  la  Piazza  Navona  abbellimento  si 
grande  della  hcllissima  guglia  e  fontana  fattcvi  collocare,  quando 
vidde  la  sproportione  c  ringombro  della  fabrica,  dimando  subito 
adiratamcnte,  con  quali  ordini  ct  autorita  fosse  stato  introdotto. 


410  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

The  church  of  St.  Agnes  is  a  Greek  cross  with  an  apse  ; 
its  sides  are  entirely  faced  with  white  marble  up  to  the  frieze 
where  gilt  stucco  and  paintings  begin.  The  effect  of  the 
interior  is  pleasing  and  imposing,  whilst  the  exterior  has  met 
with  the  approval  of  the  severest  critics.  It  recalls  the 
impression  made  by  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter's  with  Maderna's 
towers.  The  detached  campaniles  harmonize  wonderfully 
with  the  cupola  and  dominate  the  spacious  piazza.^  The 
church  is  a  perfect  example  of  Borromini's  style,  both  in 
the  slim,  pointed  shape  of  the  cupola,  and  the  facade  which 
dominates  the  piazza. 

The  constructions  of  the  Pamhli  in  the  Piazza  Navona 
and  their  Villa  on  the  Janiculus  are  among  the  most  remarkable 
artistic  creations  of  papal  nepotism  in  the  17th  century, 
and  their  splendour  helps  us  in  part  to  forget  the  darker 
side  and  the  weakness  of  such  a  system.  Nevertheless,  however 

Gh  fu  risposto  che  D.  Camillo  I'haveva  comandato  ;  sono  in- 
esplicabili  i  risentimenti  che  ne  face  anco  in  pubUco,  e  condottosi 
poscia  alle  sue  stanze  ne  sbravio  con  tal  vehemenza  di  sdegno 
il  nipote  che  esse  airincontro  non  si  pote  contenere  di  non 
esprimere  il  desiderio  che  aveva  di  vedersi  una  volta  disciolto 
dei  continui  rancori,  nei  quali  per  I'lncontri  del  zio  si  trovava. 
Per  molti  giorni  face  il  Papa  soprasedere  la  fabrica  e  poi  depute 
il  chierico  di  Camera  Msgr.  Franzoni,  toltane  ogni  incumbenza 
a  D.  Camillo  per  sopraintendervi  e  proveduto  di  nuovo  architetto, 
del  Borromino."  Cf.  Cancellieri,  Mercato,  in  ;  Guidi,  Borro- 
niini,  8i  seqq.  An  *Avviso  of  January  23,  1672,  refers  to  the 
consecration  of  S.  Agnese  :  On  Sunday  Cardinal  Gualtieri  con- 
secrated the  church  of  S.  Agnese  in  Navona  :  "  fatta  fabricare 
da  fondamenti  dalla  f.  m.  d'Innocenzo  X.  molto  vaga  et  bella 
ornata  di  oro  e  di  fini  marmi  con  bellissime  colonne  et  statue, 
e  gl'altari  tutti  di  basso  rilievo  di  marmi,  sicome  sara  I'altare 
maggiore  con  superbissimo  organo,  mancandovi  di  dipingere  la 
cuppola,  e  di  farvi  il  deposito  di  domino  Papa  da  esservi  trasportato 
dalla  Basilica  di  S.  Pietro."    Papal  Sec.  Arch. 

1  Bergner,  60.  Cf.  MuSoz,  Roma,  234  seq.,  and  Borromini,  8  ; 
Magni,  16,  63,  64  ;  Briggs,  24  ;  Hkmpel,  loc.  cit.,  35,  and 
Gurlitt's  praise  (393  scq.),  who  still  ascribed  everything  to 
Rainaldi. 


THE    POPES    AND    NEPOTISM.  41I 

much  \vc  may  be  compelled  to  value  the  continued  patronage 
of  the  arts,  and  to  pay  our  tribute  of  admiration  to  what 
was  then  achieved,  the  historian  of  the  Church  cannot  overlook 
the  harm  done  by  the  excessive  favour  shown  by  Innocent  X. 
and  Urban  VIII.  to  their  relatives,  and  the  great  loss  of  prestige 
which  the  Holy  See  suffered  in  consequence.  Like  his 
predecessors,  Paul  III.  and  IV.,  Innocent  X.  also  realized 
this  fact  in  his  more  thoughtful  moments.  However,  the  aged 
Pontiff  was  no  longer  possessed  of  sufficient  energy  to  do 
away  with  an  abuse  to  which  an  end  was  only  put  at  a  later 
period  by  Innocent  XII. 


APPENDIX 

OF 

UNPUBLISHED  DOCUMENTS 

AND 
EXTRACTS  FROM  ARCHIVES 


APPENDIX 

1.     Thk  Cardinal  Skcretary  of  State  to  the  Spanish 

Nuncio  ^ 

Kome,  December  17,  ltS5(J. 

II  sigi"  D.  Diego  de  Silva  Velasquez  della  Camera  di  Sua 
Maesti  Cattolica,  il  quale,  havcndo  qui  dimorato  lungo  tempo 
per  servitio  della  M'-*  Sua,  ha  non  solo  in  esso  adempito  intiera- 
mente  le  sue  parti,  ma  mostrato  ancora  straordinario  valore 
nel  fare  il  ritratto  di  Nostro  Signore  medesimo  ha  porto  materia 
hii,  per  lo  che  mi  ha  imposto  di  scrivere  a  V.  Sig'^  che  nella 
alia  S'^  Sua  d'inclinare  benignamente  ad  ogni  giovamento  di 
pretensione,  che  egli  ha,  di  conseguire  da  Sua  M'^  uno  de*  tre 
habiti  militari,  Ella  promuova  con  ogni  efficacia  Tistanza 
del  sigf  D.  Diego.  Et  io  havendo  ancora  particolari  cagioni  di 
desiderare  a  lui  sodisfazioni  et  augumento,  sono  ad  accertar 
V.  Sig'*  che  rechcro  a  mio  debito  verso  Lei  tutto  cio  ch'Ella 
sara  per  operare  in  vantaggio  di  lui.  E  le  prego  dal  Sig'"''  Dio 
vira   prosperita. 

2.    The  Holy  See  and  the  Peace  of  Westphalia  ^ 

The  material  for  Chigi's  activity  as  a  mediator  at  the  Peace 
Congress  of  Westphalia,  and  the  Curia's  policy  at  the  time  is 
extraordinarily  plentiful,  and  it  has  been  preserved  in  its 
entirety.  Whatever  Chigi  wrote,  read  or  had  on  his  table 
(luring  his  stay  at  Miinster,  is  almost  completely  before  us. 

One  part  of  the  documents  is  in  the  Papal  Secret  Archives, 
another  and  no  less  valuable  a  section  is  in  the  Chigi  Library. 
In  the  Papal  Secret  Archives  {Xnnziatura  di  -pad,  16-28)  are 
preserved  the  decoded  copies  of  Chigi's  reports  from  Miinster 
and  Aix-la-Chapelle  :  a  complete  series,  together  with  his 
letters  en  chiir,  and  lastly  the  replies  and  instructions  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  in  cypher.  Steinberger  has  made  use  of 
these  documents,  though  onh'  for  the  specialized  purpose  of 


'  Page  20,  n.  2. 
*  Page  04,  n.  i. 


415 


4l6  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

his  valuable  work  on  the  Jesuits  and  the  question  of  peace, 
whilst  he  unfortunately  had  no  access  to  the  material  in  the 
Chigi  Library.  The  first  to  give  some  account  of  this  were 
Gachard  {La  bihliotheque  dcs  Princes  de  Chigi)  and  Ciampi 
in  his  essay  L'epistolario  inedito  di  Fabio  Chigi  poi  Papa 
Alessandro  VII,  in  Atti  dei  Lincei,  CI.  di  scienze  morali, 
Serie  III.,  vol.  i  (1877).  Brom  used  them  in  the  measure  in 
which  his  particular  purpose  required  it,  in  the  third  volume  of 
his  Archivalia. 

When  in  1905,  in  my  capacity  as  Director  of  the  Austrian 
Historical  Institute,  I  resolved  to  examine  the  part  played  by 
the  Holy  See  in  the  great  peace  negotiations  of  the  17th 
and  18th  century,  the  Westphalian  Peace  Congress  was 
entrusted  to  the  Prague  historian,  Dr.  W.  Kybal,  who  had  the 
co-operation  of  a  number  of  members  of  the  Institute,  especially 
that  of  Dr.  von  Lohr,  Dr.  Martin,  Dr.  Stolz,  Dr.  Haid  and 
Dr.  Grosz.  It  was  of  the  utmost  advantage  for  us  that  Prince 
Mario  Chigi  {oh.  1915),  who,  since  1879,  had  most  liberally 
seconded  my  research  work  in  the  Archives,  gave  permission 
to  use  all  the  material  preserved  in  his  library.  How  rich  this 
is  appears  from  the  following  extract  from  the  catalogue  of 
MSS.  : 

All.  Registro  di  lettere  scritte  in  Munster  per  la  pace 
generale  al  sacro  collegio,  a  Papa  Innocenzo  X.,  a'signori 
cardinali  Panzirolo  e  Pamfilo,  dal  1644  al  1645. — Cod.  chart., 
ipsis  annis  scriptus.    In  fol. 

A  I  2 — 5.  Registro  ed  abbozzo  di  lettere  in  confuso  a 
diversi,  in  IV  tomi  divisi,  dall'a.  1631  al  1644. — Codd.  chart, 
praedictis  annis  exarati.    In  fol. 

A  I  6.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Lettere  scritte  da  22  di  Dicembre  1644 
fino  a  26  di  Ottobre  del  1649. — Eorum,  ad  quos  missae  sunt, 
secundum  litterarum  sericm,  index  praecurrit. — C.  ch., 
praedicto  tempore  exaratus.    In  fol. 

A  I  7.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Lettere  italiane  scritte  dal  16  di 
Novembre  di  1649,  fmo  tutto  il  31  di  Dicembre  del  1650.— 
Sequuntur  :  Lettere  latine  scritte  da'  12  di  Dicembre  del 
1649  fino  tutto  il  31  di  Dicembre  del  1650. — Utriusque  linguae 
epistolis  index  litterarum  ordine  praecedit. — C.  ch.,  scr. 
praedictus  annis.    In  fol. 

A  I  9-13.  Scripturarum  ad  pontificium  secretum  missarum 
et  per  numeros  expressarum  acta,  cum  litteris  separatis  Fabii 


APPENDIX,  417 

Chisii,  Nuntii  apostolici  ordinarii  ad  tractus  Rheni,  ct  extra- 
ordinarii  Monasterii  pro  pace  general!,  ab  a.  1644  ad  a.  1650. — 
Ouinque  voluminibus  comprehenduntur  :  nonnullae  italo 
sermone  et  gallico  exaratae  miscentur  ;  singulis  voluminibus 
materiarum  index  praelixus. — Codd.  ch.,  scr.  saec.  xvii.   In  fol. 

A  I  14-18.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Registro  di  lettere  e  cifre  scritte  a 
Palazzo,  mentr'cra  Nunzio  ordinario  al  Reno  e  straordinario  per 
la  pace  generale  a  Munster  di  Vestfalia,  dal  1646  al  1651,  che  fu 
il  suo  ritorno  in  Italia,  comprese  in  V  tomi. — C.  ch.,  scr. 
praedicto  tempore.    In  fol. 

A  I  21.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Registro  di  lettere  a  M*""  Macchiavelli, 
patriarca  di  Constantinopoli,  e  vescovo  di  F"errata,  poi 
cardinalc,  dal  1641  al  1652. — C.  ch.,  praedictis  annis  exaratus. 
In  fol. 

A  I  22.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Registro  di  lettere  scritte  a  monsignor 
Albizzi,  assessore  del  Sant'Offizio,  dal  1639  al  1651. — C.  ch., 
scr.  praedictis  annis.   In  fol. 

A  I  23.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Registro  di  lettere  scritte  da  Munster 
di  Vestfalia...,  e  poi  da  Aquisgrano,  a  monsignor  Camillo 
Meltio,  arciv'O  di  Capoa  e  Nunzio  della  Santa  Sede  appresso 
rimperatore,  dal  1644  al  1652. — C.  ch.,  praedictis  annis. 
In  fol. 

A  I  24.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Registro  di  lettere  scritte  da  Munster 
di  Vestfalia  dal  congresso  per  la  pace  generale,  e  poi  da 
Aquisgrano,  dal  1644  fino  al  1651,  a  monsignor  Niccolo  de' 
conti  Guido,  Nunzio  al  Re  Cristianissimo  Luigi  XIV. — 
(".  ch.,  scr.  praedictis  annis.   In  fol. 

A  I  25.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Registro  di  lettere  a  monsignor  d'Elci, 
arcivescovo  di  Pisa  e  Nunzio  apostolico  in  Venezia,  dal  1647 
al  1651,  e  a  monsignor  Rospigliosi,  Nunzio  in  Madrid,  dal 
1644  al  1652. — C.  ch.,  scr.  saec.  xvii.   In  fol. 

A  I  26.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Negoziato  del  1632  fatto  da  M.  Corsini 
et  da  M.  Chigi,  commissari  sopra  le  controversie  tra  la  Sede 
Apca  e  la  Rep^'*  di  Venezia  per  li  confini  di  Aviano  e  di  Loreo. — 
C.  ch.,  scr.  saec.  xvii.  In  fol. 

A  I  31.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Lettere  a  familiar],  dal  1632  al  1647.— 
C .  ch.,  anep.,  autogr.,  scr.  saec.  xvii.   In  fol. 

A  I  32.  I  Fabio  Chigi]  Lettere  a  diver.si,  dal  1626  al  1643.— 
C.  ch.,  titulo  carens.  autogr.,  praed.  ann.    In  fol. 

A  I  31).  [Fabio  Chigi]  Lettere  a  Don  Augusto  e  Don 
Agostino  Chigi,  dal  1648  al  1654. — C.  ch.,  autogr.,  praed.  In  fol. 

VOL.   .\XX.  K  e 


4l8  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

A  I  40.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Lctterc  a  Don  Mario  Chigi,  dal  1649 
al  1654.— C.  ch.,  autogr.,  ips.    annorum.    In  8°. 

A  I  42.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Memorie,  note  e  polizze  circa  i  trattati 
della  pace  in  Munster  dal  1644  al  1649. — C.  ch.,  autogr.,  saec. 
XVII.    In  4".    (Cfr.  p.  quoted  as  Diarium.) 

A  II  27-29.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Registro  di  lettere  scritte  a  varj 
pcrsonnaggi,  dal  1632  al  1652,  raccolte  in  tre  tomi. — Virorum 
index  singulis  libris  praemittitur. — Codd.  ch.,  dictis  annis  scr. 
In  fol. 

A  I  44-45.  [Fabio  Chigi]  Epistolarum  latinarum  ab  a.  163i) 
ad  a.  1649  variis  ex  locis  datarum  acta,  in  duo  volumina  divisa  : 
utrique  ecrum,  ad  quos  litterae  scriptae  sunt,  iuxta  litteras 
index  praecurrit  ;  intermiscentur  quaedam  italico  et  gallico 
sermone  exarata. — Cod.  ch.,  anep.,  scr.  praedictis  annis. 
In  40. 

A  II  36-46.  Lettere  e  cifre  di  Palazzo  a  monsignor  [Fabio 
Chigi],  vescovo  di  Nardi.  Nunzio  per  la  pace  generale  a 
Munster  in  Vestfalia,  dal  1629  al  1651,  in  XI  tomi  raccolte. — 
Viri,  qui  scribunt,  singulos  tomos  praecedunt. — Codd.  ch., 
autogr.,  scr.  saec.  xvii.    In  fol. 

A  II  47.  Registro  di  cifre  di  Segretaria  di  Stato  a  monsignor 
Chigi,  arcivescovo  [!]  di  Nardi  e  Nunzio  apostolico  al  Reno, 
dal  1646  al  1651. — Scribentium  index  praemissus. — C.  Ch., 
scr.  saec.  xvii.    In  fol. 

A  II  49.  Lettere  della  Congregazione  del  Sant'Offizio  a 
monsignor  [Fabio  Chigi]  Nunzio  di  Colonia,  ed  in  specie  circa 
il  matrimonia  del  duca  di  Lorena,  il  Giansenio  e  le  missioni  di 
Olanda,  dal  1639  al  1648.  Aliquae  latiae  et  galliae  immistae. — 
C.  ch.,  autogr.,  scr.  saec.  xvii.    In  fol. 

A  II  51  52,  III  53-69,  B  I  1-3.  Lettere  su  varie  materie 
scritte  in  diversi  tempi  ad  Alexandrum  VII,  dal  1620  al  1654, 
in  XII  tomi  raccolte. — C.  ch.,  scr.  saec.  xvii.   In  fol. 

B  I  4.  Contarini,  Alvise,  Venetae  reipubhcae  ad  Romanam 
aulam  legatus  :  Lettere  scritte,  da'  13  agosto  1649  a'  29  luglio 
1650,  ad  Alessandro  VII,  mentre  era  Nunzio  in  Colonia. — 
C.  ch.,  scr.  saec.  xvii.    In  fol. 

0  II  46-49.  Lettere  a  varj  personnaggi,  brevi,  decreti, 
relazioni,  e  scritture  su  varie  materie  pohtiche,  dal  1643  al 
1644,  ripartite  in  IV  tomi.  Alia  latine,  aha  gallice  scripta  ; 
singulis  tomis  materiarum  index  praefixus.  Index  IV.  tomi 
est    Fabii    Chisii    manu    exaratus.       Epistolas    et    orationes 


APPENDIX.  419 

aliquorum  viroruni  littciis  illustriuni  iiiistas  repcrics. — (dc/d. 
ch.,  anep.,  set.  saec.  xvii.   In  fol. 

Q  II  54.  Scritture  diverse  spettanti  al  trattato  della  pace  di 
Colonia  e  di  Munster. — Materiarum  index  praecedit  :  haec 
italo,  ilia  gallico  sermone  cxarata. — Saec.  xvii.    In  4°. 

O  III  T)?.  Scritture  per  la  pace  generale  delle  due  corone  di 
Francia  e  di  Spagna  in  Munster,  dall'a.  1044  al  1G49.  Legenda 
nota  praemissa  et  aliae  passim  insertac  manu  i-'abii  Chisii. — 
Saec.  XVII.    In  fol. 

O  III  08.  Scritture  per  la  pace  tra  I'lmperatore  e  il  Re 
di  Francia  in  Munster  dall'a.  1G44  al  lG4i).  Legendae  notae 
scriptae  manu  Fabii  Chisii,  pleraque  gallico  et  latino  scripta 
sermone. — Saec.  xvii.    In  fol. 

Q  III  59.  Generanda,  comes  et  Hispaniarum  Regis  legatus 
et  arbiter  in  pace  Monastcrii  lirmanda  :  Lettere  spagnuole  per 
la  pace  di  Munster,  dal  1654  al  1G49,  a  Fabio  Chigi.  Accedunt 
nonnullae  Imperatoris  et  Galli  ministri  epistolae  ad  eundem. — 
In  fol. 

O  III  GO-63.  Scritture  diverse  del  trattato  di  Munster,  dal 
1G49  al  1G50,  raccolte  in  IV  protocolli.  Praecedunt  nonnulla 
ab  a.  1G38  ad  1643.  Omnia  latine,  itale  e  gallice  exarata. — 
Scr.  saec.  xvii.    In  fol. 

O  III  G5-6G.  Trattati,  concordati  e  lettere  diverse  per  la 
pace  di  Munster,  dall'a.  IGIO  al  1G4G,  raccolte  in  due  tomi. 
Singulis  materiarum  index  praemissus. — Scr.  saec.  xvii. — 
In  40. 

Q  III  69-77.  Scritture,  trattati,  editi,  articoli,  rimonstranze, 
proteste,  lettere  e  cose  simili  per  la  pace  di  Munster,  dall'a. 
1644  al  1649,  divise  in  IX  volumi.  Alia  latina,  alia  itala,  alia 
gallica.  In  1°  vol.  interseruntur  nonnulla  poetica  et  aliqua  in 
hoc  et  in  ultimo  Fabii  Chisii  manu  scripta  ;  praeter  quatuor 
prima,  cetera  indicem  materiarum  habcnt  praefixum. — Saec. 
xvii.    In  40. 

When  all  the  material  had  been  examined,  that  is  botli  that 
in  the  Chigi  Library  and  that  in  the  Papal  Secret  Archives, 
Professor  Dr.  Kybal,  who  had  bestowed  the  utmost  diligence 
on  the  task,  began  to  have  all  the  more  important  pieces 
copied.  In  this  he  was  assisted  by  the  Austrian  Ministry  of 
Education.  The  work  had  so  far  progressed  that  in  his  book 
Das  Oesterreichische  Historische  Institut  in  Rom  1901-1913 
(Vienna,   1914),  Dengel  was  able  to  express  the  hope  that 


420  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

publication  would  begin  in  the  near  future.  But  then  the 
World  War  l^roke  out.  I  still  hope  that  somehow,  with  the 
coming  of  better  times,  the  publication  on  which  Professor 
Kybal  has  bestowed  so  much  toil,  will  be  realized.  Out  of 
consideration  for  him  I  have  refrained  from  printing  some  of 
the  reports. 


3.      Paolo   Casati    S.J.    on    the    Conversion    of   Queen 
Christine  of  Sweden  ^ 

November  19th,  1655. 

Al  M.  R.  P.  in  Christo  P.  Franco  BonelH  della  Compagnia  di 
Giesu. 

Non  posso  lasciare  di  sodisfare  alia  giusta  curiosita  di  V.  R. 
che  ha  desiderato  di  sapere  in  ristretto  e  brevemente,  con 
qual  progresso  sia  andata  la  resolutione  della  Ser^^  Regina  di 
Svetia  di  lasciare  il  regno  e  farsi  cattolica.  Ecco  dunque  breve- 
mente il  fatto.  Comincio  la  Regina  internamente  a  dubitare 
di  molte  cose  della  setta  Luterana,  e  tanto  piii,  quanto  meno 
le  vedeva  spiegate  dalli  suoi  Pastori  (che  cosi  chiamano  cola 
li  predicanti  e  ministri),  onde  con  maggior  attentione  e 
diligenza  studiando  ne'  libri  di  quella  setta,  tanto  piu  si 
confermo  ne'  suoi  dubii,  e  percio  con  sollecitudine  e  straordinaria 
agitatione  di  mente  si  diede  ad  informarsi  di  quanta  sette 
sono  mai  state,  e  per  trovar  se  in  alcuna  potesse  acquietarsi,  et 
in  questo  occupo  lo  spatio  di  cinque  anni  continui  non  man- 
cando  di  conferire  con  piu  dotti  homini,  che  cola  capitassero, 
anche  da  lei  chiamati  ;  ma  non  ritrovando  sodisfattione  in 
alcuna,  si  risolse  di  seguire  quella,  in  cui  era  allevata,  stimando 
che  dal  canto  suo  bastasse  nell'opre  seguire  in  tutto  il  dettame 
della  ragione,  ne  far  cosa,  di  cui  potesse  giamai  arrossirsi ; 
parvele  di  haver  trovato  quiete,  e  cosi  stette  due  anni  in  circa  ; 
ma  il  Signore  Iddio,  che  vedeva  la  sua  buona  volonta,  voile 
illuminarla  neirintelletto  con  eccitar  di  nuovo  la  sollecitudine 
per  trovar  la  vera  fede.     Stava  in  questa  anzieta,  quando 

^  Cf.  this  work,  p.  343  seqq.  Extracts  in  Ranke,  III.,  61  seq., 
183*  seq.  For  Casati  see  Arckenholtz,  I.,  471  ;  Sommervogel, 
II.,  799  seq.  ;     IX.,  2  seq. 


APPENDIX.  421 

giunse  a  Stockolm  un'ambasciatore  di  Portogallo,  chc  seco 
condiiceva  due  Padri  dclla  Comp.  di  Giesu,  uno  de'  quali  era 
il  P.  Antonio  Macedo,  che  serviva  d'interprete  all'ambasciatorc 
con  sua  M'^  ;  quest 'occasione  di  trattare  col  Padre  fece  che 
la  Rcgina  lo  scoprisse  per  huomo  prudente  e  fidato  :  onde 
assicurandosi  della  di  lui  secretezza,  ne  sperando  d'haver  mai 
piu  simile  occasione,  s'indusse  a  persuaderlo  di  partir  nascosta- 
mente,  et  aU'improviso  alia  volta  di  Roma,  consegnandoli  sue 
lettere  indirizzate  al  P.  Franc.  Piccolomini  Generale  della 
Compagnia,  nelle  quali  lo  richiedeva  che  mandasse  doi  Padri, 
e  nominatamente  li  voleva  Italiani,  co'  quali  potesse  conferire 
alcune  cose  di  rehgionc,  dando  intentione  di  farsi  cattolica, 
reconosciuta  ch'  havesse  la  verita.  Giunse  il  P.  Macedo  a  Roma 
sul  fine  di  Ottobrc  del  1651,  dove  trovando  morto  il  P.  Piccolo- 
mini,  diede  le  lettere  al  P.  Vicario,  che  hora  e  Generale.  Egli 
le  apri,  et  essendo  quelle  in  lingua  francese  familiarissima  alia 
Regina,  le  confido  al  P.  Anat  Assistente  di  Francia,  col  quale  e 
col  P.  Assistente  d'ltalia  e  P.  Segretario  consulto  per  elettione 
di  chi  dovea  mandarsi,  et  a  me  tocco  questa  buona  fortuna  ; 
e  si  scrisse  accio  da  Torino  si  spiccasse  il  P.  Franc,  de  Malines, 
e  venisse  a  trovarmi  nel  luogo  assegnato.  Partii  alii  22  di 
Novembre  di  quell'anno  1651,  et  accompagnatomi  per  strada 
col  P.  Malines  arrivammo  a  Stockolm  il  giorno  di  S.  Matthia 
1652,  circa  il  qual  tempo  S.  M'^^  ci  stava  aspettando,  conforme  a 
quello  che  da  Roma  se  I'era  scritto.  Furono  frequentissimi  e 
di  molte  hore  per  volta  li  colloquii  (trovando  la  prudenza  di 
S.  M'^  I'opportunit^  del  tempo  e  del  luogo)  et  assicuro  V.  R. 
che  ho  visto  con  evidenza  gli  effetti  della  divina  bonta,  la 
quale  immediatamente  scioglieva  i  nodi  inestricabili  che 
tenevano  impegnata  la  mcnte  della  Regina,  et  operava  molto 
piu  nel  cuore  di  quello  di  fuori  apparisse.  Ella  havea  tanta 
cognizione  delle  cose  della  religione  cattolica,  che  non  havea 
mcstieri  d'istruzione,  sgombrate  le  nebbie  de'  dubii  che  haveva 
intorno  ad  alcune  cose  particolari  ;  e  la  perspicacia  del  suo 
ingegno,  aiutata  da  una  singolar  gratia  dello  Spirito  Santo, 
facea  che  in  un  coUoquio  si  potesse  discorrere  di  molte  dificolta, 
alle  quali  date  che  havevamo  le  risposte,  che  il  Sig'"  Iddio  ci 
suggeriva  proportionate  alle  interrogationi,  lasciavamo  che  il 
Sig°  Iddio  pefettionasse  I'opra  che  havea  cominciata.  Ella 
finalmente  alia  fine  d'aprile  si  risolse  d'abbracciare  la  santa 
fede  cattolica,  c  perchc  gia   molto  prima   havea  pcnsato  a 


422  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

cio,  ch'clla  dovesse  fare  in  evento  che  a  cio  si  risolvesse  ct, 
in  caso  che  senza  pericolo  della  sua  salute  non  potesse 
congiungere  alio  stato  reale  la  vera  fede,  vedendo  non  esser 
possibile  introdurre  nel  regno  la  rcligionc  cattolica,  ne  fermarsi 
nel  governo  di  essa  senza  pericolo  di  far  cosa  ripugnante  alia 
protestatione  della  vera  fede,  chiaramente  disse,  che  voleva 
rinunciare  al  regno,  e  dissegnatone  il  modo,  subito  spedi  me 
verso  Roma,  accio  per  mezzo  del  P.  nostro  Generale  si  rap- 
presentasse  a  Nostro  Sig^^  Innocentio  X  di  fel.  mem.  et  accio 
io  pighassi  alcune  informationi  spettanti  a  questo.  Partii  di 
Stockolm  con  suo  passaporto  sul  principio  di  Maggio  di  quel- 
I'anno,  ma  non  potendomi  dar  lettera  per  Sua  Santita,  poiche 
non  era  gionto  certo  corriere,  ch'ella  aspettava,  mi  commando 
le  aspettassi  in  Nambourg,  ma  tardando  I'arrivo  del  corriere, 
con  lettera  delli  21  di  Maggio  m'impose,  che  partissi  con  una 
sola  sua  lettera  al  P.  Generale,  ch'era  lettera  di  credenza  a 
quello,  che  io  haverei  esposto,  ma  con  espressa  riserva  di  non 
parlarne  con  N™  Sig^*^,  sinche  non  ricevessi  le  lettere  ch'ella  mi 
havria  mandato  a  Roma  per  mezzo  del  P.  Malines,  che  pensava 
doversi  spedire  dopo  15  giorni.  Non  comparve  mai  il  P.  MaHnes, 
ne  le  lettere,  onde  spediti  gl'altri  negotii  commessimi,  et 
havute  le  informationi  necessarie,  parte  delle  quali  s'hebbero 
dall'Emo  Chigi  ora  N^o  Sig^e  Alessandro  VII,  il  quale  unica- 
mente  era  consapevole  del  butto  sin  da  principio,  partii  sul 
fine  di  Settembre  da  Roma,  et  essendomi  per  strada  per  varie 
contingenze  trattenuto,  giunsi  alia  fine  del  1652  a  Nambourg. 
Ivi  trovai  lettere  di  S.  M'^  che  m'ingiongevano  di  non  passar 
avanti :  avvisai  del  mio  arrivo  e  ricevei  ordine  di  mandare  le 
informationi  portate  e  d'aspettare  il  P.  Malines  ;  ma  tardandoe 
questi,  finalmente  hebbi  licenza  di  tornarmene  in  Italia  circa  la 
meta  di  Marzo  1653,  et  il  penultimo  di  Giugno  giunsi  di  ritorno 
a  Roma. 

Mentre  nell'estate  del  1653  io  era  di  ritorno  a  Roma,  giunse  a 
Stockolm  il  Sig^  D.  Antonio  Pimentel  inviato  dal  Re  di  Spagna, 
che  seco  havea  il  P.  Carlo  Manderscheidt  della  nostra 
Compagnia,  et  ambedue  riconobbero  il  P.  Malines  gia  da  loro 
conosciuto  in  Fiandra  molt'anni  prima.  In  progresso  di  tempo 
S.  M^^  prese  confidenza  nella  prudenza  del  Pimentel,  e  com- 
municatagli  la  risolutione  di  lasciare  il  regno  per  farsi  cattolica, 
e  che  prima  di  venire  a  Roma  volea  ritirarsi  nclli  stati  di 
S.    M'^   Catt^!^,    dovea   D.    Antonio    andare   in    Hispagna   a 


APPENDIX.  423 

rapprescntarlo  al  Re  Ma  non  potcndo  egli  all'hora  andaro,  si 
prcsc  ispcdicntc  d'inviare  un  Padre  Domcnicano  Spagnuolo,  il 
quale,  quand'io  era  in  Svctia,  stava  in  Copponliagen  cappcllano 
del  contc  di  Rebogliedo  ambasciatore  di  Spagna  appresso  il 
Re  di  Danimarca.  Se  questo  Padre  fosse  chiamato  a  posta  o 
ivi  si  trovasse  a  caso,  non  lo  so,  perche  gia  erano  molti  mesi  che 
m'ero  partito  ;  a  lui,  come  a  Religioso  prudente  che  havria 
guardato  il  segreto,  fu  communicata  la  risolutione  gia  presa 
dalla  Regina,  e  fu  spedito  in  Spagna,  dovcndo  poco  dopo 
seguitare  D.  Antonio  ;  ma  questi  tardando  la  sua  partenza,  al 
Padre  Malines,  che  al  fine  di  Marzo  dovea  venire  per  ritornare 
meco  in  Italia,  mando  la  Regina  ordine  di  passare  in  Spagna. 
d'onde  fu  di  ritorno  a  Roma  al  tine  di  Giugno  1653. 

Non  stava  la  Regina  otiosa  per  I'essecutione  de'  suoi 
dissegni,  e  gia  inviava  la  sua  biblioteca,  come  m'avviso  con 
lettera  di  Agosto  1653,  e  con  altre  lettere  scritte  al  P.  Generale 
mostrava  grandissimo  desiderio  di  venire  a  line  de'  suoi 
dissegni,  scmprc  assicurandoci  della  sua  costanza  e  della 
prontczza  per  superarc  ogni  difhcolta.  Ouando  hnalmcnte  con 
una  delli  26  di  P'ebbraio  1654  scritta  da  Upsal  tutta  piena 
d'allegrezza  mi  avviso  di  haver  conchiuso  la  sua  rinoncia  del 
regno,  e  che  con  pretesto  delle  acque  di  Spah  saria  venuta  in 
Fiandra — il  che  s'essegui  com'e  noto  a  tutti.  Si  trattenne 
qualche  tempo  in  Anversa,  poi  andata  a  Bruselles  immediata- 
niente  avanti  la  festa  di  Natale  I'istesso  anno  1()54  alia  presenza 
del  Ser"!*^  Arciduca  Leopoldo,  del  General  conte  Montecuccoli, 
chiamato  da  Vienna  dalla  stessa  Regina,  di  D.  Antonio 
Pimentcl  e  D.  Antonio  de  la  Cucva  fece  privatamente  la 
professione  della  fede  cattolica.  E  perche  molto  si  premeva 
che  la  cosa  si  communicasse  a  quanti  meno  si  poteva,  giudicorno 
di  non  chiamare  altra  persona  ecclesiastica,  havendosi  ottenute 
le  necessarie  facolt^  per  il  Padre  Domenicano,  ricondotto  di 
Spagna  dal  Pimentelli  per  segretario  suo  dell'ambasciata  ;  e 
(juesti  poi  ha  sempre  segretamente  servito  la  Regina  da 
cappellano  e  di  confessore.  Quest'estate  poi  del  1655  scrisse  la 
Regina  a  N^'o  Sig""*^  Alessandro  settimo  dando  a  Sua  S**  parte 
della  risolutione  e  di  venirsene  a  Roma,  e  si  concerto  che 
uscita  da  luoghi  mescolati  d'eretici,  in  Inspruck  facesse 
publica  professione  della  fede  cattolica,  com'ella  ha  fatto  alii 
3  di  Novcmbre,  con  quelle  circostanze  che  per  esser  note  a 
V.  R.  non  giudico  di  replicare,  bastandomi  con  questo  semplice 


424  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

e  breve  racconto  di  haver  soddisfatto  al  desiderio  che  ho  di 
dichiararmi. 

D.  V.  R. 
dal  Collegio  Romano  li  19  Novembre  1655. 

UmiHssimo  servo  nel  Sig""^ 

Paolo  Casati 
della  Compagnia  di  Giesu  ". 
[Contemporary  copy  in  the  State  Archives,  Modena, 
Documenti  di  Stati  Esteri,  Svezia,  B*^  I.] 

4.  Memorandum  of  P.  Sforza  Pallavicino  for 
Alexander  VII.  on  the  Benefices  of  the  Nephews  ^ 

May  9th,   1656. 

He  thanks  the  Pope  for  his  confidence.  He  discusses  the 
reasons  for  and  against  calhng  the  nephews.  He  then  proceeds  : 

"  Per  evitar  i  narrati  incomodi  dell'una  e  dell'altra  parte  io 
non  veggo  altro  modo  se  non  quello  che  le  accennai  nell'ultima 
audienza,  cioe  che  la  S'^  V.  col  publicare  la  risolutione  di 
chiamare  i  signori  suoi  parent!  promulgasse  anche  una  bolla 
giurata  ad  lei  e  da  tutti  i  cardinah,  la  qual  e  necessaria  a  due 
cose  :  Tuna  da  assicurar  il  mondo  della  sua  futura  moderazione, 
della  quale  non  si  fidara  mai  in  altra  maniera,  havendo  veduto 
questo  primo  passo  ed  anche  I'esempio  degh  antecessori, 
ciascun  de'  quali  ha  cominciato  protestando  di  voler  esser 
moderato  e  poi  ha  dato  in  eccessi.  L'altra,  obligare  i  successori 
all'imitazione,  gia  che  un  motivo  principale  della  chiamata  e 
lasciare  un  esempio  imitabile. 

In  questa  bolla  si  potrebbe  prescrivere  quello  che  i  Papi  al 
piu  dovessero  dar  a  i  loro  parenti,  non  gia  con  tanta  strettezza 
quanta  V.  S'^  disegna  rispetto  a  se,  perche  io  stimo  che  a 
questa  i  pontefici  non  siano  obhgati,  ma  dentro  a  quel  concetti, 
tra  quali  si  custodisse  insieme  la  discrezione  c  la  edificazione, 
aggiugnendosi  che  quando  fusser  piii  il  successore,  debba 
ritorlo  con  tutte  le  altre  cautele,  per  le  quali  habbiamo  vedute 
osservate  le  bolle  di  Pio  e  di  Sisto. 

Oltre  a  cio  dovrebbe  contenere  la  medesima  bolla  che  non 
debbano  i  Papi  promuover  al  cardinalato  alcun  de'  loro  parenti 

1  Cf.  Vol.  XXXI..  p.  24. 


APPENDIX.  425 

se  non  dopo  tanto  tempo  di  vita  clcricale  c  di  prclatura,  il 
chc  sarebbc  di  grand'cditicazione  per  molti  capi  c  terrebbe  in 
ofifizio  fra  tanto  qucllo,  il  qiial  suol  poi  csser  I'arbitro  del 
pontificate  e  darcbbe  commodity  al  Papa  et  agli  altri  di  conos- 
cerlo  nell'esperienza.  E  sc  V.  S'^  non  provede  a  questo  con 
bolla  da  sc  giurata,  non  potra  difendersi  ella  medesima  dalle 
violenti  istanzc  de'  principi,  i  quali  pcnsaranno  di  guadagnarsi 
il  signer  D.  Flavio  con  strappar  dalle  mani  di  V.  S^*  in  poche 
settimane  iin  cappelle  per  lui.  E  pure  la  sua  gioventu  e 
I'essere  state  fin  hera  secolare  non  par  che  lo  renda  mature 
a  questa  dignita  nc  secendo  I'idea  di  Christe  ne  secendo  di 
([uella  della  S'^  V.  E  finalmente  converrebbe  statuire  in  questa 
bolla  che  a  si  fatti  cardinali  non  si  petesse  dar  piu  che  una 
entrata  ragienevele,  per  esempie  di  12™  scudi,  il  che  sarebbe 
di  gran  conselatiene  al  Collegio. 

Terze  potrebbe  V.  S^*  ordinare  che  i  signori  suei  congiunti 
trattassere  con  assai  minor  altura  chc  non  hanne  usata  i 
passati  nepeti  de'  Papi.  II  che  cagienarebbe  edificazione  et 
amorc.  E  cio  senza  verun  pregiudizio,  perche  non  essende 
quclla  magnifica  scena  de'  nipoti  de'  Papi  durabilc  dopo  la 
morte  del  zio,  e  meglio  mcttcrli  in  poste  d'onde  poi  non  debban 
calare. 

Quarto.  Potrebbe  dichiararsi  la  S.  V.  publicamente  in 
concistere  che  da'  cardinali,  i  quali  elle  e  per  fare  in  sua  vita, 
non  richiede  per  gratitudine  che  nc'  cenclavi  futuri  seguane 
altri  che  Criste,  anzi  che  riputera  ingrati  a  lei  quelli  che  pre- 
cederanno  ivi  con  altro  rispette. 

Con  questi  concettini  la  chiamata  di  quei  signori  puo 
riuscire  utile  c  non  dannesa  al  governo  nc  scandalosa  al 
cristianesimo,  anzi  d'edificazione." 

[Chigi  Librarv,  Rome,  C.  Ill,  70,  p.  156-9.] 

7).   Instruction  for  B.\ldeschi,  Nuncio  in  Switzerl.and  ^ 

1665. 

"...  QucUi  Pontefici  che  messi  da  smisurate  zele  stabilireno 
che  setto  pena  di  scemunica  nen  si  devesse  pratticar  cegli 
eretici,  non  ebbere  mai  la  mira  d'includcr  colore  che  dovevane 
affaticarsi  alia  lora  conversiene  :    et  in  fatti  come  e  possibile 

'  Cf.  Vol.  XXXI.,  p.   14S. 


426  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

di  tirar  gl'herctici  alia  nostra  fcdc,  sc  non  si  pratticano,  se  non 
si  conversa  con  cssi  loro  ? 

lo  non  dico  die  V.  S.  cntri  a  trattato  alcuno  con  i  Cantoni 
protestanti,  ne  comunicar  con  i  loro  deputati  ;  ma  bensi 
di  levarsi  ogni  scrupulo  di  conversar  con  i  loro  particolari,  et 
e  certo  che  quei  Nuntii,  che  sono  stati  li  piu  retinenti  a  far  cio, 
sono  quelli  che  hanno  meglio  riuscito  ne'  negotiati  e  che  hanno 
rotto  e  non  risarcito  i  trattati." 

Conviene  conoscer  prima  gl'humori  particolari  degl'huomini, 
chi  vuol  ben  negotiare  cogl'huomini  public!  delle  nationi  ; 
che  pero  il  conversar  di  quando  in  quando  con  le  persone  civili 
dei  Cantoni  protestanti  e  I'ordinare  alii  suoi  domestici  che 
faccino  lo  stesso,  non  puo  portar  che  grandi  avvantaggi  alia  sua 
Nunziatura,  perche  in  questa  maniera  imparera  a  conoscere 
li  loro  humeri ;  sopra  di  che  le  sara  piu  facile  di  fondare  quel 
tanto  che  deve  negotiare. 

Oltre  a  questo,  conversando  V.  S.  li  protestanti  con  quella 
gentilezza  e  prudenza  che  sono  state  sempre  naturali  alia  sua 
persona,  portara  un  gran  beneficio  alia  nostra  religione 
medesima  et  aprira  tanto  maggiormente  la  strada  alia  con- 
versione  di  quei  popoli,  quali  hanno  impresso  nell'animo,  come 
ancora  tutti  gl'altri  protestanti  del  mondo,  il  cattivo  concetto 
che  noi  habbiamo  di  loro  e  I'avversione  che  verso  di  loro  hanno 
i  nostri  popoli,  che  si  muovono,  se  non  per  altra,  per  questa 
ragione  ad  odiarci  e  a  star  costanti  alia  loro  durezza  ;  onde 
bisogna  con  la  frequentatione  disingannarli  a  puoco  a  puoco 
della  opinione  che  hanno  che  noi  li  odiamo,  e  fargli  conoscere 
che  il  nostro  humore  e  contrario  alia  loro  imaginatione.  Cosi, 
se  una  volta  saranno  spogliati  della  avversione  che  hanno  per 
noi,  si  rendera  facile  il  modo  d'istruirli  ncUa  nostra  dottrina, 
particolarmente  nei  punti  che  essi  ignorano  e  che  noi  siamo 
obligati  di  farli  conoscere. 

Non  sono  20  anni  che  alcuni  deputati  d'un  certo  luogo  del..., 
che  non  voglio  nomare  per  qualche  consideratione,  andarono 
per  negotiare  nella  corte  d'un  principe  d'alto  grido,  ma  quello 
ch'e  piu  curioso,  essi  avevano  intrapreso  la  deputatione  con 
ferma  speranza  di  guadagnar  tutto,  perche  s'imaginavano 
questa  corte  plena  d'huomini  di  puoca  esperienza,  et  accet- 
tuatone  un  solo,  mettevano  tutti  gl'altri  alia  dozzena  ;  e 
pure  li  ministri  di  questa  corte  per  lungo  spatio  di  tempo  si 
erano  assuefatti  nel  trattare  con  li  ministri  di  molti  principi 


APPENDIX.  427 

negl'affari  e  negotiati  })iu  iinportaiiti  dcU'Europa  ;  ct  cssi 
non  havcvano  mai  ncgotiato  altro  che  (lualchc  cause  civile  di 
diccc  scudi,  o  per  lo  piu  esscrcitati  a  condannare  alcuna 
puttanella  alia  frusta  ;  tanto  piu  che  essendo  restati  puoco 
men  che  due  mesi  in  detta  corte,  si  viddero  loro  stessi  ligati  con 
(luei  niedesimi  lacci,  con  i  quali  credevano  ligar  gl'ahri,  e 
posti  in  un  labirinto,  di  dove  non  poterono  svilupparsi  che 
con  puoca  loro  riputazione  e  con  danno  notabile  del  loro 
principe. 

Somigliantc  cosa  successe  ad  un  nostro  Monsignore  assai 
bene  conosciuto  da  V.  S.,  il  quale  nel  pontificato  di 
Urbano  VIII  fu  eletto  per  essercitar  la  Nuntiatura  nella 
Svissa,  che  abbraccio  volentieri,  havendo  ancor  egli  negl'affari 
politici  maggior  fumo  che  arrosto,  essendosi  posto  in  testa  di 
poter  ridurre  in  breve  tutta  la  parte  heretica  in  cattolica  e 
tutta  la  cattolica  obligar  a  riconoscere  il  Pontihce  per  arbitro 
sovrano  di  tutti  gl'affari  civili  e  criminali  de'  Cantoni.  Fondava 
questi  suoi  pensieri  e  ventose  intraprese  sopra  alcune  historic 
\'ecchie  lette  da  lui  e  sopra  certi  rapporti  interessati  riferiti  piu 
tosto  per  ridere  che  per  altro,  quali  gli  havevano  preoccupato  lo 
spirito  e  ridottolo  a  credere  che  gli  Svisseri  erano  huomini  di 
grosso  legname,  mercenarii  della  loro  vita  istessa  da  loro 
ordinariainente  venduta  per  denari,  ignoranti  di  lettere,  puoco 
assidui  nella  lettura  dei  buoni  libri  e  costumati  ad  imbriacarsi 
dalla  mattina  ftno  alia  sera  ;  che  pero  stimava  egli  facile  di 
guadagnar  tutto  sopra  lo  spirito  di  huomini  si  fatti  ;  onde  nel 
viaggio  in  quelle  parti  andava  dicendo  ad  alcuni  suoi  piu 
confidenti  che  sperava  in  breve  di  poter  mettere  i  Svisseri 
tutt'insieme  in  un  fiasco. 

Ma  giunto  alia  giurisditione  della  sua  Nuntiatura,  trovo 
le  cose  molto  diverse  da  qucllo  egli  si  era  immaginate,  et  in 
cambio  di  mettere  li  Svizzeri  in  un  fiasco,  si  vidde  egli  medesimo 
posto  dagli  S\'izzcri  in  una  scatola,  e  in  tre  anni  di  Nuntiatura 
non  pote  mai  spuntare  alcuna  cosa  che  fussc  favorevolc  alia 
Sede  Apost.,  e  pure  i  Svizzeri  spuntarono  molti  punti  in 
loro  favore  et  in  detrimento  di  Roma,  che  non  havevano 
mai  potuto  ottenere  in  tempo  dell'altro  Nuntio.  Onde, 
ritornato  doppo  questo  pur  buon  ministro  a  Roma,  andava 
dicendo  per  tutto,  che  "  gli  Svizzeri  erano  grossolani  di  nome, 
ma  non  d'cffetti  "  ;  et  e  certo  che  questa  carica  lo  fece  pcrder 
molto  (li  stima,  e  non  per  altro  forse  se  non  perche  si  era 


428  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

addormentato  sopra  la  speranza  di  dover  trattare  con  popoli 
rozzi  e  di  puoco  valore  ;  che  e  un  grand'errore  proprio  a  far 
perdee  molti  ministri,  quali  devono  sempre  immaginarsi  di 
dover  negotiar  con  huomini  molto  piu  esperti  di  loro,  perche 
questa  immaginatione  I'oblighera  a  studiar  sempre  piu  le 
maniere  di  ben  negotiare. 

Sono  veramente  li  Svisseri  puoco  inclinati  alle  lettere,  perche 
il  loro  mestiere  principale  e  quelle  dell'armi  ;  ad  ogni  modo  vi 
trattengono  di  buonissime  universita  publiche,  dalle  quali  sono 
usciti  sapientissimi  huomini,  ma  in  picciolo  numero,  essendo 
vero  che  generalmente  il  loro  spirito  non  e  delli  piu  sottili  del 
mondo  ne  dei  piu  speculativi  della  terra,  conservando  non  so  che 
di  rozzo,  che  si  crede  generato  dall'asprezze  di  tante  montagne 
che  circondano  quel  paese.  Ma,  sia  come  si  voglia,  havendo  da 
qualche  tempo  in  qua  introdotto  il  costume  di  far  viaggiar 
la  gioventu,  hanno  dato  con  questo  quasi  un'altra  natura  a 
quel  luogo,  e  con  la  prattica  delle  nationi  straniere  si  sono  cosi 
bene  assottigliati  che  al  presente  sorpassano  nella  finezza  quasi 
tutti  gl'altri  popoli  di  Europa.  Onde  un  certo  ministro  di 
sperimentato  valore  che  haveva  lungamente  negotiate  con 
quelli  Cantoni,  si  lascio  intendere  che  questi  popoli  erano 
divenuti  tanto  sottiH,  che  bisognava  stracciare  i  fogli  di  tutti 
quel  libri  che  li  descrivevano  per  grossolani.  Et  io  ho  inteso 
dire  ad  un  Francese,  che  al  presente  era  piu  facile  d'ingannare 
un  cattivo  Spagnuolo  che  un  buon  Svizzero.  Et  in  questi 
sentiment!  s'accordano  molti  altri  ministri  che  negotiano  con 
dette  Cantoni. 

Bisogna  di  necessita  confessare  esser  questi  popoli  molto 
prudenti  et  accorti  nel  maneggiare  i  loro  interessi,  e  dicano 
gl'altri  quello  che  voglioni,  giache  hanno  saputo  mantenersi 
per  si  lungo  tempo  in  liberta  e  vivere  nel  mezzo  d'una  diversita 
si  grande  di  religioni  con  tanta  quiete  tra  di  loro,  oltre  che 
sanno  cosi  ben  fare  i  fatti  loro,  che  i  piu  grandi  principi 
d'Europa  con  solenni  ambasciate  li  ricercano  per  confederarsi 
con  essi  loro,  e  li  trattengono  con  buone  somme  di  danaro, 
e  tra  tante  rotture  tra  Francia  e  Spagna  hanno  saputo  benis- 
simo  e  con  molto  ingegno  mantenersi  con  ambe  le  parti,  cavar 
dall'una  e  dall'altra  immensi  tesori,  e  ben  spesso  per  ragion  di 
politica  si  sono  dati  a  contrapesar  la  bilancia,  potendosi  dire 
che  la  liberta  dell'Italia  e  stata  piu  volte  mantenuta  dal  valore  e 
prudenza  delli  Svisseri  ;    ne  queste  cose  si  operano  che  da 


APPENDIX.  429 

grandi  giudicii  ;    cssendo  vcro  che  sotto  una  cattiva  scorza  si 
nascondc  spesso  un  dolcc  frutto.  ..." 

[Papal  Sec.  Arch.  Xinizicit.  diverse,  242  scq.,  341-4.] 

"...  La  malitia  humana  o  cresciuta  et  avvanzata  si  oltre, 
che  molti  principi  c  scnati  dc'  piu  cattolizzanti  si  vanno 
allontanando  con  ogni  industria  da  quella  continua  obbedienza 
che  doverebbero  prestare  alia  Scde  Apost.,  c  per  lo  piu  tengono 
a  gloria  di  allontanarc  il  Pontefice  da  tutti  li  loro  negotiati,  et, 
in  cambio  di  sottomettersi  a'  suoi  consigli  paterni,non  vogliono 
neanche  communicarli  quel  tanto  che  da  loro  stessi  havranno 
negotiato  con  altri,  scusandosi  con  dire  che  il  Pontefice  non 
deve  ingerirsi  nolle  niaterie  di  stato,  ma  in  quelle  cose  che 
riguardano  I'anima  solamente,  come  se  non  fosse  I'anima  quella 
che  dee  condurre  il  corpo  ad  oprar  bene,  o  che  fusse  possibile  la 
divisione  di  queste  due  parti  ;  e  gi^  si  sa  che  ultimamente  nel 
trattato  di  pace  tra  Francia  e  Spagna  li  plenipotcntiarii  da  per 
loro  accommodarono  tutti  gl'articoli  e,  quel  che  piu  importa, 
anco  in  cio  dove  vi  andava  I'interesse  del  Papa,  senza  che 
gliene  participassero  cosa  immaginabile,  essempio  invero  di 
molto  pregiuditio  alia  grandezza  della  Sede  Apost.  et  alia 
Maestk  pontiticia,  perche  dicono  gl'altri  :  Se  il  Mazarino,  che 
era  cardinale  e  per  conseguenza  obligato  a  portar  inanzi 
gl'interessi  del  Pontefice  et  a  render  la  Maesta  di  questo  di 
maggior  riputatione,  non  volse  ne  meno  che  si  sapesse  che 
egli  havesse  parte  alcuna  a'  trattati  di  quella  pace  procurata 
molto  tempo  prima  dal  zelo  dello  stesso  Pontefice,  perche 
permetteremo  noi  che  detto  Papa  s'introduca  a'  nianeggi 
politici  de'  nostri  stati  e  consigH  ? 

Li  Cantoni  protestanti,  che  sanno  molto  bene  questa  puoco 
buona  dispositione  de'  principi  cattolica  verso  la  Sede  Apost., 
ne  godono  sommamente,  e.ssendo  un  punto  di  gran  conseguenza 
al  loro  mantcnimento  che  la  Maesta  del  Pontefice  perda  di 
concetto  nel  mondo  c  che  la  corte  di  Roma  non  sia  chiamata 
a  parte  di  alcun  maneggio  ;  onde,  come  gia  ne  ho  toccato 
qualche  cosa,  studiano  ogni  industria  per  divertire  i  Cantoni 
cattolici  e  farli  risolvere  a  fare  le  cose  da  per  loro,  senza 
mescolarvi  I'autorita.  del  Papa ;  e  fortificano  questi  loro 
consigli  con  gl'cssempii  de'principi  cattolici  medesimi.  Che 
pero  V.  S.  deve  star  con  gl'occhi  aperti  in  questo  particolare, 
perche,  se  una  volta  s'impossessa  qualche  sinistro  concetto 


430  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

del  Papa  nrlla  iiicntt'  ck'Hi  Svisscri,  potrebbcsi  in  breve  rin- 
versarc  tutta  la  rcligionc  in  quci  paesi.  Certo  e  che  tra  tutti 
li  principi  del  christianesimo  non  se  ne  trova  alcuno  che  sia 
piu  ossequioso  delli  Svisseri  verso  la  Sede  Apost.,  onde  bisogna 
saperli  conservare  procurandoli  qualche  avvantaggio  col  fargli 
vedere  che  I'intentione  di  Roma  non  batte  ad  altro  che  ad 
avvantaggiare  sopra  tutti  gl'altri  i  loro  interessi,  et  in  fatti 
converra  mostrarlo  con  I'opere. 

Fra  le  mani  de'Cantoni  protestanti  vi  sono  un'infinita  di 
beni  ecclesiastici  alienati  e  venduti  da'  loro  magistrati  a  molti 
particolari,  che  li  godono  come  proprii  e  che  conviene  a  nostro 
dispetto,  per  cosi  dire,  lasciargheH  godere,  non  trovandosi 
alcun  rimedio  sino  a  che  la  Providenza  Divina  non  disponga  le 
cose  in  altra  forma  e  non  gh  dia  altra  faccia. 

II  parlar  di  racquistar  tali  beni,  cio  sarebbe  il  metter  tutta  la 
Svissa  in  rivolta,  et  in  questo  s'interessarebbero  gl'Olandesi  e 
tutte  le  altre  citta  de'protestanti,  per  le  conseguenze  che  da 
cio  ne  risultarebbero  a  lor  detrimento.  Ben  e  vero  che  tra  li 
confini  d'alcuni  Cantoni  cattolici  e  protestanti  vi  sono  certe 
cure  e  beni  di  monasterii,  che  essi  protestanti  godono,  quan- 
tunque  confinanti  con  i  territorii  de'  cattolici ;  in  che  potrebbe 
V.  S.  adoprarsi  per  la  restitutione,  se  non  in  altra  forma, 
almeno  con  la  compra  di  detti  beni,  quando  pero  volessero 
consentire  per  levargli  dalle  lor  mani.  .  .  ." 
[Ihid.,  242  seq.,  345-6.] 

G.  The  "  Vita  di  Alessandro  VII  "  of  Sforza  Pallavicixo. 

At  the  time  of  Alexander  VII's  election,  Sforza  Pallavicino's 
famous  History  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  the  first  volume  of  which 
appeared  in  1G56,  was  almost  complete  in  MS.  But  now  he 
undertook  another  historical  task  when  he  began  a  biography 
of  the  reigning  Pope  whose  friend  he  had  been  from  his 
youth. ^  Unfortunately,  the  work  was  never  completed.  The 
cause  was  not,  as  Muratori  affirms  {ad  a.  1656)  and  as  was  long 
believed,  that  his  pen  fell  from  his  hand  when  he  saw  the 
Pope's  nepotism,  for  he  has  left  a  full  account  precisely  of 
this   incident. 2      His  account   reaches   the  year  1659.      On 

'  Cf.  Macchia,  Relazioni  fra  il  P.  Sf.  Pallavicino  e  Fabio 
Chigi,  Torino,   1907. 

'^  Cf.  above,  XXXI.,  p.  22  seqq. 


APPENDIX.  431 

Xoxcinbcr  lOtli  of  that  yvdv  Palla\icino  was  raised  to  the 
purple,  so  that  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  this  event  was 
the  cause  of  the  interruption  of  the  work,  for  Pallavicino 
was  as  conscientious  a  historian  as  he  was  a  conscientious 
Cardinal.  His  duties  as  such  were  more  weighty  than  those  of 
a  liistorian,  hence  the  latter  were  put  on  one  side.  To  this 
must  be  added  the  infirmities  of  age.^  The  continuation  of  the 
Vita  was  put  off.  It  was  only  a  fragment  when  Pallavicino 
died  on  June  5th,  1007,  at  the  age  of  (iO.^  Though  no  one 
thought  of  publishing  it,  it  was  widely  spread  in  manuscript, 
though  often  enough  with  many  errors.  We  find  it  in  the  Papal 
Secret  Archives  {Cod.  Bolognetti,  246-7)  and  in  the  Vatican 
Library  {Cod.  Ottob.  2574-5,  as  well  as  in  the  MSS.  collec- 
tions of  the  Altieri,  Albani,  Barberini,^  Corsini,*  Chigi,  and  in 
the  Alessandrina.'^  Affo  ^  mentions  copies  at  Mantua  and 
Turin,  and  Novaes  one  in  the  library  of  the  Roman  Jesuits." 
Many  of  these  MSS.  are  so  fragmentary  that  Ciaconius  thought 

'  On  July  12,  1664,  Pallavicino  writes  to  Ang.  Correr  :  "  La 
sterilita  della  mia  eta  e  della  mia  coniplessione  mi  predicano  che 
rultimo  volume  della  mia  i.storia,  pur  uscito  ora  a  luce,  sara 
Tultimc)  della  mia  pcniia  "  [Lettere,  III.,  Roma,  184S,  171). 
After  that  Pallavicino  wrote  his  splendid  introduction  to  Christian 
life  and  thought  [Arte  della  perfezione  cristiana)  which  appeared 
in  July,  1665,  inasmuch  as  he  felt  an  obligation  "  di  scriver 
alcuna  cosa  indirizzata  meramente  ad  onor  di  Dio  "  {Lettere, 
I.,  29).  Here  also  he  speaks  of  his  man^-  duties.  Cf.  Luigi  Rossi 
Da  Lucca  in  La  Provincia  di  Teranio,  i(jo2,  No.  42. 

-  His  funeral  inscription,  of  classic  simplicity,  on  the  iloor 
of  S.  Andrea  al  Quirinale,  in  Forcella,  IX.,  120. 

'  Co(/.,  LIV.,  54655.  Latin  translation  entitled  "  Alexandri  VII. 
de  vita  propria  liber  primus  et  tertius  cum  fragmentis  libri 
secundi  "  in  Barb.  2575,  Vat.  Lib.  Cf.  Ranke,  III.,  App.  No.  130, 
who,  as  usual,  gives  no  reference.  This  whole  passage  in  Ranke, 
as  Reumont  {Hist.  Jahrbiich,  V.,  636)  already  obser\ed,  has 
not  been  altered  in  subsrcpient  editions  so  that  it  is  whollv  out 
of  date. 

*  Cod.,  173-4,  729-731. 
•'  Cod.,  II.,  L.,  9. 

*  Metnorie  degli  scrittori   Parmigiaui,  \.,    158  scq 
'  NovAEs,  X.,  195. 


432  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

that  there  was  no  question  of  a  Vita  but  merely  of  a  collection 
of  notes  for  private  use,  for  the  purpose  of  fixing  the  more 
important  events.^  In  reality,  Pallavicino's  Viia  di 
Alessandro  VII.  is  a  finely  executed  biography  of  great 
historical  value.  At  first  only  selections  from  it  were  published, 
as  in  1837  the  description  of  the  plague  in  Rome,^  and  in  the 
following  year  the  Chapter  on  Queen  Christine  of  Sweden.^ 
The  first  complete  edition  appeared  in  1839  at  Prato,  followed 
by  a  reprint  at  Milan  in  1843. 

Although  the  Prato  edition  has  for  its  sub-title  "  tratta  dei 
mighori  manoscritti  esistenti  nelle  biblioteche  di  Roma ", 
it  teems  with  inaccuracies,  so  that  it  was  only  right  that 
Ottavio  Gigli,  the  editor  of  other  works  of  Pallavicino,  should 
prepare  a  new  edition  based  on  a  better  manuscript.*  Unfor- 
tunately, as  a  result  of  the  storms  of  the  revolution,  only  240 
pages  of  the  first  volume  appeared,  that  is  the  first  Book  and 
part  of  Book  II,  up  to  Chapter  V.  The  text  breaks  off  abruptly 
at   the   account   of  Astalli's   elevation   to   the   cardinalate.^ 

^  CiAcoNius,  IV.,  741. 

-  Descrizione  del  contagio  che  da  Napoli  si  communico  a 
Roma  neH'anno  1656  e  de'  saggi  provvedimenti  ordinati  allora 
da  Alessandro  VII.,  estratta  dalla  vita  del  medesimo  che  con- 
servasi  manoscritta  nella  biblioteca  Albani,  opera  inedita  del 
card.  Sf.  Pallavicino,  Roma,  1837. 

3  Descrizione  del  primo  viaggio  fatto  a  Roma  dalla  regina  di 
Svezia  Cristina  Maria  .  .  .  e  delle  accoglienze  quivi  avute  sino 
alia  sua  partenza,  opera  inedita  del  p.  Sf.  Pallavicino,  tratta  da 
un  manoscritto  della  biblioteca  Albani,  Roma,  1838.  The  publica- 
tion gave  rise  to  the  erroneous  notion,  still  held  by  Claretta 
{Christina  X.),  that  Pallavicino  had  written  a  special  history  of 
the  Queen  of  Sweden. 

*  Viia  di  Alessandro  VII.,  Opera  inedita,  pubblicata  secondo 
la  lezione  del  codice  chigiano,  tomo  i,  Roma,  Tipografia  della 
Societa  Editrice  Romana,  1849  (Opere  edite  ed  inedite  del  cardinale 
Sforza  Pallavicino,  tomo  xiv,  1849  :  Biblioteca  classica  sacra 
0  sia  Raccolta  di  opere  religiose  di  celebri  autori  edite  ed  inedite 
del  secolo  xiv  al  xix,  ordinata  e  pubblicata  da  Ottavio  Gigli, 
secolo  xvii,  tomo  xxxi). 

^  At  the  words  :  "  Fu  d'infinita  ammirazione  alia  qual  non 
vedea  nel  "  (Prato  edition,  155). 


APPENDIX.  433 

It  has  become  very  rare.  Giuseppe  Cugnoni,  Professor  at  the 
Roman  University  and  head  of  the  Bibhoteca  Chigiana  up 
to  the  time  of  his  death,  had  planned  a  new  edition,  but  he 
failed  to  find  a  publisher.  Much  of  his  material  was  given  by 
him  to  Professor  Luigi  Rossi  Da  Lucca  for  the  latter's  excellent 
articles  on  "  Sforza  Pallavicino  prosatore ",  unfortunately 
published  in  a  little-known  periodical  {La  Provincia  di  Teramo, 
li)U2,  No.  27-52  ;  1*»03,  1-13).  I  too  owe  much  valuable 
information  to  Cugnoni  not  only  for  the  present  dissertation 
but  for  the  whole  of  my  presentment  of  Alexander  VII. 

The  Chigi  Library  has  the  following  MSS.  of  Pallavicino's 
\'ita  di  Alessandro  VII. 

(1)  E  I  1-5.  Five  small  volumes,  in  4°. 

(2)  D  III  4G  and  47.  Two  volumes  in  folio,  probably  the 
copy  mentioned  by  Affo,  loc.  cit.,  which  had  belonged  to 
Cardinal  Imperiali  and  of  which  there  are  several  copies  in 
the  Chigiana. 

(3)  D  III  41).  One  volume  in  folio,  incomplete. 

(4)  Unsigned  :  "  Vita  di  Alessandro  Papa  settimo  fino  alia 
sua  elezione  in  pontefice,  cioe  fino  a  tutto  il  secondo  libro." 

(5)  D  III  42.  Latin  translation  of  the  Vita,  but  incomplete. 
The  first  of  these  MSS.  is  undoubtedly  the  best.    It  is  the 

real  original  MS.  which  Pallavicino  left  by  will  to  Cardinal 
Flavio,*  who  consigned  it  to  the  Roman  family  hbrary.  There 
the  MS.  remained  long  unnoticed,  until  Luigi  Maria  Rezzi 
lirst  drew  attention  to  it.-  Gigli  also  recognized  its  value  and 
based  his  edition  upon  it,  whereas  the  Prato  edition  is  for  the 
most  part  based  on  the  less  satisfactory  copy  in  the  Albani 
library. 

The  Codices  E  I  1-5  are  by  different  hands,  though  this 
should  not  create  any  difficulties,  for  as  Pallavicino  himself 
informed  the  Pope,  he  had  his  work  written  out  by  copyists,  on 
account  of  his  own  extraordinarily  bad  handwriting.^  That 
this  text  is  the  best  of  all  is  proved  by  the  corrections  of  the 

*  AfTc),  Vila  del  card.  Sf.  Pallavicino,  Roma,  1845,  133. 

^  Cf.  PiETRO  GlORD.\Ni  al  cclcb.  Mons.  A.  Mai,  1820  {Scritti 
cdili  e  postunii.  III.,  404). 

'  Cod.  C  III.,  63,  p.  231,  of  Bibl.  Chigi,  Rome.  Pallavicino's 
bad  handwriting  may  be  seen  in  his  letters  in  the  Bibl.  Casanat., 
Rome. 

VOL.  XXX.  Ff 


434  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

author  which  mingle  with  corrections  from  the  hand  of 
Alexander  VII.  himself,  for  Pallavicino  submitted  to  the  Pope 
the  various  parts  of  his  work  as  they  were  completed. 
Alexander  VII. 's  corrections  are  for  the  most  part  concerned 
with  dates  and  names,  and  at  times  with  the  text  itself.^ 
These  corrections  are  either  in  the  text  or  on  the  margin, 
unfortunately  some  of  them  were  written  in  pencil  and  have 
become  illegible.  As  a  result  of  the  Pope's  corrections, 
Pallavicino  himself  altered  many  passages  and  added  others. 
How  closely  the  Pope  revised  the  work  appears  from  the  fact 
that  he  corrected  even  minor  mistakes.^ 

There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  high  value  of  Pallavicino's 
biography  of  Alexander  VII.,  seeing  that  it  was,  as  it  were, 
written  under  the  very  eyes  of  the  Pope  and  by  one  of  his 
oldest  and  most  intimate  friends,  who  had  been,  for  the  most 
part,  an  ocular  and  auricular  witness  ^  of  what  he  recounts 
and  whose  advice  the  Pope  had  often  taken  in  the  most 
important  questions.*  In  his  preface  he  himself  says  that 
during  a  period  of  thirty  years  he  had  enjoyed  the  confidence 
of  Alexander  VII.  to  such  a  degree  (as  proved  by  oral  and 
written  communications),  that  he  believed  he  knew  all  that 
the  Pope  did,  and  even  what  he  thought.  Even  after  his 
elevation  to  the  Chair  of  Peter,  Alexander  continued  to  com- 
municate to  him  all  the  secrets  which  he  needed  to  know  for 
his  work.^  The  correspondence  between  Pallavicino  and 
Alexander  VII.  {Cod.  Chigi,  C  III,  63)  reveals  the  intimate 
relations  between  the  two  men,  as  well  as  the  fact  that 
Pallavicino   turned   to  his   friend   on   the  papal   throne   for 

1  Thus  the  sentence  on  Chigi's  stay  at  Miinster  :  "  e  neppure  " 
up  to  "  Spagnuoli  "  (I.,  132),  is  an  addition  by  the  Pope. 

'  Thus  in  IV.,  9  (Prate  edition,  II.,  73)  he  changed  "  nipote  " 
into  '  cugino  "  and  "  zio  "  into  "  cugino  ".  In  IV.,  16,  Pallavicino 
had  given  "  Andrea  "  as  Cremonino's  Christian  name  ;  this  was 
changed  into  "  Cesare  "  by  the  Pope.  The  Prato  edition  (II.,  125) 
has  this  correction. 

^  See  the  opinion  of  Luigi  Rossi  Da  Lucca  in  Provincia  di 
Teramo,  1902,  No.  38. 

*  Cf.  Pallavicino's  letters  to  Alexander  YIl.  in  jMacchia, 
67  seqq.,  82  seqq. 

*  Vita,  I.,  20  ;    cf.  II.,  171. 


APPENDIX.  435 

infoiiiKition  for  his  work.'  They  corresponded  not  only  on  tlie 
contents  of  the  I  'ita,  but  on  the  style  and  even  the  orthography. 
How  carefull\-  Pallavicino  prepared  himself  for  his  task  is 
shown  by  his  preliminary  studies,  many  of  which  are  still 
preserved  in  the  family  Archives  at  Ariccia.  The  value  of  the 
work  is  further  enhanced  by  the  fact  that,  as  appears  from 
several  passages,-  many  parts  were  written  at  the  time  when 
the  events  took  place.  Subsequently  also  no  changes  were 
made  ;  thus  the  curious  passage  on  youthful  Louis  XIV.  was 
retained,^  though  the  subsequent  conduct  of  that  monarch 
did  not  confirm  it. 

Real  errors  occur  extremely  rarely  in  the  biography,^ 
and  with  few  exceptions  the  author's  judgments  may  be 
accepted.^  The  freedom  with  which  he  describes  the  shadows 
in  Innocent  X.'s  rule  is  worthy  of  notice.  If  there  are  none 
such  in  that  of  Alexander  VII.,  the  reason  is  that  the  first 
five  years  of  his  pontificate  gave  no  room  for  criticism.  That 
Pallavicino  did  not  approve  of  the  subsequent  lapse  into 
nepotism  is  shown  by  his  sharp  comments  before  his  death. ^ 
However  sincere  an  admirer  of  his  hero  Pallavicino  may  have 
been,  he  never  falls  into  flattery  or  untruths,  for  he  was  aware 
that  a  falsehood  would  have  been  the  surest  means  to  forfeit 
the  favour  of  the  Pope.'' 

If  we  compare  Pallavicino's  presentment  with  the  many 
new  documents  that  we  now  possess,  we  find  it  fully  con- 
firmed.*   Hence  it  is  most  regrettable  that  he  only  described 

*  See  *letters  in  Codex  S.  22,  26,  46. 

*  Vita,  II.,  90. 

'  "  Ludovico  XIV.  giovane  di  16  anni  candidoepio  di  costumi  " 
{Vita,  II.,  296). 

*  Thus  Mazarin  is  described  as  "  piccolo  gentilhuomodiSicilia  " 
whereas  he  was  born  at  Pescina  in  the  Abruzzi  ;  see  Orlandini, 
La  patria  c  la  famiglia  del  card.  Mazarino,  in  Riv.  Abruzzese, 
IX.  (1911). 

*  Thus  (I.,  272),  Adrian  \1.  is  as  wrongly  judged  as  he  is  in 
the  History  of  the  Council  of  Trent  ;    cf.  our  data   IX.,  226  seq. 

*  Arch.  stor.  ital.,  App.  VI.,   394  seqq. 
'    Vita,  I.,  21. 

*  This  has  been  pointed  out  by  Scarabelli  in  Arch.  stor.  ital., 
App.  VI.,  389,  who  also  shows  that  where  A.  Corer  disagrees  with 


436  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

the  first  five  years  of  the  pontificate.  The  passages  concerning 
Queen  Christine  prove  that  Pallavicino  had  access  to  the 
very  best  sources  and  that  he  sometimes  quotes  them  textually, 
If  chronological  data  are  less  prominent  in  his  narrative,  the 
fault  is  one  that  Pallavicino  shares  with  his  contemporaries. 
But  there  are  no  inaccuracies.  The  narrative  is  as  detailed  as 
it  is  lively,  and  connoisseurs  such  as  Luigi  Rossi  Da  Lucca 
praise  his  style. ^  Certain  obscurities  are  due  to  the  circum- 
stance that  the  printed  edition  is  not  based  on  the  original 
manuscript. 

7.     Bargellini  to  Rospigliosi  2 

Paris,  September  25,  1668.^ 

"  Con  mia  estrema  mortificatione  et  infinito  dispiacere  hieri 
in  occasione  di  vedere  monsieur  di  Lionne  a  San  Germano,  e 
questa  mattina  in  casa  sua  propria, ho  conosciuti  avverati  i 
miei  sospetti.  Dolendomi  confidentemente,  e  rappresentando 
a  S.  Ecc^a  cio  che  hebbi  I'honore  di  portare  coll'ultima  mia 
cifra  a  V.  E.,  mi  ha  risposto  che,  quando  i  quattro  vescovi 
habbino  fatto  un  processo  verbale,  e  che  stia  nascosto,  la 
Chiesa  non  deve  giudicare  delle  cose  occulte  ;  che  hanno 
imitato  I'esempio  di  quarant'altri,  de'  quali  non  si  e  parlato,  e 
che  le  pareva  di  havermene  dato  motivo  una  volta  nel  bel 
principio  che  si  fece  la  prima  propositione  a  V.  E.  Ho  risposto 
che  assolutamente  non  mi  e  stato  parlato  di  processo  verbale  o 
di  altra  cosa  che  potesse  intorbidare  la  pura  signatura,  e 
mostrata  la  copia  della  lettera  scritta  a  V.  E.  il  primo  giugno, 
ricordato  quante  volte  io  mi  sono  dichiarato  che  la  sotto- 
scrittione  doveva  essere  sincera,  S.  Ecc^^  mi  ha  repHcato  che 

Pallavicino,  the  latter  is  more  credible.  Scarabelli  singles  out  in 
Pallavicino's  Vita  "  la  parsimonia  delle  lodi  e  delle  frasi  affettuose, 
si  che  proprio  non  trovi  che  cio  che  I'encomiato  non  avra  potuto 
comandare  airamico  di  togliere  ". 

^  La  Provincia  di  Teramo,  1902,  No.  39.  "  Bartoli,  Pallavicino 
and  Segneri,"  Wiseman  writes  (Recollections  of  the  last  four 
Popes,  II.)  "  were  the  only  ones  who  were  not  affected  by  the 
bad  taste  of  the  period." 

2  Vol.  XXXI.,  p.  388. 

^  Decoded  October  18. 


APPENDIX.  437 

questo  colpo  era  incvitabilc,  che  quando  li  commissarii 
havessero  proccduto  contro  li  quattro  vcscovi,  li  medesimi 
havrebbcro  prodotta  la  loro  signatura  sinccra  c  libera  in 
questa  manicra  ;  ma  con  il  processo  verbalc  a  parte  e  che 
all'hora  trattandosi  giuridicamcnto,  Roma  era  in  necessita 
o  di  lasciarla  passarc,  o  di  proccder  contro  quarant'altri, 
e  che  hora  si  puo  dissimular  saperlo,  c  dar  la  pace  alia  Chiesa..." 

[Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  Xunziat.  di  Francia,  137,  f.  339.] 

8.     To  Bargellim  1 

Rome,  October  11th,  1668. 
1. 

"  Scntitasi  dalla  S'^  di  N.  S^e  la  forma  tcnuta  da  V.  S.  nel 
rispondere  allc  Icttcrc  che  a  lei  scrissero  li  quattro  vcscovi, 
quando  le  dettero  ragguaglio  della  sottoscrittione  che  dicevano 
haver  fatto  del  formulario,  delle  quali  risposte  ha  ella  inviata 
copia  con  le  sue  Icttcrc  delli  18  scorso,  come  anco  il  contenuto 
di  trc  sue  cifre  scritte  sotto  li  21  e  25  del  medesimo,  me  ha 
comandato  la  S''^  Sua  di  scrivere  a  V.  S.  ch'ella  insista  per 
haver  I'atto  autentico  della  sottoscrittione  del  formulario, 
qual  sottoscrittione  non  importa  che  in  alcuna  scrittura  sia 
chiamata  libera,  ma  sara  veramente  e  qui  si  stimerci  libera  e 
sincera,  quando  sotto  la  formula  data  dalla  Scde  Apost.  si 
saranno  in  effetto  sottoscritti  i  detti  vescovi  senza  restrittionc 
ne  limitatione  alcuna.  Mostri  pero  V.  S.  di  haver  creduto 
meglio  di  non  dar  parte  qua  delli  processi  verbali,  che  possano 
esser  stati  fatti,  o  possano  farsi  intorno  a  quest'atto  da  i 
quattro  vescovi,  et  haver  ella  cosi  operato  anche  in  riguardo 
del  consiglio  datole  dal  signor  di  Lionne,  e  perche  in  realty 
si  come  la  Scde  Apost.  non  ha  voluto  altro  da  i  quattro  vescovi 
che  la  sottoscrittione  pura  del  formulario,  cosi  essendo  questa 
seguita,  ct  asscrcndosi  talc  da  i  quattro  vescovi  medesimi  e 
da  quelli  che  hanno  trattato  a  nomc  loro  nello  scrivere  a  S.  S'^, 
ella  deve  presumere,  o  che  non  vi  sia  alcun  processo  verbale, 
o  che  essendovi  non  sia  punto  contrario  alia  sottoscrittione 
sincera,  ne  appartenere  a  lei  hora  il  cercar  altro.  Si  dichiari 
pero  col  sig""  di  Lionne,  che  se  mai  apparira  in  quahuKjue  mode 

»  Vol.  XXXI.,  p.  390 


438  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

essersi  da'  quattro  vescovi  fatto  processo  verbale  che  pre- 
giudichi  alia  sincerita  della  sottoscrittionc,  V.  S.  sara  obligata  a 
scrivcre  a  S.  S*^,  e  saranno  grinconvenienti  maggiori  di 
prima." 

[Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  137,  f.  G4b.] 


"  Procuri  V.  S.  di  sapere  con  la  maggior  destrezza  ch'ella 
potra  non  da  monsu  di  Lionne  ne  da  alcuno  di  quelli  che  han 
trattato  a  nome  de'  quattro  vescovi,  ma  con  somma  cautela  e 
per  quella  via  per  la  quale  potra  ella  piu  assicurarsi  della 
segretezza,  e  che  non  sia  penctrato  da  alcuna  persona,  benche 
sua  confidente,  e  particolarmente  ministro  della  corte,  se  i 
processi  verbali  che  hanno  fatti  i  sudetti  vescovi  nell'atto 
della  sottoscrittionc,  siano  stati  da  loro  fatti  nel  sinodo  in 
modo  che  siano  parte  degli  atti  del  medesimo  sinodo,  e  pero 
publici  a  segno  che  non  possa  mostrarsene  ignoranza. 

Sara  anco  opportuno  ch'ella  s'informi  se  ne'  processi  verbaH 
fatti  da  i  quattro  vescovi  vi  sia  stata  fatta  o  inserita  cosa 
contraria  alia  libera  e  sincera  sottoscrittionc  del  formulario, 
con  avvisar  poi  qua  cio  che  ne  havra  riportato  di  vero  e  di 
sussistente,  ma  senza  mostrare  a  persona  veruna  di  haver 
fatta  tal  dihgenza." 

[Ibid.,  f.  65b.] 


3. 

"  Sar^  molto  opportuno  che  V.  S.  dica  a  monsu  di  Lionne 
ch'ella  ha  stimato  megho  di  non  scriver  qua  cosa  alcuna  de' 
processi  verbaU  fatti  da'  quattro  vescovi,  perche  essendosi 
N.  S^e  in  questo  punto  mosso  ad  operare  ad  instanza  del  Re 
e  riposando  nell'autorita  e  nel  zelo  di  S.  W^  e  dell'istesso  signor 
di  Lionne,  ha  ella  stimato  che  sia  il  maggior  vantaggio  di 
S.  S*^  I'haver  sicurezza  della  sincera  sottoscrittionc  del 
formulario  dalla  parola  di  S.  M'^  e  dell'istesso  signor  di  Lionne, 
senza  cercar  di  piu,  supponendo  che  cosa  si  grave  e  che  importa 
egualmente  all'interesse  et  alia  pieta  di  S.  M'^  che  all'autorita 
del  Papa,  non  possa  S.  S'^  temer  di  csser  defraudata,  mentre 


APPENDIX.  439 

si  e  appoggiata  alia  fcde  della  M*^  Sua  c  di  monsu  di  Lionnc 
medcsimo,  e  per  conscguenza  vi  va  deirhonour  della  M'^  Sua, 
che  non  possa  mai  dirsi  csscrsi  in  qucsto  pun  to  mancato  a 
S.  Bn«." 

[Ibid.,  f.  GG  b.] 

9.  Session  of  the  Inquisition  of  December  23ri),  1GG8  ^ 

"  Ginetti  :  Ouatuor  episcopos  satisfecisse  plenc.  Ottoboni  : 
likewise  ;  neque  obstare  voces  et  scripturas  informes,  quibus 
dicitur  subscripsisse  cum  reservationibus  circa  quaestionem 
facti  et  iuris  et  circa  materiam  gratiae  efficacis,  quia  cum 
constct  per  publica  documenta  dc  sincera  subscriptione,  et  de 
contrario  non  constet  nisi  de  auditu  et  per  scripturas  informes, 
non  videtur  insistendum  pro  alia  declarationc,  maximc  cum 
immincant  ma.xima  et  gravissima  pericula."  The  four  must 
not  be  praised  "  nc  elati,  ubi  sunt  audacissimi,  ostentent  in 
Galliis  favorem  et  gratiam  Santitatis  Suae  ".  Borromeo  dixit, 
convenire  cum  Ottoboni  et  praccipue  quia  a  principio  semper 
protestatus  fuit,  quod  in  rebus  facti  non  potest  SS.  Pontifex 
obligare  fideles  ad  actus  internos  et  nunc  versemus  in  quaestione 
facti  quoad  illam  partem  formularii,  in  qua  dicitur  :  iuxta 
sensum  ab  auctore  intcntum.  Albizzi  dixit,  actum  esse  de 
religione  in  Gallia  et  de  infallibilitate  SS.  Pontificis,  si  quando 
e.x  constanti  rumore  et  notorietate  necnon  ex  depositionibus 
canonicorum  cathedralis  Apamiensis  constat  de  restrictionibus 
appositis  in  subscriptione,  SS.  Pontifex  iis  postpositis  respondet 
episcopis  et  declarat,  ipsos  satisfecisse  mandatis  Scdis  Aposto- 
licae,  praecipue  cum  declaratio  episcopi  Chalon.  sit  de 
voluntate  alterius  et  archiepiscopus  Rothomagensis  explicct 
praedictam  declarationem  iuxta  ipsiusmet  mentcm.  Ouare 
addidit,  consulendum  esse  Pontificem  [sic  !],  ut  emissa  nova 
Constitutionc  coniirmet  condemnationcs  factas  per 
Innoccntium  X  et  Alexandrum  VII  fel.  rec,  necnon  omnes 
et  singulas  prohibitiones  tam  mandamentorum  quam  aliarum 
scripturarum  emanatarum  adversus  praedictas  con- 
demnationcs. Chisius  :  Incumbendum  esse  in  exhibitione 
processuum  verbalium  et  subscriptionibus.  Ouatenus  vero 
alii  EE.   DI).   aliter  censeant,   debcre  rcsponsum   [darij   per 

>  Vol.  XXXI.,  p.  394. 


440  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

breve,  in  quo  S.  D.  N.  dicat,  episcopos  pure  et  simpliciter 
subscripsisse.  Rasponus  :  Esse  in  voto  cum  Chisio,  sed 
praecipue  animadvertcndum,  ut  in  brevi  non  apponantur 
verba,  ex  quibus  possit  dubitari,  quod  SS.  Pontifex  non  fuerit 
certior  factus  de  sincera  subscriptione  ad  formam  Constitu- 
tionum.  Rospigliosi  :  Respondendum  esse  ad  formam 
declarationis  episcopi  Chalon.  et  Antonii  Arnaldi,  necnon 
iuxta  dcclarationes  archiepiscopi  Rothomagensis,  quia  ex 
carum  tenore  clare  percipitur,  quod  si  episcopi  contumaces 
subscripserunt  eo  modo,  ut  declarant  episcopus  et  Arnauld 
necnon  Rothomagensis,  plene  satisfactum  fuit  mandatis 
Sedis  Apostolicae,  nee  amplius  potest  expeti  a  quocunque 
episcopo  catholico,  cum  sub  ilia  generalitate  remaneant  attrita 
mandamenta  et  processus  verbales,  necnon  omnia,  quae  in 
contrarium  adduci  unquam  possent.  Azzolini  riepilogando 
omnia  dicta  et  adhaerendo  sententiae  Rospigliosi  dicit  : 
Respondendum  omnino  neque  protrahendum  amplius  tam 
grande  negotium,  perpendenda  tamen  esse  verba  responsionis. 
Celsius  dixit  :  Si  constaret  de  sincera  subscriptione  quatuor 
episcoporum,  utique  conveniret  cum  DD.,  vero  pia  confessio 
subscriptionis  non  est  subscriptio,  ideo  instandum,  ut  episcopi 
doceant  de  reali  subscriptione  facta  in  synodis.  Tunc  em. 
Ottobonus  respondit.  regulam  procedere  in  actibus  pro- 
ducentibus  obligationem,  non  in  casu  praesenti.  Et  em. 
Borromaeus  dixit  :  Ubi  agitur  de  declaratione  animi  tantum, 
sufficit  quaecunque  manifestatio.  Em.  tamen  Celsius  perstitit 
in  sua  sententia. 

Omnes  igitur,  exceptis  em.  Albizzi  et  Celsio,  dixerunt  : 
Respondendum  esse  episcopis,  lirmetur  minuta  brevis ; 
revideatur  primum  per  em.  Azzolinium,  deinde  communicetur 
omnibus  em.  Cardinalibus  Congregationis  particularis  et 
mittatur  Nuntio  iuxta  mentem  cardinalis  Rospigliosi. 

Eadem  die  hora  prima  noctis  retuli  S.  D.  N^  omnia  acta  et 
gesta  in  s.  Congregatione,  necnon  singula  suffragia  EE.  DD. 
et  minuta  Constitutionis  faciendae  iuxta  sententiam  em. 
Albizzi  [he  had  himself  handed  in  the  draft],  quibus  auditis 
Sanctitas  Sua  praecepit  mihi  Assessori,  ut  componerem 
minutam  brevis  illamque  traderem  R.  P.  D.  archiepiscopo 
Florentine,  necnon  agerem  cum  em.  Rospigliosi  et  Azzolini, 
ut  quam  primum  expediantur  responsa  danda  in  Galliis,  ut 
cito  rediret  ad  suos  tabellarius. 


APPENDIX.  441 

An  anonymous  letter  from  a  French  Jesuit  also  lay  before 
the  meeting. 

[From  codex  :  lanscnio  c  Foruiulario  of  the  Holy  Office. 
Biblioteca  Angelica,  Rome,  S.  3.  1,  p.  118  scqq.] 

There  follow  in  the  code.x  various  drafts  of  the  Brief  and 
-Mhizzi's  objections  : 

"  Albizzi  :  Ui  piu  avcndo  i  medesimi  vescovi  publicato  non 
solamentc  nei  loro  sinodi  che  N.  S.  Clemente  IX  meglio 
informato  della  dotrina  del  Jansenio  haveva  approvati  i 
loro  mandamenti  ed  era  reccduto  dalle  Constitutioni  de'  suoi 
predecessori,  ma  fatto  cio  publicare  per  mezzo  dci  loro  adherenti 
per  tutta  I'Europa,  come  si  vede  dalle  relazioni  e  dalle  gazette 
di  Parigi,  d' Amsterdam  e  di  Bruxelles,  non  pareva  rimedio 
bastante  per  salvare  I'onore  e  la  fama  di  N.  S.  e  I'autorita 
della  S.  Sede,  di  passarlo  con  una  risposta  alia  Icttera  dei 
quattro  vescovi,  la  quale  se  si  mandera  alle  mani  del  Nuntio 
per  preservarla  [presentarla  ?],  impegnato  a  sostenere  il  suo 
inganno,  Dio  sa,  che  non  vi  faccia  difficolta  in  porla  nelle 
mani  dei  quattro  vescovi,  e  mandi  in  lungo  il  negotio  che  pure 
fa  di  mediari  [mestieri  ?]  di  finire  prestamente.  Se  poi  si 
mandar^l  a  dirittura  ai  vescovi,  o  negheranno  d'haverla 
ricevuta,  o  la  glosseranno  o  la  falsificheranno,  come  hanno 
falsificata  la  mente  di  N.  S.  .  .  . 

lo  prego  V.  S.  a  leggere  per  distcso  questo  mio  voto  a  N.  S., 
affinche  io  resti  sicuro  d'haver  adempieto  quell'obligo,  che  mi 
corre  come  cardinale  di  s.  Chiesa,  persuadendomi  che  S.  S. 
possa  avere  a  me  qualche  credito  piu  degh  altri,  perchc  per  le 
mie  mani  e  passata  la  materia  del  Jansenismo  nel  suo 
nascimento  e  nel  suo  progresso,  ne  posso  sopportare,  che  si 
vogha  far  parere  al  mundo  esser  estinta  quest'eresia,  mentre 
nella  sua  pretesa  estintione  si  vede  piu  che  mai  rinovata. 
[January  6th,  1669.] 

Celsi  was  also  decidedly  against  a  Brief :  Dico  dunque 
brevemente,  che  o  li  vescovi  suddetti  hanno  sottoscritto  al 
detto  formolario,  o  no.  Se  hanno  sottoscritto,  e  necessario  che 
apparisca  detta  sottoscrittione,  ct  in  tal  caso  forse  sar^  luogo 
alle  dichiarazioni  da  essi  fatte,  di  aver  sottoscritto  puraniente  e 
sinceramente.  O  non  hanno  sottoscritto,  e  non  pu6  la  Sede 
Apost.  senza  gran  discapito  recedere  da  boUe,  decreti  e  tanti 
altri  fatti.    The  declarations  are  inadequate,  perche  colui  che 


442  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

deve  esseguire  un  atto,  non  basta  il  dire  d'averlo  fatto,  se 
non  consta  cffct  tivamente  radempimento  di  esso.  Piccolomini, 
who  had  not  been  present,  was  also  opposed  to  the  dispatch  of 
a  Brief. 

[Ibid.,  p.  860.] 

10.     RospiGLiosi  TO  Bargellini  1 

January  20,   1669. 
1. 

"  La  dichiaratione  fatta  a  V.  S.  da  monsignor  di  Chalons  in 
assenza  degli  altri  due  vescovi  mediator!,  sottoscritta  da 
monsii  Arnauld  e  confermata  poi  daH'arcivescovo  di  Sens,  le 
certificationi  autentiche  a  lei  inviate  parimente  in  scritto  da  i 
quattro  vescovi  di  haver  sinceramente  sottoscritto  e  fatto 
sottoscrivere  il  formulario,  e  le  sicurezze  che  monsii  di  Lionne 
ha  di  cio  date  a  V.  S.  con  quel  di  piu  che  I'arcivescovo  di 
Roano  et  altri  ne  hanno  attestato,  pare  a  N.  S^^  che  costi- 
tuiscano  una  prova,  la  qual  prevaglia  di  gran  lunga  per  ogni 
ragione  a  quanto  si  era  sparso  in  contrario  su  qualche  foglietto 
et  avviso  particolare  del  contenuto  de'  processi  verbaH,  onde 
possa  e  deva  la  S'^  Sua  su  la  fede  del  Re  e  de'  sudetti  gravi  e 
repHcati  testimonii  ben  appoggiar  la  sua  credenza  dell'effettiva 
et  intiera  obedienza  de'  quattro  vescovi  e  della  sincera  sottos- 
crittione  fatta  da  loro  del  formulario. 

Ha  pero  S.  B"''  risposto  a  i  medesimi  vescovi  nella  forma  che 
V.  S.  vedra  dalla  copia  del  breve  che  se  le  manda  per  loro,  la 
quale  V.  S.  dovra  ben  considerare  in  ogni  parte  e  prenderne  a 
mente  il  tenore  per  poter  conformarsi  ad  esso  anco  ne'  discorsi 
ch'ella  havra  occasione  di  far  con  chiunque  bisogni  nella 
materia.  Si  e  stimato  necessario  I'accennar  nel  breve  cio  che 
nell'animo  di.S.  S^^  havevano  eccitato  gli  avvisi  e  le  scritture 
uscite  circa  i  processi  verbali,  et  insieme  I'impulso  havuto 
dalle  nuove  e  gravi  testimonianze  giunte  a  S.  S^^  della  sincera 
sottoscrittione  e  della  plena  sommissione  et  obedienza  de' 
quattro  vescovi,  perche  essendo  questo  il  fondamento,  al 
quale  s'appoggia  la  giustificatione  della  clemenza  che  S.  B"^ 
usa  hora  verso  di  loro,  chiunque  vedra  mai  cio  vegga  insieme  la 
ragione  che  porge  a  S.  B"*^  giusto  motivo  di  farlo  e  riconosca 
haver  la  Santa  Sede  ricercato  per  una  risolutione  di  tanto  peso 
cio  che  conveniva  per  condescendervi. 

1  XXXI.,  p.  398. 


APPENDIX.  443 

Se  per  li  riguardi  altrc  volte  considerati  costi  di  sottrarrc  a 
gli  spirit!  inquieti  ogni  materia  di  nuovo  cimento,  c  per  con- 
servar  piu  stabilmcntc  I'unione  e  la  pace  si  stimera  conveniente 
il  non  dar  fuori  copia  del  breve  scritto  da  S.  B"*  a  i  quattro 
vescovi,  potra  V.  S.  non  darla  ne  far  altrc  per  sua  parte  che 
possa  interpretarsi  ad  ostentatione  e  propalatione  non 
necessaria  di  quanto  e  seguito. 

Ma  in  termini  gravi  e  generali  non  lascera  ella  di  dire  ove 
bisogni,  haver  S.  B"«,  sodisfatta  dell'intiera  obedienza  de' 
quattro  vescovi,  usati  verso  di  loro  gli  atti  della  sua  clemenza. 

Non  e  gik  dovere  per  la  liberta  che  prenda  alcun  cervello 
inquieto  di  spargere  o  scriver  cose  contro  la  verita  di  questo 
successo,  far  publiche  dichiarationi  e  racconti  della  serie  di 
esso,  ma  quando  si  procedessc  veramente  con  doppiezza  (il 
che  non  si  crede,  ne  si  ha  hora  cagione  di  credere)  e  si  volesse 
in  pregiuditio  dell'autorita  della  Santa  Sede  e  del  candore  e 
decoro  col  quale  si  e  di  qua  operate,  divulgar  menzogne  che 
facdssero  apparir  minore  la  piena  obedienza  che  si  e  professato 
di  rendere  a  S.  S^^,  sara  necessario  dar  fuori  non  solo  la  copia 
de'  brevi,  ma  quant'altro  appartiene  al  fatto  per  sincera 
testimonianza  del  vero.  Onde  V.  S.  dovra  col  signor  di  Lionne 
fermar  bene  questo  punto  per  non  esser  ridotta  a  simile 
necessita,  nella  quale  pero  quando  pur  ella  si  trovi,  sara  bene 
che  potendo  darne  avviso  qua  c  riceverne  ordini  in  tempo,  lo 
faccia,  schivando  di  prendcr  impegno,  quando  non  vi  sia 
necessita,  per  quelle  ragioni  delle  quali  si  lascia  il  giuditio 
alia  sua  prudenza." 

[Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  Ximziai.  di  Francia.  137  f.,  1)4  f.] 


"  Non  si  c  stimato  che  convonga,  nominando  nol  breve  il 
formulario,  aggiungervi  la  parola  '  di  fcdc  ',  pcrche  esscndosi 
prcteso  da  chi  ha  havuta  sinistra  intcntionc  che  il  formulario 
havesse  due  parti,  Tuna  di  fede  che  riguarda  il  jus,  e  I'altra 
non  di  fede  che  riguarda  il  fatto,  poteva  quell'aggiunta  inter- 
pretarsi per  tassativa  e  rcstrettiva  nel  signihcato  sudetto. 
II  che  si  partecipa  a  V.  S.  non  pcrche  cUa  formalizzi  o  faccia 
nuova  contestationc  sopra  quella  parola,  ma  perche  sappia 
tutto  cio  che  puo  intendcrvisi  da  altri,  benchc  hora  convenga 
dissimularlo  ct  intcndcrla  a  nostro  modo. 


444  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Sarebbe  stato  molto  gradito  il  sapere,  quali  fossero  le  due 
parole  che  I'arcivescovo  di  Sens  haveva  lasciate  nella  dichiara- 
tione  sottoscritta,  chc  poi  ha  egli  mandata  intiera,  essendo  in 
questa  materia  si  grave  importantissima  ogni  minuzia." 
[Ihid.,  f.  97b.] 

11.     To  THE  Spanish  Nuncio^ 

Rome,  August  31st,  1669. 

"  La  pace  fra  le  corone  ;  la  parola  ottenuta  dal  Re  Chrisf^o 
di  non  offender  cotesta  per  quest'anno  ;  le  concessioni  e  le 
proroghe  di  gratie  notabilissime  d'impositioni  nuove  sopra 
il  clero,  che  ben  sa  V.  S.  quanto  siano  gravi  a  chi  le  soffre  e 
questo  in  tempo  non  di  guerre  con  gl'infedeli,  su  le  quali 
eran  fondate  molte  di  esse,  ma  di  leghe  con  essi  e  di  pace  con 
tutti  ;  la  tranquillita  ultimamente  ristabilita  in  cotesta 
monarchia  con  maniera  di  tanto  impegno  e  pericolo  per  Sua 
S'3',  che  ogn'altro  secondo  il  solito  di  qui  haverebbe  fuggite  ; 
e  finalmente  la  riserva  spontanea  d'un  cardinalato,  nel  modo  e 
nelle  circostanze  che  il  mondo  e  la  corte  di  Roma  ha  veduto  con 
ammiratione,  mostrano,  qual  sia  la  tenerezza  di  S.  S^^  verso 
cotesta  corona.  E  I'havere  impegnate  in  Candia  le  armi  del 
Re  Chrisf^o  e  fattele  servire  a  defender  I'antemurale  di  Sicilia 
e  di  Napoli  contro  il  Turco,  fa  vedere  che,  se  Sua  S^^  ha  fatto 
un  cardinale  alia  Francia  per  averne  ottenuta  un'armata 
intiera  marittima  e  terrestre  pagata  per  tutto  quest'anno 
contro  il  Turco,  I'ha  fatto  per  mantener  con  questo  mezzo  la 
pace  alia  Spagna  e  difendere  gli  stati  di  essa  con  I'armi  di 
Francia.  II  che  piaccia  a  Dio  che  non  apparisca  pur  troppo 
vero  dall'effettiva  incursione  di  questi  barbari  nel  regno  di 
Sicilia  dopo  che  Candia  si  sara  perduta.  Nel  rimanente  la  mia 
gita  in  Francia  sa  il  mondo  et  i  ministri  medesimi  qui  del  Re 
Catt^o  non  essere  stata  per  altro  che  per  procurar  di  fermar 
I'armi  del  Re  Chrisfn^o  dall'inoltrarsi  in  Fiandra,  e  se  cio 
non  mi  fu  permesso,  rimasero  almeno  incaminate  le  cose  al 
trattato  d'Aquisgrana  et  impegnato  il  Re  a  consentir  non  solo 
alia  pace,  ma  a  prometter  che  per  ragioni  delle  nuove  conquiste 
non  se  ne  sarebbe  impedita  I'csecutione.  Onde  se  ben  si 
riguarda  costi,  sara  facile  il  ravvisare,  in  ogni  passo  che 
Nro  sigre  j^^  dato  verso  la  Francia,  una  particolare  intenzione 

1  Cf.  XXXI.,  p.  341- 


APPENDIX.  445 

e  volonti  di  giovare  a  cotesta  corona,  la  quale,  se  per  la 
condizione  de'  tempi  ha  in  tante  cose  stimato  clla  mcdesima  di 
dover  cedere  alia  fortuna  e  deferire  alle  sodisfattioni  del  Re 
Christ'"*',  quanto  piu  deve  conoscer  la  necessita  che  preme  S. 
Beat"*^  come  padre  comune  di  tenersi  in  buona  corrispondenza 
con  chi  puo  influir  tanto  al  bene  del  christianesimo  e  della 
pace,  e  di  conservarsi  in  stato  di  poter  sostentarla,  ct  esser  di 
profitto  alia  Spagna  medesima  nell'occasioni. 

All'incontro  a  Napoli  si  tengono  in  sequestro  ai  vescovi 
I'entrate,  si  fa  violenza  d'oppositione  alle  decime  e  pregiudicio' 
insoffribile  coll'istessa  permissione  del  farle  esigere  ;  si 
suscitano  pretensioni  sopra  le  lumiere  con  una  insolita  novitk 
senza  esempio  e  riservata  solo  al  pontificato  di  N.  S""*^  ;  si 
nega  I'Excquatur  agli  appaltatori  della  Camera  Apost.  per 
vender  I'alume  nel  regno.  Cio  e  stato  sentito  da  S.  S^^  vivissima- 
mente  e  \'.  S.  non  potra  dolersene  a  bastanza  costi,  perche 
e  un  sommo  torto,  che  si  fa  alia  S.  Sedc  il  metter  solo  in  discorso 
la  pretensione  d'aprir  lumiere  nel  regno  di  Napoli  ;  ma  il 
proceder  de  facto  a  negar  I'Exequatur  agli  appaltatori  della 
Camera  Apost.,  dopo  il  possesso  ch'essa  ha  in  contrario,  non 
mai  intcrrotto  ne  controverso,  e  un'apparcnte  violazione  del 
giusto  et  un'aperta  volontci  di  togliere  alia  Scde  Apostolica 
quel  che  e  suo  senza  riguardo  di  ragione. 

Le  stravaganze  del  Cappellano  Maggiore  e  tant'altri 
pregiuditii  della  immunita  e  giurisdittione  ecclesiastica,  le 
innovationi  fatte  qui  nella  Dateria  non  sono  inventioni  del 
sigr.  cardinale  Litta,  il  zelo  del  quale  e  solo  di  sostenere  i 
dritti  della  Chiesa,  c  non  puo  conseguirlo  con  tutta  la  sua 
virtu.  .  .  . 

[Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  Xituziat.  di  Spaf^ua,  130  f.,  124-6.] 

12.     To  TIIK  Sp.wish  Nun'CIO  * 

Rome.  August  Kkh,  1672. 

"  I  due  discorsi  fatti  con  V.  S.  dal  conte  di  Peneranda  e 
dall'ambasciatore  di  Francia  sono  ben  ingegnosi,  essendosi 
ciascheduno  di  essi  prescritto  il  line  di  tirar  il  Papa  ne'  proprii 
interessi,  I'uno  esagerandone  la  necessita,  I'altro  proponendone 
la  gloria. 

Ouando  il  Re  Christ'""  opprime  gl'  eretici,  fa  risorger  la  fede 
sepolta  in  quelle  provincie  cd  accresce  il  figliuoli  e  i  sudditi 

1  Cf.  XXXI.,  p.  635. 


446  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

all'autorita  spirituale  della  S.  Sede  ;  non  pu6  Sua  Beat"^ 
se  non  render  grade  a  Dio  di  si  felici  successi.  All'incontro  con 
simil  paragone  i  pregiuditii  che  si  ricevono  in  Fiandra  dal  conte 
di  Montereij  dopo  la  disapprovata  permissione  data  agli 
Olandesi,  nelle  gravezze  che  vuole  imporre  a  i  mendicanti,  per 
trarre  dalle  loro  povere  sostanze  gl'  aiuti  da  sostenere  i  ribelle  a 
Dio  ed  alia  religione  cattolica,  sono  troppo  sensibili,  e  prevale 
tanto  nel  paterno  cuore  di  Sua  S^^  il  bene  delle  anime  ad  ogni 
altra  qual  sia  forte  consideratione,  che  non  saprebbe  dar  luogo 
ai  motivi  dei  pericoli  o  dei  vantaggi  temporah,  senza  un 
vehemente  dubbio  di  derogare  al  obligo  del  suo  quasi  divino 
ministero. 

E  verissimo  che  i  principi  uniti  potrebbono  non  solamente 
resistcre,  ma  assalire  i  Turchi  per  imprese  assai  piu  vantaggiose 
che  non  sono  quelle,  le  quali  risultano  dalle  guerre  che  tra 
essi  si  rimovono  e  si  coltivano  di  tempo  in  tempo  ;  ma  quanto 
sia  difficile  di  comporne  I'unione,  I'esperienza  I'ha  dimostrato. 
Cio  che  hora  conviene  e  di  pregare  la  bonta  divina  che  faccia 
risplendere  il  zelo  del  Re  nella  mortificazione  degli  Olandesi  e 
nella  restitutione  della  liberta  ai  fedelh,  non  permettendo  che 
il  fuoco  pill  oltre  si  stenda  che  a  consumar  gl'  eretici,  nel 
qual  caso  tutte  le  nazioni  cattoliche  rimarranno  obligate  alle 
opere  grandi  del  Re,  e  sara  glorificato  Dio  nelle  prosperita 
di  esse.  Gli  Spagnuoli  havranno  in  Fiandra  migliori  vicini  ; 
I'eresia  non  sara  fomentata  altrove,  ed  i  Turchi  saranno  meno 
arditi,  quando  tra  i  cattolici  sara  mancata  la  contradittione  e 
la  disunione  del  credere  la  verita  di  fede,  che  rende  i  principi 
meno  atti  a  congregare  le  forze  ed  a  tentare  gl'  acquisti 
dell'Oriente.  ..." 

[Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  Nunziat.  di  Spag>ia,  139  f.,  49  f.] 

13.  Cardinal  x\ltieri  to  Cardinal  Nerli  ^ 

Rome,  July,   Uth,    1673. 

"  Fra  le  cose,  che  nel  corse  di  pochi  mesi  si  sono  attentate  con 
esempio  inaudito  in  cotesta  corte  a  pregiudizio  della  Sede 
Apostolica,  non  ha  certamente  I'ultimo  luogo  I'editto  per  la 
creazione  degli  ufficii  di  banchieri  e  spedizionieri  per  la  corte  di 
Roma  e  legazione  d'Avignone,  non  solo  perche  con  quello  viene 
a  restringersi  a'  fedeli  la  liberta  di  ricorrere  al  loro  padre 

1  Cf.  XXXI.,  p.  495- 


APPENDIX.  447 

comniiinc  per  li  bisof^ni  <•  (lirrttit)nc  dellc  coscienze,  ma 
perchc  lo  stcsso  cditto  si  a\anza  a  dichiararc  nuUi  e  di  niun 
effctto  li  rescritti  ct  atti  apostolici  in  altra  maniera  ottenuti  ; 
onde,  conosciutasi  questa  verita,  in  una  congregazione  di 
cardinali  unita  per  ordinc  di  N^o  S'''^,  fu  in  quclla  risoluta  che 
Sua  Beat"*^  non  potca  in  modo  alcuno  permettere  si  fatta 
innovazione  c  che  dovea,  come  perniciosa  e  di  pcssimo  esempio 
alia  cristianita  tutta,  annullarla  c  irritarla  ;  ma  in  ogni  modo, 
volendo  la  S*^  Sua  procedere  in  questo  affare  con  la  solita 
mansuetudine,  et  apprcndcndo  che  quci  che  hanno  suggerito 
la  pubblicazione  di  un  simile  editto,  siano  poco  istrutti  della 
rilevanza  di  esso  c  di  cio  ch'e  succeduto  in  altri  tempi,  quando 
si  e  voluto  attentare,  volse  col  mezzo  d'un  suo  Breve  signilicare 
i  suoi  sensi  alia  M^^  del  Re,  sperando  che  dalla  pieta  e  giustizia 
d'un  principe  si  religioso  fusse  potuto  togliere  affatto  questo 
scandalo  dal  cristianesimo,  e  cio  s'induccva  a  sperarlo  tanto 
piu  facilmente,  quanto  che,  per  le  notizie  havute,  s'era  conos- 
siuto  ch',  essendosi  in  diversi  tempi  per  I'avidita  d'alcuni 
banchieri  solo  intenti  al  proprio  interesse  fatti  intorno  a  cio 
alcuni  regolamenti,  erano  sempre  stati  a  richiesta  del  clero, 
giustamente  interessato  nella  liberta  ecclesiastica,  rivocati  et 
annullati,  come  si  credeva  che  potesse  succedere  di  presente  per 
i  rincontri  datine  da  V.  E.  Hora,  vedendosi  che  non  solo  si 
e  proceduto  alia  dcputazione  de'  spedizionieri,  ma  che  se  n'e 
publicato  I'editto,  si  e  giudicato  bene  di  dirle  che  assoluta- 
mente  qui  non  si  potra  piu  soffrire  un  attentato  si  pernicioso  ; 
in  conseguenza  di  che  sar^  obbligato  Sua  Beat"^  con  sommo  suo 
dispiacere  a  pratticare  quelle  risoluzioni,  che  in  casi  simili 
meditavano  di  fare  i  suoi  antecessori,  e  con  tutto  che  si  tenghi 
per  in  f  alii  bile  clio  Ic  pessime  conseguenze,  che  ne  deriveranno  a 
pregiudizio  de'  sudditi  di  Sua  Maesta  e  a  profitto  solamente 
dell'avarizia  di  pochi,  daranno  motivo  alia  Maesta  Sua  di 
ritrattar  qucst'editto  e  di  lasciar  che  nelle  spedizioni  si  osservi 
I'antica  liberta,  in  ogni  modo  non  deve  Sua  Beatitudine 
aspettare  che  succedino  scandali  cosi  inevitabili,  ma  deve,  per 
quanto  puote,  prevenirli,  come  fa  col  mezzo  di  questa,  incari- 
cando  a  V.  E.  di  applicar  tutto  lo  spirito  nell'imprimere  a' 
cotesti  ministri,  che  Nostro  Signore  e  costituito  in  questa 
obligazione  e  che  deve  in  tutti  i  modi  adempirla. 
[Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  Xtmziat.  di  Francia,  432,  f.   171  s.  (now 

148-9).] 


448  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

14.     Clement  X.  to  Louis  XIV. 

Carissimo     in     Christo    filio      Ludovico      Francorum      Regi 
Christianissimo  Clemens  PP.  X. 

1. 

Carissime  in  Christo  fili  Noster  salutem  etc.  Strenua 
Traiecti  superioris  expugnatio  per  nobilem  virum  Ducem 
Destroeum  Maiestatis  tuae  nomine  nuntiata  Nobis  eximiae 
iure  merito  tibi  ab  Apostolica  Sede  laudes  comparat,  cuius 
profecto  praeclara  incrementa  sunt  victoriae  tuae.  Invisam 
enim  dum  Superis  gentem,  arcibus  munitissimis  obvallatam 
atque  in  multitudine  divitiarum  suarum  gloriantem  de 
sacrilega  dominatione  deturbas,  antiqua  coeli  iura  restituis 
subiugatisque  Ecclcsiae  perduellibus  nationes  edoces  universas, 
non  execrandum  tantummodo,  sed  infelix  quoque  tandem 
scelus  esse  impiam  ab  orthodoxa  matre  defectionem.  Excelsos 
itaque  invictae  fortitudini  tuae  ct  pontificio  solio  plausus 
excitantes,  te,  carissime  fili,  natum  ad  palmas,  educatum  ad 
triumphos,  amantissime  in  Domino  complectimur,  indefinitam 
inclytis  conatibus  tuis  gloriae  metam  auspicamur,  omniumque 
bonorum  authorem  Deum  accuratissimis  precibus  obsecramus, 
ut  apostolicam  benedictionem,  quam  Maiestati  tuae  ex  omni 
cordis  Nostri  sensu  impertimur,  profusis  ipse  quoque 
beneficentiae  thesauris  cumulate  confirmet. 

Datum  Romae  apud  Sanctam  Mariam  Maiorem  sub  annulo 
piscatoris  die  XXVI.  lulii  1673,  pontificatus  Nostri  anno  4°. 
Papal  Sec.  Arch.,  Clementis  X.  epist.  ad  principes,  Arm.  IV-V., 

f.  28  seq} 


Carissime  in  Christo  fili  Noster  salutem.  lucundum 
admodum  accidit  Nobis  praeclarum  testimonium,  quod  de 
egregie  gesta  a  dilccto  filio  Nostro  Francisco  cardinali  Nerlio 
apud  Maiestatem  tuam  Apostolici  Nuntii  provincia  necnon  de 
ipsius  virtutibus  ac  promeritis  accuratis  ad  Nos  litteris  dedisti ; 
gavisi  enim  magnopere  sumus  impensam  eidem  praecipuis 
documentis  voluntatem  Nostram  luculenter  tanti  regis 
suffragio  comprobatam  esse.     Eximiae  insuper  argumentum 

1  Cf.  XXXI.,  p.  497. 


APPENDIX.  449 

laetitiae  sumpsimus  cum  ex  iisdem  litteris  turn  ex  voce 
praedicti  dilecti  filii  Xostri,  qui  filialem  ergo  Nos  atque  Sanctam 
banc  Sedem  observantiam  tuani  disertis  coram  significationibus 
prosecutus  est  ;  effervescentibus  autem  vicissim  in  Nobis 
erga  Maiestatem  tuam  paternae  caritatis  ardoribus,  te  ortho- 
doxae  religionis  decus  totiusque  christianae  reipublicae  orna- 
mentum  intimi  amoris  sensu  in  Domino  complectimur,  meritum 
tibi  pro  Traiccto  superiori  expugnato  ex  apostolica  statione 
iterum  iterumque  plausum  damus  ac  pontificiam  benedic- 
tioncm  amantissime  impertimur. 

Datum  Romae  apud  S.  Mariam  Maiorem  sub  annulo 
piscatoris  die  XXII.  Augusti  1G73,  pontificatus  Nostri  anno 
quarto. 

[Ihid.,  f.  36.] 

15.    Biographies  of  Pope  Innocent  XI. 

For  a  long  time  we  were  reduced  to  a  few  small  works  for  the 
life  of  Innocent  XI. ^  The  first  is  by  Giovanni  Battista  Pistoni, 
Vita  d'Innocenzo  XI.  (Venice,  1891  ;  new  edition,  1716). 
The  work  cannot  offer  much,  were  it  only  by  reason  of  its 
brevity.  Not  much  more  is  to  be  found  in  the  Vita  by 
Giovanni  Albizzi,  Venice,  1695.  More  detailed  are  the 
writings  of  Fr.  Caccia,  O.F.M.  ;  Leben  Innozenz  XI.  (Neyss, 
1696;  Frankfurt,  1697),  and  Filippo  Bonamici's  book 
iledicated  to  Pius  VI.  :  De  vita  et  rebus  gestis  venerabilis  servi 
Dei  Innocentii  XI.  Pont.  Max.  commentarius,  Romae,  1776, 
printed  in  N.^'it.  Alexander,  Hist.  eccl.  snppL,  III.,  48-92 
(without  the  introduction),  and  in  Berthier,  Innocentii  XI. 
Epistolae,  I.,  ix-hi  (complete).  The  value  of  Bon.\mici's  work, 
written  in  elegant  Latin,  lies  chiefly  in  the  circumstance  that 
he  was  able  to  make  use  of  the  notes  of  Marracci,  Innocent  XI's 
confessor.  Lebret  gave  a  German  translation  of  Bonamici's 
work  (Frankfurt  and  Leipzig,  1791),  with  anti-Jesuit  remarks 
in  keeping  with  the  superficial  "  enlightenment  "  of  the 
period.'' 

'  The  bizarre  work  of  Gasper  Saz  :  Ecos  sagrados  de  la  fania 
gloriosa  de  Innocencio  XI.  S.P.O.M.  Panegyrico  ecometrico, 
Madrid,  1681,  is  of  no  historical  value. 

-  The  Vita  Innocentii  XI.  by  Comes  .\  Tukre  Rezzonico 
has  remained  in  MS.  in  the  Monti  .\rchives,  Como. 

VOL.  XXX.  G  g 


450  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

Three  other  biographies  of  Innocent  XI.  only  became  known 
through  the  Dominican  Berthier  {Vita  d'Innocenzo  XL, 
Roma,  1889),  to  whom  we  also  owe  an  edition  of  the  Latin 
letters  of  the  Pontiff ;    they  are  : 

1.  An  anonymous  biography,  composed  in  the  year  of  the 
Pope's  death  (Berthier,  258-277),  but  which  is  wrong  on 
several  points  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  does  not  give  much 
that  is  new. 

2.  The  Vita  Innocentii  XI.  exaraia  a  P.  Ludovico  Marracci, 
qui  ipsi  fuit  a  confessionibus  (Berthier,  240-258),  sincere, 
most  trustworthy,  and  giving  much  that  is  new  but  no  real 
biography.^ 

3.  The  Vita  del  servo  di  Dio  Papa  Innocentio  XI.  raccolta 
in  tre  libri  per  Mattia  Giuseppe  Lippi.  The  original  of  this 
biography,  which  fills  a  whole  volume  (Berthier,  1-203), 
is  preserved  in  the  Odescalci  Archives,  Rome.  Copies  are 
found  in  the  Bibl.  Vallicelliana  (K  48)  and  in  Bibl.  Corsini, 
Rome.  A  third  copy,  of  the  year  1719,  I  found  in  the  Ricci 
Archives,  Rome,  and  a  fourth  is  in  Cod.  6306  of  the  State 
Library,  Vienna.  Ranke  (III.,  202)  gives  a  short  extract  of  this 
work,  whose  author  remained  unknown  to  him.  He  quotes  in 
his  own  peculiar  fashion  as  "  Ms.  Rom."  :  he  probably  used 
the  MS.  of  the  Corsini  Library  (39  D  3). 

Lippi's  Vita  is  divided  into  three  books  :  the  first  treats  of 
the  antecedents  of  the  Pope  :  the  second  of  his  government, 
with  the  exception  of  his  efforts  for  the  Turkish  war  ;  to  this, 
Innocent  XL's  greatest  effort,  the  whole  of  the  third  book  is 
devoted,  ending  with  his  death  and  an  account  of  the  venera- 
tion of  which  he  became  the  object  after  his  death.  The  work 
is  of  very  great  value  in  many  ways,  for  it  is  that  of  a  contem- 
porary (composed  1693),  who  kept  his  eyes  open  and  who  had 
the  assistance  of  well-informed  men,  such  as  Cardinal  Colloredo 
and  the  Oratorian  Carafini.  Naturally  enough,  Lippi  was  not 
initiated  into  the  details  of  diplomatic  negotiations  ;  for  this 
we  depend  on  the  documents  preserved  in  the  Archives. 
Moreover  there  are  shadows  on  which  Lippi  does  not  dwell. 
Lippi  is  completely  mistaken  with  regard  to  the  government 

1  Marracci  also  wrote  a  book  entitled  :  L'Ebreo  preso  per  Ic 
buone  overo  discorsi  faniigliari  et  amichevoli  fatti  con  i  Rabbini 
di  Roma  iniorno  at  Messia,  Roma,  1701. 


APPENDIX.  451 

of  the  Jesuit  General  Gonzalez  (p.  55),  but  it  is  his  merit  to 
have  adopted  from  the  first  a  critical  attitude  towards  the 
legends  which  (juickly  gathered  round  the  person  of  the 
Pope  (p.  184). 

An  apology,  obviously  written  in  view  of  the  eventual 
canonization  of  the  Pontiff,  has  for  its  author  the  learned 
Dominican  and  friend  of  Benedict  XIV.,  Tommaso  Maria 
Mamachi  {Pro  Innocentio  XI.  Pont.  Max.  liber  singularis).^ 
There  is  a  copy  in  the  Odescalchi  Archives  and  in  those  of  the 
Roman  Dominicans.  In  his  Appendix,  Berthier  has  given  a 
few  passages  from  this  refutation  of  the  unfounded  accusations 
of  which  Innocent  XI.  has  been  the  object.  Berthier  also 
quotes  the  Acts  of  the  process  of  beatification,  but  without 
indicating  that  important  sections  of  them  had  already  been 
printed  in  the  Analccta  juris  pontificii,  11th  series  (1872), 
271-327. 

New  light  has  been  thrown  upon  Innocent  XL's  aims  by  the 
Briefs  published  by  Berthier,-  and  by  the  partial  publication 
of  the  nunciature  reports.^  The  best  recent  presentment  is 
that  in  Immich's  monograph  (1900),  but  the  latter  limits 
himself  to  the  Pope's  political  activity  ;  where  he  touches  on 
his  ecclesiastical  activity,  he  commits  more  than  one  blunder. 

Michaud's  book,  Louis  XIV.  et  Innocent  XI.  (4  vols., 
Paris,  1882)  is  valuable  for  the  unpublished  documents  we 
find  in  its  pages  ;  for  the  rest  it  is  a  tendentious  piece  of  work 
(see  XXXII,  p.  126,  n.  2). 

IG.    Instruction  for  A.  Pignatelli,  Nuncio  in  Germany 
(Innocent  XII.)  * 

1668. 

.  .  .  Dalla  maggior  parte  de'  politici  si  crcde  hoggidi  che  tra 
tutte  le  Nuntiature  quella  di  Germania  sia  la  meno  faticosa  e 

*  Cf.  Moroni,  XL II.,  95  seqq. 

*  The  text  is  faithfully  but  uncritically  printed. 

*  To  the  data  collected  by  Immich  (p.  9)  on  this  publication 
must  be  added  the  recent  but  incomplete  work  of  Bojani,  though 
it  is  not  free  from  grave  defects,  cf.  Rom.  Ouartalschrift,  1914, 
59*  seqq.  ;  Rev.  d'hist.  eccles.,  XII.,  127  seqq.  ;  Hist.  Jahrbiich, 
XXXI.,  814  seqq.  ;   Rev.  d'hist.  de  I'liglise  de  Prance,  V.,  392  seqq. 

'   Cf.  XXXII.,  572. 

VOL.    XXX.  Gg* 


452  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES. 

la  pill  facile  da  reggere  con  somma  riputazionc  della  Sedc 
Apost.,  in  che  pare  che  vi  si  trovi  qualche  fondamento  non 
mediocre,  perche  nella  Francia  ordinariamente  il  Nuntio 
trova  inviluppi  cosi  grandi  rispetto  a'  privilegi  della  chiesa 
Gallicana,  alia  liberta  del  Parlamento  et  alle  maniere  ardite 
de'  popoli,  che  quasi  non  sa  come  svilupparsene.  In  Spagna 
s'incontrano  difficolta  non  ordinarie  per  la  liberta,  la  gravitci 
del  Consiglio  di  Stato,  per  le  pretentioni  de'  Spagnoli  e  per  il 
troppo  zelo  del  Cattolico  Re,  in  che  fidati  li  Nuntii  credono  di 
poter  ottenere  tutto  quello  che  vogliono,  ma  si  trovano 
ingannati,  perche  il  Re  non  cerca  altro  che  a  scuotersi  da  quel 
predominio  che  gli  ecclesiastici  hanno  preso  sopra  di  lui  e  de' 
suoi  Stati,  quali  esendo  amplissimi,  danno  sempre  differenti 
materie  di  dispareri,  che  servono  a  moltiplicar  le  fatiche  dei 
Nuntii. 

Di  Venetia  non  dico  nulla,  mentre  si  sa  benissimo  dalla 
corte  che  questa  Nuntiatura  serve  al  Nuntio  di  prigione,  e  non 
bisogna  andarvi  con  una  testa  di  cristallo,  perche  non  vi  sara 
molto  a  guadagnare,  e  portandosene  una  di  ferro,  e  pure  peri- 
coloso,  non  potendo  mai  far  bene  duro  con  duro  ;  onde  fa  di 
mestieri  cercar  la  strada  di  mezzo,  che  non  e  senza  pericolo, 
havendo  da  due  lati  i  precipitii  et  abissi.  Quali  ragioni  non 
militano  nella  corte  dell'Imperatore,  riconoscendo  questo, 
come  vogliono  questi  politici,  la  sua  grandezza  dalla  grandezza 
di  Roma,  essendo  obligato  per  il  dovere  del  suo  scettro  di 
conservare  et  augmentare  la  maesta  della  Sede  Apost.,  la 
quale  cosa  rende  ai  Nuntii  molto  piu  facili  li  negotiati,  gia 
che  Cesare  istesso  e  obbligato  di  procurar  le  sodisfattioni  del 
Papa. 

lo  ad  ogni  modo  non  ardisco  affermare  ne  sottoscrivermi  a 
questa  opinione,  anzi  io  trovo  che  non  vi  e  Nuntiatura  pie 
difficile  da  maneggiare  di  quella  della  Germania,  perche 
rimperatore  in  tempo  di  pace  ha  limitata  la  sua  autorita 
dalla  Dieta  elettorale,  et  in  tempo  di  guerra,  riconoscendo  la 
sua  autorita  dalla  forza  dell'armi,  puoco  cura  di  humiliarsi  alle 
dimande  di  Roma.  Ogni  trattato  si  rende  nella  corte  imperiale 
difificile,  contrastando  insieme  i  privilegi  degl'Elettori  e  la 
suprema  M'^  dell'Imperatore,  gl'uni  volendo  far  dell'impero 
una  republica,  e  I'altro  pretendendo  far  della  republica 
elettorale  una  sovranita  particolare.  Onde  per  lo  piu  non  si  sa 
a  qual  partito  appigliarsi,  tanto  piu  che  i  partiti  di  Roma  danno 


APPENDIX.  453 

al  prescntc  una  gclosia  troppo  grandc  agrintcrossi  dclla 
Germania. 

Tuttavia  diro  con  buona  ragione  che  V.  S.  I.  truova  aperta 
una  porta,  perdove  entrando,  se  gli  rcndcranno  facilissimi  i 
negotiati  ;  ct  in  fatti  la  Nuntiatura  di  Polonia  e  una  scuola 
de'  primi  durimenti  della  Nuntiatura  di  Germania.  Qui 
s'imparano  Ic  prime  regole  di  quei  grandi  studii  che  conviene 
essercitare  nella  corte  imperiale.  In  Polonia  si  celebrano  le 
vigilie,  et  in  Germania  le  feste,  trov-andosi  molti  trattati  quasi 
di  una  medesima  specie,  costumandosi  pian  piano  il  Nuntio 
nella  corte  di  Polonia  a  riconoscere  la  differenza  che  si  trova  di 
vivere  in  Roma  o  in  altri  rcgni  fra  huomini  d'una  stessa  rcligione, 
e  di  conversare,  anzi  trattare  con  politici  di  credenza,  e  pero 
havendo  con  tanta  sodisfattione  de'  Polonesi,  del  Re  Casimiro 
e  della  Sede  Apost.  esercitata  V.  S.  I.  quella  Nuntiatura, 
certo  e  che  non  si  trovar^  alcuna  diflficolta  di  essercitare  quella 
della  Germania,  servendosi  deU'esperienza  e  prattiche  di 
fresco  passate. 

Veramente,  se  non  si  avesse  da  negotiare  che  con  il  solo 
imperatore  o  che  questo  fosse  monarca  di  disponere  ogni  cosa  a 
suo  beneplacito,  i  negotiati  si  renderebbono  i  piu  facili  che  si 
potessero  mai  desiderare  ;  mentre  Cesare  conservando  quel 
naturale  zelo  di  religione,  anzi  quello  ossequio  e  riverenza  verso 
la  Sede  Apost.,  che  sono  tanto  conaturalizzate  nella  case  di 
Austria,  procurarebbe  di  far  cadere  il  tutto  in  sodisfattione 
del  Papa.  Ma  il  male  e  che  si  trovano  molti  traversi,  et  il 
numero  grande  de'  protestanti  interessati  nella  corte  imperiale 
rompono  per  lo  piu  ogni  buon  disegno,  et  all'hora  appunto 
quando  si  crede  di  haver  per  guadagnato  e  vinto  qualche 
punto,  sia  di  religione  o  di  politica,  conviene  perdere  il  tutto  a 
ricominciar  quasi  da  capo  il  trattato,  perdendosi  molto  tempo  a 
rompere  i  disegni  di  qucUi  che  non  hanno  altra  mira  che  a 
rinversare  ogni  cosa.  .  .  . 

[Papal  Sec.  Archives,  Nimziat.  diverse,  242,  f.  353-5.] 

[Means    for    helping    the    Church    in    Germany.] 

...  II  primo  e  I'aggrandimento  et  il  perpetuo  stabilimento 
dell'imperio  in  una  case  cattohca.  II  2^  I'unione  de'  principi 
cattolici  con  il  partito  di  Cesare.  II  3^  la  propagatione  della 
religione  Romana.  II  I"  la  riputationc  dcll'autorita  apostolica 
e  il  ristoro  della  immunita  e  giurisdittione  ecclesiastica.     Et 


454  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES. 

il  50  la  riforma  dc'  costumi  del  clcro  c  dclla  disciplina  eccle- 
siastica  .  .  . 

[Ibid.,  i.  358] 

.  .  .  Ouesto  era  lo  scudo  delli  Nuntii,  quando  bisognava  star 
nelle  difese  ;  ma  al  presente  per  la  di  Dio  gratia  noi  siamo  a 
cavallo,  perche  sicome  i  cattolici  nei  tempi  andati  temevano 
gli  avvanzi  dei  protestanti,  hora  al  contrario  i  protestanti 
temono  gli  avvanzi  dei  cattolici  e  si  guardano  piu  di  noi  che  noi 
di  loro,  e  questo  vuol  dir  che  pensano  piu  tosto  a  difendersi  da' 
nostri  colpi  che  a  tirar  verso  di  noi  quel  colpi  che  ci  hanno  dato 
per  I'addietro. 

Corre  fama  che  si  tratti  da'  Calvinisti  I'unione  delle  due 
religioni  Luterana  e  Calvinista,  e  benche  questa  sia  un'opera 
piu  tosto  da  desiderarsene  che  da  vedersene  la  loro  essecutione, 
con  tutto  cio  sara  bene  d'invigilar  negl'andamenti  degl'uni  e 
degl'altri,  perche,  quando  questo  si  potesse  mettere  in  effetto, 
la  religione  Romana  correrebbe  rischio  di  vedersi  in  peggiori 
calamita  di  quelle  in  che  si  vidde  nel  tempo  di  Gustavo  Adolfo. 

La  Francia  ad  ogni  modo  dalla  sua  parte  si  sforzarebbe  di 
romper  tali  disegni,  quando  si  vedessero  in  campo,  per  non 
render  gl'Ugonotti  di  quel  regno  troppo  appoggiati  nel  di 
fuori  ;  onde  la  rottura  de'  trattati  sara  facile,  tanto  piu  che 
materie  simili  non  si  possono  trattare  in  segreto  ;  pure  non 
bisogna  addormentarsi  sopra  la  speranza  dell'impossibile,  per 
non  restar  da  se  stesso  ingannato  e  malamente  deluso. 

In  quanto  al  4°  potrei  dir  molte  cose,  ma  scegliero  il  piu 
necessario,  che  pure  servira  per  istruttione  del  3°  punto  di 
sopra  accennato.  E  veramente  I'autorita  apostolica  e  giuris- 
dittione  ecclesiastica  hanno  sofferto  ferite  sensibilissime  nella 
Germania,  che  pero  sara  bene  procurarne  la  guarigione.  Dovra 
dunque  V.  S.  I.  proteggere  e  far  proteggere  con  ardente  zelo 
dairimperatore  tutte  le  universita  de'  cattolici,  accioche 
alia  gioventii  non  s'insegnino  false  dottrine,  parimente  molti- 
plicar  sempre  piii  il  numero  de'  parrochi  cattolici  in  tutte  le 
citta  imperiali  come  ancora  in  altri  luoghi  dipendenti 
dall'imperio,  e  sopra  tutto  che  vi  sia  buon  numero  di  maestri 
di  scuola  tutti  cattolici,  e  far  continuare  con  assiduita  I'uso 
de'  catechismi.  Sarebbe  da  desiderare  che  nelle  citta  imperiali, 
e  particolarmente  nelle  piu  considerabili,  non  vi  fussero  altri 
librari   che   cattolici,   e   laddovc   il  numero   degli  heretici   e 


APPENDIX.  455 

troppo  grandc  e  potcnte,  ottencre  che  vi  sia  trai  librari  heretici 
alcuno  cattolico  che  habbia  buona  provisionc  di  libri 
concernenti  la  nostra  rcligione.  Ben  e  vero  che  i  Ubrari  di 
questi  tempi  sono  tanto  mercenarii,  che  si  fanno  lecito  di 
vender  Hbri  contro  Christo  per  tirar  dalle  mani  di  iin  scelerato 
dieci  quadrini.  Onde  esorti  V.  S.  I.  alio  spesso  Sua  Maesta 
Cesarea,  accio  da'  suoi  commissarii  si  visitino  per  tutto  tutte  le 
stampe  di  quando  in  qiiando  c  librarie  dcgli  heretici  et  ancora 
de'  cattolici,  accioche  non  mettino  in  publico  I'opcre  degl'empii 
autori. 

Per  far  riluccrc  la  autorita  apostolica  non  vi  e  mezzo  piii 
efficace  che  la  moltiplicatione  de'  Gesuiti,  che  sono  veramente 
quelli  che  non  solo  hanno  difcsa,  ma  di  piu  propagata  la  maesta 
del  Pontefice.  Quindi  e  che,  conoscendo  gli  heretici  il  zclo, 
bont^,  valore  e  virtu  di  questi  Padri,  temono  piu  della  dottrina 
di  mezza  dozzena  di  dctti  religiosi  che  di  tutto  il  resto  della 
frateria  ;  onde  procurano  con  tutte  le  massime  piu  diabolichc 
di  screditarli  ncl  mondo,  per  levarsi  dinanzi  gl'occhi  questo 
ostacolo,  dal  quale  preveggono  il  loro  sterminio  ;  che  pcro 
conviene  che  V.  S.  se  la  tenghi  con  essi  loro  e  gli  esorti  a 
moltiplicar  le  missioni,  le  prediche  e  le  loro  opere,  le  facci 
correr  per  tutto  e  conservi  il  lor  credito  nella  corte  di  Cesare  e 
nella  mcntc  di  tutti. 

Si  guardi  di  tener  la  mano  a  questi  rimedii  con  troppo 
rigore,  benche  coperto  di  zelo,  e  non  permetta  che  usi  mai  contro 
gl'heretici  la  forza  o  far  gran  strepito,  perche  con  questo  si 
potrebbe  commover  tutta  la  Germania  e  mettcr  di  nuovo 
I'armi  nelle  lor  mani,  mentre  gli  heretici  ci  stanno  all'erta,  e 
basta  la  persecutione  d'un  solo  per  dare  all'armi,  come  se  fusse 
una  guerra  di  religione  ;  ma  conviene  procedere  a  puoco  a 
puoco  conforme  la  quality  de'  popoli  e  con  I'ardor  suave  e  la 
piace  volezza  ardente  che  suole  usare  nelle  opere  sue  lo  Spirito 
Santo.  E  piacesse  a  Dio  che  V.  S.  havesse  tanto  di  gratia 
che  per  opera  di  Lei  et  a  suo  tempo  si  cominciasse  a  stender 
nelle  parti  piu  heresiarche  la  cattolica  religione  ;  che  certo 
con  I'autorita  pictosa  di  Sua  Maesta  unita  al  suo  zclo  e  con 
le  prcghiere  di  Sua  Santitil  se  ne  potrebbe  sperare  ottimo 
fine.  .  .  . 

[Ibid.,  f.  3G0s.] 

.  .  .  Esorti  li  prelati  a  continuarc  le  visite  per  le  loro  diocesi 


456  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

et  a  tenere  la  mano  alia  vergognosa  vita  degli  ecclesiastici  et 
in  particolare  dei  monasterii.  Ma  sopra  I'altre  cose  egli  e 
mestiere,  per  la  grandissima  penuria  che  vi  e  di  sacerdito  e  di 
operarii  cattolici,  il  ritorno  indietro  a  far  di  nuovo  e  rimettere 
in  piedi  i  seminarii  et  i  collegii  de'  poveri,  et  il  fondarne  di 
nuovo,  assegnando  a  quelli  per  mantenerli  li  beni  ecclesiastici 
alienati  et  occupati  dagli  heretici,  che  si  dovrebbero  con  ogni 
studio  ricuperare  ;  e  non  meno  da  questi  che  da'  beneficii 
pill  grossi  si  potrebbe  ancora  cavare  il  mode  di  andare  alimen- 
tando  i  poveri  convertiti  alia  fade.  .  .  . 

[Ihid.,  f.  362.] 

...  In  quanto  poi  al  pratticare  degli  heretici,  che  un  punto 
tanto  essentiale  per  le  cose  della  Germania,  diro  che  non 
conviene  dar  segno  di  aborrirli,  come  hanno  fatto  altri,  tanto 
che  oltre  all'usato  I'habbiamo  ad  odiare  maggiormente. 
V.  S.  ad  ogni  modo  fara  maggiore  opera,  per  facilitarne 
I'essecutione  della  sua  carica,  a  mostrare  di  havere  loro  anzi 
compassione  che  odio,  e  cercara  con  la  dolcezza  del  trattare  e 
con  termini  di  benevolenza  di  renderseli  confidenti  piu  tosto 
che  avversi,  perche  potra  con  questo  assicurarsi  che  non  gli 
riuscira  inutile  all'ufficio  intrapreso  una  cotal  destrezza  di 
operare,  come  lo  vedra  per  esperienza. 

Ouando  occorrono  dispute  particolari  tra  gentilhuomini 
cattolici  e  protestanti,  non  dia  mai  segno  nel  sentirne  discorrere 
di  dipendere,  prima  delle  necessarie  informationi,  dalla  parte 
de'  cattolici  ;  ma  con  dovuti  termini  tenga  la  parte  della 
ragione  e  non  dia  motivo  con  parole  ingiuriose  o  altro  a' 
protestanti  di  crederlo  troppo  appassionato,  e,  se  si  puo, 
scusi  la  debolezza  dei  protestanti,  anco  quando  conosce  il  torto 
esser  tutto  dalla  lor  banda.  .  .  . 

[Ibid.,  f.  378.] 


INDEX   OF   NAMES   IN   VOL.   XXX 


Abdegal,    Archbishop    of, 

Aleppo,   195. 
Aragona,    Ottavio     Acquaviva 

d'.  Cardinal,  189. 
Adami,    Adam    (O.S.B.),    loi, 

113, 115-18. 
Aiguillon,  Duchess  of,  193. 
Aiguillon,     d',   mathematician, 

349- 
Albergati,     Nicolas,     Cardinal, 

186. 
Albizzi,     Francesco,     Cardinal, 

102,     190,    229,    256-277, 

280,  300,  378. 
Albornoz,  Cardinal,  15,  iS,  20, 

23.   74.   76- 

Aldobrandini,  the  Family,  373. 

Aldobrandini,  Baccio,  Cardinal, 
189. 

Aldobrandini,  Olimpia  (Prin- 
cess   of    Rossano),     37-40, 

44.  189.  373- 
Alexander  Heinrich  of  Sonder- 

berg,  138. 
Alexander  VII.,  Pope,  6,  9,  12, 

193.  395- 
Alexander  VIII.,  Pope,  237. 
Algardi,  Alexander,  28-33,  184. 

383.  386,  390-400. 
Allegrini,     Francesco     (artist), 

402. 
Altieri,  Emilio,    Cardinal,    15, 

16,  82,  83,  180. 
Amalia,  Landgravine  of  Hesse- 

Kassel,  104,  121,  137. 
Ameyden  "  Deone  "-Theodore, 

373- 

Andilly,  Robert  d',  229. 

Angclis,  William  ab,  304,  315. 

Angran,  Doctor,  262. 

Anne,  Queen  (wife  of  Louis 
XIIL),  30,  66,  70,  156, 
215,  -221-8,  265,  284. 


Anna  Sophia,  Countess  Pala- 
tine,  137. 

Annat,  Frangois  (Jesuit,  Asst. 
Gen.),  256,  275,  295.  296. 

Antonio  di  S.  Maria  (Fran- 
ciscan),  201,   205. 

Antrim,  164. 

Archangel,  Fr.  (Capuchin),  213, 

Aragona,  Antonio,  Cardinal. 
187. 

Arnauld,  Angelique  (sister  of 
Antoine),    225,    238,    289. 

Arnauld,  Antoine,  57,  216-19, 
224-234,  238,  239,  251- 
3.  259,  295,  296. 

Arnauld,  Henri  (Bishop  of 
Angers),  57,  58,  60,  62, 
259  n.,  2S9. 

Asinelli,  Sansone,  370. 

Attichi,  Louis  d'  (Bishop  of 
Autun),  297  n. 

Aubusson,  George  (Bishop  of 
Embrun),   297. 

Augustine,  St.,  216-224,  242- 
251.  257,  259,  270-282, 
289-299,  303,  309,  319- 
320,  326,  328,  339-343- 

Authier,  Christoph,  177. 

Aversa,  Raphael  (CI.  minor), 
268. 

Azzolini,  Decio,  Cardinal,  42, 
45.    189. 

Bachamel   (Jesuit),   207. 
Bagno,  Niccol6  Guido  (nuncio), 

54,  68,  193,  231-250,  257, 

284-295. 
Bagot,  John  (Jesuit),  193. 
Baillie,  146. 
Baius,  Michael,  219,  228,  257, 

326. 
Baldino,    Giovanni,    Giacomo, 

377- 


457 


458 


INDEX    OF   NAMES. 


Baltasar,  Carlos,  of  Spain,  88. 
Balue,    Jean    de    la.    Cardinal, 

69. 
Barberini,  the  Family  of,   49- 

51.    53-7,    60-2,    65,     92, 

189,  373- 
Barberini,    Antonio,    Cardinal, 

15.    17- 
Barberini,    Antonio,    Cardinal, 

15,  18,   20-3,   48,   52,   64, 
91,  191,  261,  263. 

Barberini,  Carlo,  Cardinal,  92, 

189. 
Barberini,  Francesco,  Cardinal, 

15- 
Barberini,  Francesco,  Cardinal, 

15-18,  21-6,  53,  55,  62-5, 

190. 
Barberini,  Matteo,  92. 
Barberini,     Taddeo,     General, 

14.  53-6,  64. 
Barcos,  de,  217,  234,  235. 
Barrata,   Francesco   (sculptor), 

405- 

Barriere,  Dominique,  (en- 
graver), 182,  400. 

Battaglia,  Girolamo,  76,  77. 

Battistini  (poet),  402. 

Basadonna,  Pietro,  Cardinal, 
90. 

Beatrice,  St.,  89. 

Beaufort,  Duke  of,  58. 

Beaupuy,  Count  of,  58. 

Bellegarde,  Octave  de  (Bishop 
of  Sens),  230. 

Bellings,   Richard,   157,   158. 

Bellori,  386. 

Benedict  XIII.,  Pope,  13. 

Benedict  XIV.,  Pope,  12,    204. 

Bentivoglio,    Guido,    Cardinal, 

16,  22,  229. 
Bereur,  319. 

Bernini,     Lorenzo      (architect), 

28-31,  188.  382-396,  403-8. 
Beron,  le  (Bishop  of   Valence), 

259  n. 
Bertier  (Bishop  of  Montauban), 

259  n. 
Beusecom,  Christian,  304. 
Bichi,     Alessandro,      Cardinal, 

16,  19-25,  30,  32. 


Bichi,  Antonio,  Cardinal,  264, 

300,    301,    305-325,    330, 

332. 
Berulle   (Oratorian),   223. 
Blume,  Heinrich  Julius,  137. 
Bollandus,  349. 
Bonfilz,  199. 
Boonen,  Jacob  (Archbishop  of 

Malines),    301,    302,    307, 

309, 314-19,  327-330,  334- 

6,  338-348. 
Bordel,  213. 

Borghese,  the  Family,  373. 
Borgognone  (artist),  372. 
Borgia,  Cardinal,   15. 
Borromeo,    Gilberto,    Cardinal, 

189. 
Borromini,  Francesco,  Cardinal, 

283,  288-292,  403-410. 
Bosquet,    Fran9ois    (Bishop   of 

Lodere),  71. 
Bossuet,    Jacques   Benigne 

(Bishop  of  Meaux),  3,  4. 
Bourbon,  Henry  (D.  of),  233. 
Bourdalone,  Louis,  3. 
Bourgeois,    Jean    (theologian), 

229,  230,  233,  234,  242. 
Bourgoing     (General     of    Ora- 

torians),  224,  237. 
Bouthillier    (Archbishop    of 

Tours),  397  n. 
Bo^Tieburg,   Johann    Christian 

von,  137,  138. 
Bragadino,  Cardinal,   16. 
Brancaccio,    Cardinal,    16. 
Breze,  de.  Admiral,  19,  60. 
Bril,  Paul  (artist),  401. 
Brisacier,  Jean  de,  229. 
Brousse,  262,  263,   275. 
Broussel,   235. 
Browne,   164. 
Bufalo,    Maria    Flaminia    del, 

24. 
Bruni   (Augustinian),  270,  300. 
BuUialdo,  Ismael,  77. 
Buzenval  (Bishop  of  Beau vais), 

259  n.,  290. 

Cabrera,  Admiral,  58,  59. 
Caelen,    Henry   van    (Calenus), 
302,  308-314,  327,  335. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


459 


Caflfarelli,  Prospero,  i8g. 
Cajetan,  Cardinal,  98. 
Calandri,     Giovanni,     Battista 

(artist),  385. 
Caiasanzio,  Joseph,  177. 
Calderon  (Jesuit),  2,  88,  90. 
Calixt,  Georg  (professor),  138- 

140. 
Calvin,  218. 

Camassei  .Andrea  (artist).  402. 
Campanella.  Domenico  (Carme- 
lite), 268. 
Candido,  Vincent  (Dominican), 

269-272. 
Canisius,  Peter,  109. 
Canonici,   Francesco   (Mascam- 

bruno).  376. 
Capello,     Giovanni     (General), 

360. 
Capello,     Giovanni     Ambrosio 

(Bishop  of  Antwerp),  345. 
Capillas,  Bl.,  201. 
Capponi,    Luigi,    Cardinal,    15, 

16,  68,  129,  131,  180,  igi. 
Caracena,  Marquis  de.  89. 
Carafa,    Pier    Luigi,    Cardinal, 

186. 
Carafa,    Vinccnzo    (General   of 

Society  of  Jesus),  178. 
Caramuel  v.  Lobkowiz  (Abbot), 

no,   134. 
Cardenas,     Bernardino    de 

(Bishop),  207. 
Carlo     Emmanucle    of    Savoy, 

Cardinal,  189. 
Carlo  Pio  of  Savoy,  Cardinal, 

189. 
Caron,  Raymond  F.  M.,  194. 
Cassini  (scientist),  4. 
Castel    Koderigo    (Governor  of 

Madrid),  300-3.  310. 
Catinat,  General.  4. 
Caumartin,  Lefevre  de  (Bishop 

of  Amiens),  223,  259  n. 
Cecchini,   Domenico,  Cardinal, 

40,  186,  265. 
Cenci,  Tiberio,  Cardinal,  1S6. 
Cennini,   Cardinal,    15,    16,   22. 
Cesarini,  the  Family  of,  373. 
Cesi,  Angclo  (Bishop  of  Rimini) . 

353.  361. 


Cesi,  Cardinal,  15,  20. 

Cesi,  Carlo,  of  Rieti  (engraver), 

402. 
Charles    I.  (King  of  England), 

143-155.  160,  164,  167. 
Charles  II.  (King  of  England), 

151.  152. 
Clement  VIII.,   Pope,   24,   25, 
259-264,     273,    310,    387- 

395- 
Clement     IX.,     Pope,     9,     12 

(Rospigliosi,  q.v.). 
Clement  X.,  Pope,  9,  12. 
Clement  XI.,  Pope,  13,  204. 
Clement  XII.,  Pope,  13. 
Charruau,   239. 
Chavigny,  216. 
Cherubini,  Francesco,  Cardinal, 

187. 
Chiaves,  Antonio  de.  Cardinal, 

390. 
Chigi,  Fabio   (Pope  Alexander 

VII.),   42-6,   94-120,    124, 

130,  141,  188,  264-6,  275-9, 

377.   378- 
Choiseul  (Bishop  of  Comminges) , 

259  n.,  290,  298,  299. 
Chri.stine    (Queen   of   Sweden), 

140. 
Cibo,  Alderano,  Cardinal,  186. 
Ciria,  Angelo  Maria    (Servite), 

268. 
Clanricarde,  Lord,  165,  172. 
Colbert,  J.  B.,  4. 
CoUicola,  15. 

Colonna,  the  Family  of,  373. 
Colonna,  Anna,  56. 
Colonna,  Cardinal,   15,   iS,   19, 

56,  69,  180. 
Conde,    Henry     Prince     of,    4, 

216,  252.  331. 
Condren  (General  of  Oratorians) , 

224. 
Contarini,  Alvisc,  Cardinal,  96, 

98,  100,  125,  353,  355,  360. 
Contarini,  Angelo,  252. 
Contelori,  Felice,  352. 
Coote     (Parliament     General), 

167. 
Cornaro,     I'ederigo.     Cardinal, 

15.  69,  352.  383- 


460 


INDEX    OF   NAMES. 


Corneille,  3. 

Cornet,     Syndic,     234,     240-4, 

261. 
Corrado,  Jacopo,  Cardinal,  188. 
Corsini,  Neri  (nuncio),  66,  67. 
Cortona,    Pietro    da,     17,    28, 

65,  391,  402. 
Costa,    Juan    da    (Dominican), 

198. 
Costaguti,  Vincenzo,  Cardinal, 

15- 
Cottington,  Lord,  151. 
Crane  (envoy),   115. 
Crelly  (Cist.  Abbot),  168. 
Crescenzi,  Cardinal,  15,  16. 
Crocius  of  Marburg,  139. 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  143-152,  167- 

171. 
Cueva,   Cardinal,    15,    16,    303, 

310. 
Cunha,  Nuno  da,  77. 
Cyril  of  Alexandria,    St.,   8. 

Dabert  (Jesuit),  223. 
Damasus  I.,  Pope,  286. 
Dares,  Professor,  244. 
Daubray,  Frangois,  215. 
Dechamps,     Etienne      (Jesuit), 

228. 
Delbene    (Bishop    of    Orleans), 

259   n. 
Delbene,  Bartholomew  (Bishop 

of  Agen),  259  n. 
Depretis  V.  (General  of  Augus- 

tinians),   268-271. 
Descartes,  Rene,  3. 
Desmares  (Oratorian),  275,  276. 
Despruets,  Bernard  (Bishop  of 

Saint-Papoul),  259  n. 
Diaz,  Manuel  (Jesuit),  201. 
Digby,     Kenelm,       157,       160, 

161. 
Dinet,    Jacques    (Jesuit),    254, 

256. 
De  Dominis,  Marcantonio,  233. 
Donghi,  Cardinal,   15. 
Due,  Fronton  du,  3. 
Duchesne,  234. 
Duhamel,  Henri,  217,  223. 
Durazzo,     Marcello,     Cardinal, 

15- 


Elce,  Scipione  d',  Cardinal 
(Archbishop  of  Pisa),  133, 
140,   361. 

Elizabeth  of  Bourbon  (Queen 
of  Spain),  87. 

Elizabeth,     Stuart     (Princess), 

155- 
Ernest,    Landgrave     of    Hesse 

Rheinfels,   137-140. 
Espada,  Cardinal,  202. 
Estampes  de  Valen9ay,  Achille 

d',   15.  23,  56,  58. 
Estampes  de  Valen9ay,   Henri 

d',  66,  71. 
Este,  Rinaldo  d'.  Cardinal,  1,8, 

58-62,  70,  261. 
Eudes,  Jean,  178. 
Eugene  IV.,  Pope,  387. 
Evelyn,  John,  382. 

Fabriano,  Gentile  da  (artist), 

389- 
Facchinetti,  Cardinal,  23. 
Fairfax,  General,   147. 
Falconieri,  Cardinal,  15. 
Falda  (engraver),   400. 
Fancelli,    Giacomo   Antonio 

(sculptor),  405. 
Farnese,  Camilla,  392. 
Farnese,       Francesco       Maria, 

Cardinal,  186. 
Farnese,       Ranuccio      (D.      of 

Parma),    369,    370,    390. 
Fasli,  Pasha,  361. 
Fenelon    (Archbishop  of  Cam- 

brai),  3. 
Ferdinand     H.,     Emperor,     i, 

58.  313- 
Ferdinand  IIL,  Emperor,  114- 

16,  119,  120,  132,  134,  313. 
Fermat,  Pierre,  3. 
Ferrata,  Ercole  (sculptor),  379. 
Ferri,   Ciro   (artist),   402. 
Feydeau,  220. 
Filleau,  Advocate,  295. 
Filomarino,    Cardinal,    16,    79- 

82. 
Fisher    (Jesuit),    213. 
Fleury,  Francois  de,  225. 
Fontenay-Mareuil,  Marquis  de, 

61-3,  81-3. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


461 


Foscarini,  Pier  (envoy),  360. 
Four,  du  (Dominican),  250. 
Frangipani,  the  Family,  373. 
Friedrich,  Landgrave  of  Hesse, 

t88. 
Frederick    William    (Duke    of 

Brandenburg),  98,  100. 
Froidmont,      L.      (Fromondus- 

Fromond),    302-314,     335, 

34  3 -^J- 
Fuensaldana.  Count,  319,  348. 
Fulgentius,  272. 
Fustado,     Francesco     (Jesuit), 

201. 

Gabrielli,     Giulio,     Cardinal, 

15.   22. 
Gaetani,  Francesco  (Archbishop 

of  Rhodes),  42,  91-3. 
Gan,  Clement  (Dominican),  201. 
Gatta,  Carlo  della,  60,  61. 
Gault,  Jean  Baptiste   (Bishop). 

224. 
Gavazzi,     Modestus     (Francis- 
can), 268. 
Genoino,  Giulio,  80. 
George,    Christian    (Landgrave 

of  Hesse),  137. 
Georg,    Frederick   Philipp   von 

Greishcim,   137. 
Guarda,   Cristoforo    (Bishop  of 

Castro),  370. 
Ginetti,  IVIarzio,  Cardinal,  190, 

202,  265,  277. 
Giotto,  390. 

Giustiniani,  the  Family,  373. 
Giustiniani,  Giovanni  (envoy), 

73,  78,  146,  362-5. 
Giustiniani,    Orazio,    Cardinal, 

51,  186. 
Giustiniani,  Olimpiuccia,  92. 
Glamorgan,  Earl  of  Raglan,  q.v. 
Godeau,     Antony     (Bishop    of 

Grasse),   262,   285-7. 
Godefroi,  370. 
Gondi,      Jean      Fran9ois      de, 

Cardinal  von  de  Rctz. 
Gondrin,  L.   H.  de   Pardaillon 

(Archbishop  of  Sens),  215, 

259  n.,  291,  295-g. 
Gookin,  175. 


Gottschalk,  240. 

Grande,  Antonio  del,  395. 

Gregory  XHL,  Pope,  210,  257, 

273,  40S. 
Gregory  XV.,  Pope,  16,  26,  190, 

210. 
Gregory  of  S.  Vincent,  349. 
Gremonville,    M.    de,    49,    50, 

75.  76,  357- 

Grillet,  Jean  (Jesuit),  207. 

Grimaldi,     Cardinal,     15,     19, 
23.  56,  59,  85,  234. 

Grimaldi,   Francesco   (archi- 
tect), 400. 

Grimani,  Battista,  361. 

Gualteri,  Carlo,  Cardinal,   189. 

Guerike,  Otto  von,  2. 

Guidi,  Domenico  (artist),  386. 

Guise,  Henry  Duke  of,  84,  85. 

Gustav,    Adolf    (Count   of 

Nassau-Saarbrucken),  137. 

Haberkorn,  139. 
Habert,      Isaac      (Bishop      of 
Vabres),      227-233,      253, 

257-9- 
Hallier,     Fran9ois,     243,     244, 

263-5,  268,  274,  275,  283, 

292-300. 
Harlay,    Fran9ois   (Archbishop 

of  Rouen),  256,  297  n. 
Haro,  Luis  de,  88. 
Harrach,  Cardinal,  15,   18,  24, 

134- 
Henry  VIII.,  King  of  England, 

179. 
Henrietta,     Maria,     Queen    of 

England,    156,    157,    160, 

164. 
Henschen,    Gottfried     (Jesuit), 

349- 
Hcrsent    (ex    Oratorian),    250, 

261. 
Hilerin,  217. 
Hoist,  Lukas,  140. 
Holzhauser,  Bartholomew,  17S. 
Hovvnc,  d',  318-321,  325,  330, 

348- 
Hughes,  Canon,  323. 
Huygens   (scientist),  4. 
Huyssens  (architect),  349. 


462 


INDEX    OF   NAMES. 


Imbene,  Tommaso  (Theatine), 
268. 

Imperiale,  Lorenzo,  Cardinal, 
189. 

Inchiquin     (Parliamentary 
General),  166,  169. 

Infantado,  Duke  of  (Spanish 
Ambassador),  42,  74,  181. 

Ingoli,  Francesco  (Secretary  of 
Propaganda),  190,  191. 

Innocent  VIII.,  Pope,  23. 

Innocent  X.,  Pope,  passim. 

Innocent  XL,  Pope,  6,  9-12. 

Innocent  XII.,  Pope,  11, 
411. 

Innsbruck,    Claudia    (Arch- 
duchess of),   88. 

Ireton  (Parliamentary  General), 
170. 

Isidore  of  St.  Joseph  (Carme- 
lite), 334- 

Jansenius,  Cornelius,  217-223, 
226,  228,  238-249,  253- 
262,  267-281,  286-8,  295- 
305.      309-328,      336-347. 

John  Augustine  of  the  Nati- 
vity, 268. 

John      Frederick      (Duke       of 
Brunswick    Luneberg), 
137-9,  184. 

John  of  St.  Thomas,  300. 

John  IV.   (King  of  Braganza), 

74.  78. 

Joisel,  264,  274. 

Jones  (Parliamentary  General), 
165,  167-8. 

Joseph  III.  (Maronite  Pat- 
riarch),  195. 

Juan,  Don  (son  of  Philip  IV.), 
Si,  89. 

Kepler,  2. 

Kinscot    (Chancellor    of    Bra- 
bant), 319. 
Kircher,    Athanasius     (Jesuit), 

403- 
Klesl,  Cardinal,  69. 
Kuaringen,  Henry  von  (Bishop 

of  Augsburg),  10 r. 


Labadie,  Jean  (Jesuit),  223. 

Labbe,  3. 

Ladislaus     (King    of    Poland), 

138. 
Lafontaine,  Jean  de,  3,  9  n. 
Lagault,  264,  275,  281,  287. 
Lalane,  Doctor,   262,  276. 
Lamberg,  Leopold  Joseph  von, 

II.5- 

Lante,  Cardinal,  15,  16,  59,  180. 

Lapide,  Cornelius  a,  349. 

Lauri,  Baldassare  (artist),  17. 

Lauri,  Francesco  (artist),  17. 

Laval,  Francois  de  Mont- 
morency, 193,  214. 

Leibnitz    (philosopher),    2. 

Leonardi   (artist),   344. 

Leo  the  Great,  Pope  St.,  385. 

Leo  X.,  Pope,  28,  397. 

Leopold  (Prince  of  Florence), 
181. 

Leopold,  Williani  (Archduke 
of  Netherlands),   312-325, 

341.  348- 
Le  Roux,  240.  • 
Lescot,     Jacques     (Bishop     of 

Chartres),  297  n.,  298. 
Lessius,  349. 
Le  Sueur  (artist),  3. 
Leuxselring,  Johann,  loi,  117. 
Lingendes,  Claude  de  (Jesuit), 

228. 
Lionne,  Hugues  de,  72. 
Lippay,     George     (Primate    of 

Hungary),  135. 
Loisel,  243. 

Lomellini,  Gian  Girolamo,  Car- 
dinal,   188. 
Longueville,  Duke  of,  104,  121. 
Lope  (Spanish  poet),  2. 
Lorrain,  Claude  (artist),  3. 
Le  Loup,  Christian,  311. 
Louvois,  4. 
Ludlow     (Parliamentary 

General),  170. 
Ludovisi,  Alessandro  (Gregory 

XV.),  26. 
Ludovisi,    Ludovico,  Cardinal, 

89,  378,  391- 
Ludovisi,   Niccolo,   Prince,    33, 
40.  48,  57.  61,  353,  360,  403. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


463 


Ludovisi,  Princess,  Oz. 

Louis  XIII.,   King  of  France, 

3- 
Louis   Xl\'.,    King  of   France, 

3-13,  68,  85,  164,  285. 
Lugo,    Juan   de.   Cardinal,    15, 

21,  23,  56,   180,  231,  232, 

265. 
Lunghi,     Martino      (architect), 

383.   39^- 
Luther,  Martin,  i,  139. 
Lutti,  secret.,  229. 

Machiavelli,  Cardinal,  5. 
Maculano,  Vincenzo,  Cardinal, 

i6,   21,   23,    180,   265. 
Maderno,  Carlo,  385,  410. 
Magni,     Valerian     (Capuchin), 

134.  139- 

Magnoni,  Valentino  (Jesuit), 
20. 

Maidalchini,  Andrea,  375. 

Maidalchini,  Francesco,  Car- 
dinal, 39,  180,  187. 

Maidalchini,  Olimpia,  32-4, 
35-41.  44-6,  62,  92, 
181-9,    279,    375-9,     397. 

403- 
Maini,  Giambattista  (sculptor), 

379- 
Malatesta  of  Baglione,  371. 
Malatesta  of  Goligiano,  371. 
Mancini,   Francesco,  92,  93. 
Manessier,  275. 
Mangelli,  Andrea,  330-6,  341-7, 

350. 
Maratta,    Carlo    (artist),    372, 

39-2. 
Marca,   Pierre  dc   (Archbishop 

of  Toulouse),   285-7,   297. 
Marco,  Antonio  (Capuchin  Proc. 

Gen.),  268. 
Margaret  of  Savoy,  181. 
Mari,   Giovan  Antonio   (sculp- 
tor), 408. 
Maria,  Princess  (sister  of  Philip 

IV.),  88. 
Marianne,  d.  of  Ferdinand  III., 

88,  89,  181,  313. 
Maria    Anne    (Princess   of 

W'iirttemberg),   137. 


Marie  Louise  of  Gonzaga- 
Clevcs  (Queen  of  Poland), 
22  s . 

Marini,  Domenico  (Archbishop 
of  Avignon),  69,  70,  92. 

Marten,  148,  149. 

Martinez,  300. 

Marucelli,     Paolo     (Architect), 

383- 
Masaniello,  79,  So. 
Massari  (Duke  of  Fermo),  162, 

189,  191. 
Massilon  (poet),  3. 
Massimo,  Camillo,  91-3. 
Mattel,    Cardinal,    15,    16,    18, 

20,  22. 
Matthias  (Prince  of  Tuscan^-), 

181. 
Maximilian    of    Bavaria,    loi, 

103,    112,   115-121. 
Mazarin,    Jules,   Cardinal,    13- 

22,  48-75,   78.   84-6,   128, 

156,    157.    187,   216,   222- 

236,  284,  297,  357,  360,  392. 
Mazarin,  Michel,  Cardinal,  49, 

50,  58,  63,  64,  187. 
Medici,    Francesco   Maria   de'. 

Cardinal,    15,    16,    18,    76, 

186. 
Medina  de  las  Torres,  Duke  of, 

77- 
Melzi,  Camillo,  Cardinal,  103. 
Mesplede  (Dominican),  225. 
Meynell,  Robert,  151,  152. 
Michelangelo,   395. 
Minden,    iii. 
Mignard  (artist),  374. 
Mole,  President,  243,  244. 
Moliere,  J.  B.,  3. 
Molina,  Luis  (Jesuit),  219,221, 

262,  303,  327,  350. 
Monk,  General,  165,  167. 
Monroe,  General,    155. 
Montalto,  Cardinal,  15,  89. 
Montchal,  Charles  (Archbishop 

of  Touk)Use),  225,  255. 
Monteiro,    Nicholas    (Prior    of 

Sodofeita),  74,  76. 
Monti,  Cardinal,  15,  16. 
Morales,  J.  B.  de  (Dominican), 

201-5. 


464 


INDEX    OF   NAMES. 


Morgan,    Major,    M.P.,    174. 
Morin,  Jean,  3. 
Mortelle  (advocate),  331. 
Mothe-Hondencourt,  Henri  de 

la     (Bishop     of     Rennes), 

297  n. 
Murillo,  2. 
Muskerry,  164. 
Mutale  (King  of  Ceylon),  198. 

Nani,  Giovanni  (Venetian  en- 
voy), 53. 

Najera  y  Maqueda,  Duke  of, 
89. 

Napoleon,   Bonaparte,  9. 

Navarro,  348. 

Nini,  Paolo,  33. 

Noirmoutiers,   Marquis  of,   61. 

Odescalchi,  Benedetto,  Car- 
dinal, 186. 

Olier,  Jean  Jacques,  220,  221, 
226. 

Oliva,  John  Paul  (Jesuit),  378. 

Olivares,  26,  128. 

Omodei,  Luigi  A.,  Cardinal, 
188. 

Onate,      Count,      73,     77,     Si, 

85- 
O'Neill,  Eugene,  General,  158, 

162-6,  170. 
Ormond    (Viceroy  of   Ireland), 

153-166,   168,   172. 
Orsini,  the  Family,  373. 
Orsini,  Cardinal,  15. 
Orsini,  Virginio,  373. 
Othenin,  Henri  d".  Canon,  335. 
Ottoboni,       Pietro,       Cardinal 

(Alexander  VIII.),  188. 
Oxenstjerna,  Axel,  120. 

Paepe,  321. 

Palafox  y  Mendoza,   Juan 

(Bishop),  207-213. 
Pallavicino,    Sforza,    Cardinal, 

47,  96,  102,  107,  268-271, 

381. 
Paladan,  Michel  (Augustinian), 

338. 
Pamfili,    the    Family    of,    373, 
393,  408,  410. 


Pamfili,  Agata,  24,  44. 
Pamfili,  Alessandro,  24. 
Pamfili,  Angelo  Benedetto,  24, 

397- 
Pamfili,     Camillo      (father     of 

Innocent  X.),  24. 
Pamfili,      Camillo        (nephew). 

Cardinal,  36-49,   186,  189, 

265.  277,  308,  375-9,  392-7, 

403,  409. 
Pamfili,  Camillo   (Astalli),   39- 

42,  187. 
Pamfili,  Costanza,  33. 
Pamfili,    Giovan    Battista,    15, 

16,    18,    19,    Innocent   X., 

q.v. 
Pamfili,  Girolamo,  24,  25,  43, 

44. 
Pamfili,   Maria,   m.   Prince 

Ludovisi,  33,  62. 
Pamfili,  Pamfilio,  24,  33. 
Pamfili,  Prudenza,   24. 
Panciroli,  Cardinal,  15,  35-41, 

95,   109,  231. 
Pannelini,    Giovan    (Inquisitor 

of  Malta),  355. 
Pallu,     Francois     (Bishop     of 

Heliopolis,  193. 
Papebroch,   Daniel   (Jesuit), 

349- 
Pascal,  Blaise,  3,  203. 
Passeri,  386. 

Passionei  (Papal  agent),  7  n. 
Paul  III.,  Pope,  I,  411. 
Paul  IV.,  Pope,  51,  411. 
Paul  v..  Pope,  259,  263,  282, 

285. 
Pacificus  (Capuchin),  213. 
Pazmany,  Peter,  Cardinal,  135. 
Pefieranda,  Count,   loi. 
Peretti,    Alessandro,    Cardinal, 

391. 
Peretti,     Francesco,    Cardinal, 

391- 
Petau,   Denis,   3,   218,   227  n., 

228. 
Philip,  Catholicos  of  Armenia, 

195- 
Philip  of  Hesse,  137. 
Philip    II.     (King    of    Spain), 

2,  6. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 


465 


Philip  IV.  of  Spain,  29,  73,  81, 
85-91,  164,  180,  199,  207, 
211,  308-325,  354,  386. 

Philippucci,   Francis  Xavier 
(Jesuit),  203. 

Pimentel,  Doningo,  Cardinal, 
188. 

Pique,  Bishop,  193. 

Pisanello   (artist),   3S9. 

Pius  IV.,  Pope,  387,  389. 

Pius    v..    Pope,     I,     16,     257, 

273.  354.  356. 
Pius  VI.,  Pope,  13. 
Plessis-Besan^on  du,   85. 
Plunket,  Nicolaus,  Baron,  166. 
Poirters   (Jesuit),  349. 
Ponce  de  Leon  (Duke  of  Arcos), 

79- 
Pontan   (Pontanus),   Rector  of 

Liege,  308,  343. 
Porissimi,    Claudio    (sculptor), 

405- 
Poussin,  Nicolas,  3,  28. 
Poussin,   Gaspard,   402. 
Preston,     General,     158,     163, 

165. 
Prosper,  St.,  272. 

OuESNEL,  12. 

Quiroga   (Capuchin),    no. 

Racine,  Jean  (poet),  3,  9  n. 
Raconis,    Abra   de,    216,    228- 

231- 
Raphael,  28,  386. 
Raggi,  Antonio  (sculptor),  405. 
Raggi,  Lorenzo,  Cardinal,  187. 
Raglan,      Herbert      (Earl      of 

Glamorgan),    154-6,    159- 

161. 
Rainaldi,  Carlo  (architect),  24, 

383.  387-395.  401.  409. 
Rainaldi,  Girolamo  (architect), 

383,  391,  401,  409. 
Rancati,  Hilarion  (Cistercian), 

248-250. 
Randoutt,  Valentin,  346. 
Rantzau,  Christoph,  Count  of, 

137- 
Rapaccioli,    Cardinal,    15,    23, 
56,  180. 


Rassenghien,     Baron     von 

(Bishop  of  Tournai),    312, 

315- 

Ravaille,  Reginald,  275. 

Recht,  316,  318. 

Recke,  von  der,  137. 

Retz,  Jean  Fran9ois  Paul  de 
Gondi,  Cardinal,  67-71, 
188,   215,   222,   283. 

Rhodes,  Alexander,  192,  193, 
198. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  7,  13,  64, 
224,   233,   237,   250. 

Richelieu,  Alfonse  Louis,  Car- 
dinal, 15,  18,  19,  23. 

Rinaldi,  Carlo,  182. 

Rinaldo,  Oderico,  17,  381. 

Rinuccini,  Battista  (Archbishop 
of  Fermo),  157,  159,  161-6, 
171,  189. 

Ripalda,  J.  Martinez  de  (Jesuit), 
228. 

Rivius  (Augustinian  Provin- 
cial), 338. 

Rocci,  Cardinal,  15,  16,  56. 

Rochefoucauld,  Cardinal,  15. 

Roma,  Cardinal,  15,  16,  245, 
265. 

Romanelli,  Giovanni  Francesco 
(artist),  402. 

Rondinini,  Cardinal,   15,  56. 

Roose,  Peter,  301-310,  314-18, 
326. 

Rosa,  Salvatore,  28. 

Rospigliosi,  Giulio  (Clement 
IX.),     87-91,     300,     306, 

317- 
Rossetti,  Cardinal,    16. 
Rovenius     (Vicar     Apost.     in 

Holland),  142. 

Saavedra,   Diego,   95. 
Sable,  Marquise  de,  220. 
Sacchetti,     Cardinal,     15,     i6, 

19-23- 
Sacchetti,  Marcello,  17. 
Sacchi,  Andrea,  17. 
Sagredo,   Niccolo   (Venetian 

Ambassador),  365. 
Saint-Amour,  240,  243,  261-4, 

267-276,  280. 


466 


INDEX    OF   NAMES. 


Saint-Chamond,    Marquis,     19, 

20,  22,  48. 
St.  Cyran,  216,  220,  224,  231, 

238,  243,  253. 
Sainte-Beuve,  238,  241,  242. 
Salette,  J.  Henri  de  (Bishop  of 

Lescar),  259  n. 
Salvatierra  (Viceroy  of  Mexico), 

209. 
Salvius,  117,  120. 
Sandoval,    Cardinal,    15,    93. 
Sanfelice    (nuncio),    178. 
Sangallo   (architect),   394. 
Sanguin,    Nicolas    (Bishop    of 

Senlis),  228. 
Santa  Croce,  Marcello,  Cardinal, 

188. 
San  Vito,  Marquis,  22. 
Savelli,  the  Family,  372-394. 
Savelli,  Federigo   (nuncio),   14, 

19,   128,   129. 
Savelli,     Francesco,     Cardinal, 

187. 
Scarampi  (Papal  envoy) ,  156. 
Schacht,     Heinrich     (Lutheran 

preacher),  137. 
Schall,  Adam  (Jesuit),  200. 
Schega,  323. 

Schinckel,  John,  304,  305,  307. 
Schliiter   (sculptor),   408. 
Schonborn,     J.     Philipp,     von 

(Archbishop  of  Mayeuce), 

117,  120,  121,  130,  178. 
Schott,  Andrew,  349. 
Shung-ti  (Tartar  Emperor) ,  200. 
Schwarzenberg,  Count,  319. 
Scialac,  Victor  (Maronite),  195. 
Sebille,  Alexander  (Dominican), 

336,  337.  345- 
Seghers,  Daniel  (artist),  349. 
Seguier  (nuncio),  216. 
Seldon,  148. 

Semedo,  Alvaro,  201,  202. 
Senecey,  Marquise  de,  215. 
Sevigne,  Madame  de,  222. 
Sforza,  Cardinal,  55,  186,  378. 
Silesius,  Angelus  (poet),  137. 
Sinnich,  Johann,  229,  307,  308, 

321,  343- 
Siri,  Vittorio,  84. 
Sirmond  (Jesuit),  3. 


Sirvela,    Count,    19,    20,    75-7, 

95- 
Sixtus  v.,  I,  407. 
Solminihac,    Alain   de    (Bishop 

of  Cahors),  225. 
Spada,    Cardinal,    23,    42,    190, 

212,  261-277. 
Spada,  Virgilio  (Almoner),  282, 

288,  293. 
Spinola,  Agostino,  Cardinal,  15, 

16. 
Spinola,  Giovanni,  Cardinal,  15. 
Strada,  Famiano  (Jesuit),  385. 
Suarez,  303,  350. 
Sullay,     "  official  "     of     Paris, 

28S. 

Taafe,  General,  163. 
Taignier,  288. 
Talon,  Denis,  236. 
Tassi,  Agostino,  401. 
Taylor,  Jeremy,  146. 
Teodoli,  Cardinal,  15,  22. 
Thomassin,  Louis  de,   3. 
Tommaso,     Prince    of    Savoy, 

86. 
Torre,  James  de  la  (Archbishop 

of  Ephesus),  142. 
Torres    y    Rueda,    Marcos    de 

(Bishop),  210. 
Trauttmansdorff,  Max,    Count 

of,    101-7,    110-14. 
Triest,  Anthony  von  (Bishop  of 

Ghent),  326,  327,  335. 
Trevulzio,  Cardinal,  15,  18,  69, 

82,  92. 
Truchsess,  Cardinal,  100. 
Turenne,  General,  4. 

Ulrich,  Duke  of  Wiirttemberg, 

137- 
Urban  VIII.,  Pope,    i,    12-20, 

26-32,    51,    63,     74,     155, 
181,     190,     191,    201    seq,, 
273,    277,    348,    351,    366, 
382  seqq.,  411. 
Ursacius,  272. 

Vacher,  Philippe  le  (Lazarist), 

196. 
Valens,  272. 


INDEX    OF   NAMES. 


467 


\'an  den  Linden  (Oratorian), 
336. 

\'asquez  (Abbot),  332. 

\'ascjuez,  Gabriel,  303,  350. 

Vauban,   4. 

Velasquez  (artist),  2,  28,  31. 

Vcntadour,  Duke  of,  288. 

Vernulaeus  (Rector  of  Louvain 
University),  343,  344. 

Veron,  Fran9ois  (Jesuit),  239- 
242. 

Verospi,  Cardinal,  15. 

\'ervaux,  Johann  (Jesuit),  loi. 

Vialart,  Felix  (Bishop  of  Cha- 
lons), 259  n. 

Vianen,  Fran9ois  de  (Rector  of 
Louvain  University),   343, 

344- 
Vidman,  Christopher,  Cardinal, 

187. 
\  iete,  3. 

Vignola  (sculptor),  390. 
Vincent   de   Paul,    St.,    193-6, 

215-17,    226,    234,    250-7, 

288-292. 
Visconti,  Filippo,  268-272. 
Visconti,  Uberto  Maria,  368. 


Volmar,  Isaac,  no,  116,  117. 
Volterra,  Daniele  de,  389. 
Vorberg,  117. 

Wadding,  Luke  (Franciscan), 

268-271,  392. 
Wangnereck,    Henry    (Jesuit), 

loi,   108,   no,   114. 
Wartenberg,       Wilhelm       von 

(Bishop     of     Osnabriick), 

loi,  108-115,  121. 
Werm,    van    (professor),    308, 

343-6. 
Wetzhausen,  Count  von,  137. 
Winchester,  Marquis  of,  144. 
Winter.  168. 

Worcester,  Marquis  of,  154. 
Wright,  Peter, 

Xavier,       Andrew       (Jesuit), 
200  n. 

Yves    (Capuchin),   228. 

Zambeccari,  Alessandro,  360. 
Zinga,  Queen,  197. 


~~~i 

GAVLORD             1